CHAPTER XXII
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1876-1879.
Sir John’s annual leave was generally taken in the autumn, for, as he writes from Tangier to Sir Joseph Hooker,—
We visit England every year, but prefer going in the shooting instead of _the_ season, as to us, barbarians, we find English society more cordial in their ‘castles’ than when engaged in circling in a whirlpool of men and women in the ‘season.’ Our stay therefore is very short in town, and this will account for my not having given you a hail in your paradise at Kew. We probably go home in July; if so, and you are in town, I shall call either on arrival or return.
In the course of these yearly holidays he was entertained by many royal and distinguished personages, with some of whom he had become acquainted as their host at Tangier; but no record of any special interest is left of these visits in his letters. Thus in the year under notice, he was present at the Brussels Conference on Africa, by invitation of the King of the Belgians, who as Duke of Brabant had visited Tangier in 1862. In the following November he was the guest of the Prince of Wales at Sandringham, whence he writes, ‘The children clustered round me, and I had to tell many stories of the Moors. Captain Nares arrived and dined. We passed the night on the Arctic Ocean, and found it most interesting.’
Sir John always returned to the South before the cold set in in England. This was merely from dislike of a chilly climate, after years of residence under a Southern sky, and not on the score of health, as may be judged from the following letter to his sister:—
Ravensrock, _June 24_, 1876.
Thanks for your good wishes on my entering the shady side of sixty—_bright_ side I ought to say, for thanks to God I am as hearty and strong as I was twenty years ago, though I have no longer the speed of youth. Yesterday we had all the foreign society to play at lawn-tennis, and I flatter myself, though only my third trial at the game, on having been the best amongst the youngsters who joined the fun.
Eastern affairs boded ill for peace in 1876, and Sir John, always deeply interested in matters connected with Turkey, writes in July:—
The cloud in the East looks very threatening. I hope we shall not do more than insist on _fair play_. If the Christian races are able to hold their own, we ought not to interfere so long as they are not placed under the sway of Russia or other Power antagonistic to us. If the Turks succeed in quashing the insurrection, I hope our influence will be exerted to prevent outrages being committed by the Mohammedans. I do not believe in the resurrection of the ‘sick man,’ but I am convinced that Russia has done her best to hurry him to death’s door. When the Blue Books are published, we shall have much to learn, especially if our Foreign Office has to defend its present menacing attitude before the British Parliament and public. If England had looked on passively, we should probably have been forced into war.
But the crisis was averted.
‘Lord Derby’s policy in the East,’ he writes, ‘has astounded the foreigners. They all _without exception_ appear pleased to see the old Lion growl and bestir itself, and Russia “reculer” (“pour mieux sauter”). The policy of the latter was evidently the system of administering slow poison. I don’t think we can prevent paralysis of the patient, or his final demise, but we have done right well in showing that we cannot allow a doctor, who prescribes poison, to play the part of chief adviser to the patient. Let him live awhile, and the course of events may prevent the balance tipping in favour of our opponents in the East.’
Of Lord Derby Sir John entertained a high opinion. ‘I believe him,’ he says in one of his letters at this time, ‘to be a far better man and more thoroughly English than any of his Whig predecessors—except dear old Palmerston.’
In the following year Sir Henry Layard, Sir John’s former fellow-worker in Sir Stratford Canning’s time, was appointed Ambassador at Constantinople, and he thus writes to congratulate him on the appointment:—
_April 5_, 1877.
I rejoiced to hear that you go to Stambul pro tem.; for I have no doubt the appointment will be hereafter confirmed, and the right man will be in the right place.
As you say, it will be a very difficult post, especially as I fear in these days an ambassador cannot look alone, as in the days of Ponsonby and Redcliffe, to the course he deems would best serve the interests of his country—and I may add of Turkey—but he must seek to satisfy lynx-eyed humanitarians and others, even though he may know that the real cause of humanity will not be benefited.
If vigilance, tact, and decision can gain the day, it will be yours.
I am, however, very far from rejoicing at your removal from Madrid, and shall miss you much. Through you the evil machinations of the Don have been thwarted. Had you been at Madrid in 1859-60 we should not have had war in Morocco.
On the same subject he writes to his sister:—
Layard has gone to Stambul. He writes me that he has a hard task before him; he will have to work in the teeth of humanitarians who have done much against the cause of _humanity_ already, though their motives are no doubt good. I have said from the first, Russia won’t fight unless Turkey forces her. . . . Russia will get up another massacre when she thinks the rumour suitable to her interests and views.
And again later:—
I think Layard’s dispatch of May 30 excellent.
He has a most difficult task, but is ceaseless in his efforts to prevent atrocities. I have no sympathy with the Turkish Government, which is _detestable_, but I have for the Turks.
On the other hand, I consider the conduct of the Russian Government—which has been sapping and mining for _years_ through agents, Bulgarian and foreign, to bring about rebellion, revolt, and even the very atrocities committed on Christians in Bulgaria which she now comes forward as champion to avenge—as base, treacherous, and detestable; her sole aim being conquest. Never shall I have any sympathy for that treacherous and ambitious Power.
In the meantime Sir John, who still maintained his influence at the Court, continued unremitting in his efforts to abolish abuses in Morocco.
Just before going on leave in 1877 he writes from Tangier to his sister:—
I feel sorry to leave this even for two months, but am glad to have a rest, for as our young Sultan makes me superintend his foreign affairs, I have no rest. We think of leaving on the 28th. I have my leave, but I have so much work to get through I could not well start before then.
I am striking at the _Hydra_, _Protection_, which is depriving this Government of its lawful taxes and of all jurisdiction over Moors. Lord Derby is making it an international question, and has hitherto given me _carte blanche_.
Diplomatic operations proceed slowly in Morocco, and this question of the protection extended by foreigners to Moorish subjects, which Sir John had so much at heart, was no exception to the rule. To his great regret his efforts to combat the abuse were eventually baffled. But he foresaw from the outset that the prospect of success was never very great, and says:—
I shall fight the battle, and if abuses are maintained, and this Government is too weak and powerless to resist them, I shall fold my arms and await events; I can do no more.
To the same subject he returns in a letter to Sir Henry Layard:—
The Moorish Government have very strong grounds for complaint and for insisting on reform and the abolition of these abuses, which are extending in such a manner that soon all the wealthy merchants and farmers will be under foreign protection and refuse to pay taxes. . . .
In my reply to Sid Mohammed Bargash, which I repeated both in French and Arabic, I said that, though I had been thirty-two years British Representative and was in charge of the interests of Austria, Denmark, and the Netherlands, and though British trade with Morocco was greater than the trade of all the other nations put together, I did not give protection to a single Moorish subject not actually in the service of Her Majesty’s Government, or in my personal service or that of my subordinate officers.
The settlement of this question was one of the objects which induced Sir John to remain at Morocco after his period of service, by the new regulations at the Foreign Office, had expired. He writes to his sister in the spring of 1878:—
I think I told you that I was informed by Lord Derby that my term of service—_five years_ in accordance with decree of Parliament about Ministers—had expired, but that the Queen had been pleased to signify her desire that I should remain in Morocco, and hopes I shall be pleased. . . . I only agree to remain until I have settled the question of irregular protection.
The system of protection, as defined by treaty, was limited in its operation. But, in practice, the system was extended beyond all reasonable limits, and was capable of gross abuses and irregularities. By the treaties of Great Britain and Spain with Morocco, Moorish subjects in the service of foreign diplomatists and consuls were exempted from taxation by the Sultan, and from the jurisdiction of Moorish authorities. The same privileges of granting exemptions were claimed by other Foreign Powers, and extended to persons not in the employment of their Representatives. The results were, that the Sultan was deprived of control over a large number of his subjects; that many of the wealthiest traders, especially among the Jews, were relieved from all contributions to taxation; and that persons who were guilty of crime escaped from justice by obtaining a place on the privileged lists of Foreign Representatives. To such an extent was the abuse carried that, in Sir John’s opinion, the Moorish Government was, by its prevalence, reduced to a dangerous state of weakness. Moreover he felt that if the Foreign Powers surrendered the privilege of protection or submitted to its careful regulation, they would be enabled to bring the strongest pressure on the Moorish Government to carry out much needed reforms in the administration of the country. Unfortunately Sir John’s opinions on this question were shared by only a portion of his colleagues, and he saw that nothing in the matter would be finally achieved at Tangier. He hoped, however, that a more satisfactory conclusion might be arrived at, if a Conference could be conducted in some other country.
‘I have suggested,’ he writes to his sister in June, 1877, ‘to Lord Salisbury that there should be no more palavering at Tangier, where some of the Representatives have personal interests in maintaining abuses, but that a decision be come to by the several Governments, or by a Conference at some Court, a Moorish Envoy attending. As the fate of Morocco will greatly depend on the decision come to, and as its position on the Straits and its produce must sooner or later bring this country to the front, I have urged that my suggestion deserves attention.’
Sir John’s proposal was adopted, and a Conference was held at Madrid on the subject of protection in Morocco. But the result was not what Sir John had hoped, and he writes to his sister in June, 1880:—
There will be no use in my remaining to continue the imbroglio which the Madrid Conference has produced.
The French policy has been _je veux_, and the silly Italians, who really have no trade or interest in Morocco except to maintain its independence, backed the French.
British and other foreign merchants claim now the same privileges as the French, and they cannot be refused; so when each foreign resident in Morocco appoints a rich farmer in the interior as his factor, and this man is placed beyond the pale of the Moorish authorities and solely subject to the jurisdiction of a mercantile consul, living often at a distance of five days’ journey, you may imagine the rows that will take place, as these factors cannot be selected from angels, but from erring barbarians. However, as I said to a colleague, ‘My appetite has improved since I find my propositions have not been accepted,’ for now my responsibility ceases, and when affairs take a disastrous turn I shall say, ‘I told you so.’ It is sad, however, for I had advised that when the Powers conceded the just demands of the Sultan, it would be an opportunity for requiring that he should introduce gradually reforms in the maladministration of this country.
In another letter he hints at a different grievance which he sought to abate, but in this also old traditions and what may be termed ‘vested interests’ proved too strong for him and his allies:—
Lately we have had many meetings of Foreign Representatives, and I have had to waggle my tongue, and my throat has suffered accordingly. I have some trouble, being Doyen, and all the meetings take place at my house. We are trying to get rid of abuses and of the system of Foreign Ministers and Consuls riding roughshod over this wretched Government and people and compelling them to pay trumped-up claims. The German and Belgian are my coadjutors.
The commercial condition of Morocco showed signs, however, of improvement, and the Sultan evidently intended to take steps for giving security to the lives and property of his subjects. But these signs of increasing prosperity were doomed to be only the heralds of terrible disasters, as was foreshadowed in the following letter to Sir Joseph Hooker dated February 23, 1878:—
‘We continue,’ writes Sir John, ‘to progress like the cow’s tail, but one step has been made in the right direction. The Sultan is forming a body of regular troops, and our Government is aiding him by drilling squads at Gibraltar, who will act as instructors to the “Askar” when they have been instructed and return to the Court. With ten thousand regulars the Sultan ought to be able to bring under subjection the wild tribes who only acknowledge him as the Chief of Islam. There would then be better security for life and property. This I hope would lead to the development of commerce and resources of this country, but we travel at camel’s pace—I may add, a _lame_ camel.
‘There has been a great lack of rain throughout Morocco. The usual fall is between thirty and fifty inches; this winter since September only three and a-half inches have fallen. The country is parched in the South, all the crops have failed, and cattle are dying. In this province the crops still look green, and a little rain fell last night, but water will be as dear as beer in England if we have not a good downfall. We fear there will be famine in the land.’
These fears were realised, and Sir John writes to his sister that he had suggested to the British Government that his visit to the Court in the spring should be postponed, ‘as minds of Moorish Government will be preoccupied and my preaching and praying would be of no avail.’
In June he writes again:—
This country is in a very sad state. Robert[55] says the people are dying of starvation round Mogador, and cattle and sheep by the thousands. I see no prospect of warding off the famine, and fear that misery will prevail for many years in the Southern districts, as there will be no cattle to till the land. Sultan is said to be distributing grain. Wheat and other provisions are imported from England and other foreign countries. Bread here is dearer than in England, though the crops in this district are good. Robert has appealed to the British public through the _Times_ and Lord Mayor, but John Bull has doled out his sovereigns so liberally for Indians, Chinese, Bulgarians, and Turks, that I fear there will be very little for the Moor.
We have got up subscriptions here for the Mogador poor.
The famine was followed in the autumn of 1878 by an outbreak of disease, and in a letter, written in October on his return from leave, he says:—
Good health at Tangier; but cholera—or, if not cholera, some dire disease—is mowing down the population in the interior. At Dar-el-Baida, a small town with about 6,000 population, the deaths amounted to 103 a day! but the disease is moving South, not North. The rains and cool weather will I hope check the evil.
Great misery in the interior. There are reports that the starving people eat their dead. This I think is an exaggeration, but they are eating the arum[56] root, which when not properly prepared produces symptoms like cholera.
The closing of the port of Gibraltar against all articles of trade from Morocco had produced great distress amongst the poorer classes, and the arbitrary measures taken by the sanitary authorities at Gibraltar and the Spanish ports served to add to the miseries of the population of Morocco. In addition to these calamities, during Sir John’s absence the terrors of some of the European Representatives led to the introduction of futile and mischievous quarantine regulations at Tangier itself, which Sir John on his return at once combated.
‘There is good health in Tangier,’ he writes in October, ‘but I expect we shall have cholera before the spring. My colleagues during my absence had run amuck and established a _cordon_ outside the town, stopping passengers and traffic, fumigating skins, clapping poor folk into quarantine exposed to the night air, and other follies. As I said to them, “Why do you introduce _cordons_ in Morocco when you don’t have them in other countries? It is only a source of bribery and corruption. The rich get through and the poor starve outside. It is a measure which only trammels traffic and promotes distress.”
‘A Spaniard, guard of a _cordon_ at Tetuan, was killed, and there was nearly a revolution amongst the Mohammedans at Tangier. Then an order came from the Sultan to remove _cordons_, and saying Foreign Representatives were only empowered to deal in sanitary and quarantine regulations by _sea_ and not inland. My colleagues (except German—Belgian is absent) were furious and said it was all my doing, and they have been baying at me ever since like a pack of wolves, as the _cordon_ is taken off. The malady in the interior, whatever it is, cholera or typhus, is on the wane, but deaths from starvation are numerous.
‘Sultan is feeding some three thousand at Marákesh. Rain has fallen in the South, but cattle are dead or unfit to plough, and the poor have no seed. The ways and means of the Government are coming to an end, and the little impulse lately given to trade and civilisation will, I fear, be lost for years.’
On November 15 he writes again on the subject:—
The doctors at Tangier, Mazagan, and Mogador have now formally declared that the prevalent disease is not _cholera asiatica_, but that it has a choleraic character. The famished, weak, and poor invalids are carried off, but if a person in comfortable circumstances is attacked, a dose of castor oil, or even oil, cures them. This is not _cholera asiatica_. There have been cases they say at Tangier, but the mortality this year is _less_ than usual.
Gibraltar, however, continues its rigorous measures—thirty days quarantine—and will not admit even an egg under that. I see no hope for improvement until after next harvest. The poor must starve. These quarantines increase the misery, for they check trade, and the poor engaged in labour connected with commerce are in a starving state. The German Minister and I are doing what we can to relieve about three hundred people here. Robert relieves some 2,700 daily at Mogador.
It is pouring; what a blessing! All the wells in the town are dry. I send a mile to get water: two mules at work, and my water-supply must cost me two shillings a day.
Towards aiding the starving poor in the Moorish coast towns £2,600 were raised in London, and at Tangier in December Sir John writes:—
Last month six of the Foreign Representatives had a meeting, and we decided on raising a subscription to aid these wretched people to return to their distant homes. There are some four hundred. £60 was subscribed before the meeting broke up, and then we sent it on to the Moorish authorities and the well-to-do folk—Christians, Jews, and Mohammedans, and I believe the collection will amount to £250. Clothes are to be supplied for the naked, provisions for the road, and with money sufficient to exist on for a month, we send them off to their distant homes.
We take this step to free Tangier from a crowd of wretched people who have no homes, and who sleep in the streets under arches. You can imagine the consequences in our little town, which had become a model as far as scavenging is concerned.
Though in the Northern provinces the famine had sensibly abated, in the South there was still much distress, and disease was rife among all classes. On March 5, 1879, Sir John writes to his sister with reference to his son, then Consul at Mogador, who had already been dangerously ill:—
Again we have been alarmed by the accounts of R. The doctor who attended him reports that he had a brain fever, which finished off in typhus, brought on, as doctor said, by over-anxiety and work in relieving the famished people. He was, thank God, on the 23rd convalescent: fever had left him very weak, and he is ordered to proceed to Tangier as soon as his strength will permit him to move. . . .
The Italian Vice-Consul at Mogador died of typhoid, the French Consul was at death’s door. Poor Kaid Maclean is in a dangerous state at Marákesh. Several Europeans at the ports have died of typhoid.
The atmosphere is poisoned by the famished people and bodies buried a few inches below the surface or even left exposed.
We have sent off the poor, with aid from here, and as I happen to be President of the Board this month, I am attending to hygienic measures, and hope thereby to ward off the dread disease from this town.
A curious incident connected with this time of anxiety was recorded by Sir John. It is related here as printed in the _Journal of the Society for Psychical Research_[57]:—
In the year 1879 my son Robert Drummond Hay resided at Mogador with his family, where he was at that time Consul. It was in the month of February. I had lately received good accounts of my son and his family; I was also in perfect health. About 1 a.m. (I forget the exact day in February), whilst sleeping soundly [at Tangier], I was woke by hearing distinctly the voice of my daughter-in-law, who was with her husband at Mogador, saying in a clear but distressed tone of voice, ‘Oh, I wish papa only knew that Robert is ill.’ There was a night-lamp in the room. I sat up and listened, looking around the room, but there was no one except my wife, sleeping quietly in bed. I listened for some seconds, expecting to hear footsteps outside, but complete stillness prevailed, so I lay down again, thanking God that the voice which woke me was an hallucination. I had hardly closed my eyes when I heard the same voice and words, upon which I woke Lady Drummond Hay and told her what had occurred, and I got up and went into my study, adjoining the bedroom, and noted it in my diary. Next morning I related what had happened to my daughter, saying that though I did not believe in dreams I felt anxious for tidings from Mogador. That port, as you will see in the map, is about 300 miles South of Tangier. A few days after this incident a letter arrived from my daughter-in-law, Mrs. R. Drummond Hay, telling us that my son was seriously ill with typhoid fever and mentioning the night during which he had been delirious. Much struck by the coincidence that it was the same night I had heard her voice, I wrote to tell her what had happened. She replied, the following post, that in her distress at seeing her husband so dangerously ill, and from being alone in a distant land, she had made use of the precise words which had startled me from sleep, and had repeated them. As it may be of interest for you to receive a corroboration of what I have related, from the persons I have mentioned, who happen to be with me at this date, they also sign, to affirm the accuracy of all I have related.
When I resigned, in 1886, I destroyed, unfortunately, a number of my diaries and amongst them that of 1879, or I should have been able to state the day, and might have sent you the leaf on which I noted the incident.
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