CHAPTER XXIV

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1881-1884.

The monotonous tale of Moorish apathy is continued, only diversified by occasional gleams of hope that he had succeeded in rousing the Sultan to a sense of his position—a hope never fulfilled. Thus on January 19, 1881, Sir John writes from Tangier:—

Things are looking better in the interior. The Sultan has addressed energetic letters to all the Governors, rebuking them for the state of misgovernment, and threatening his dire displeasure if murderers and malefactors are not arrested and punished.

_Entre nous_, I have pulled this wire; but His Sultanic Majesty might almost as well have addressed me a letter on the state of Ireland.

Now I am at work for the revision of our Convention of Commerce, as instructed by the Foreign Office. Merchants of course expect much, far more than I can obtain. I am communicating with some who are very sanguine. I have pointed to the conduct of civilised Governments who reject liberal measures, and ask how they can expect ignorant folk like Moorish Ministers to introduce free trade.

And on April 7:—

I have worked up the Treaty, but cannot get the torpid Bargash to respond. All must go to Sultan, and His Majesty will require two months to consider.

The debt of Morocco to British Loan Contractors expires next year. $30,000,000 have passed through my hand as Commissioner. No pay: nothing has stuck. Alhamdulillah[59].

Returning from a brief holiday spent in Europe he found the old state of affairs unchanged:—

_August 30_, 1881.

We are quiet in Morocco, but there are rumblings. If the French make any rash movements towards Morocco territory we might have an outbreak of fanaticism, and then the direst consequences may ensue.

The Sultan is still marching towards Marákesh, ‘eating up’ his indigestible subjects, and thus preparing them to welcome the Nazarene.

Bargash has not returned, so nothing has been done about Convention. These Moors understand the value of _vis inertiae_. I am sick of them, and some day may strike work, for counsels are all thrown away on such a corrupt torpid brute as the present Uzir.

Ravensrock, _Oct. 9_, 1881.

I think the French will leave Morocco alone. They must bide their time.

The world does not form a favourable opinion of the result of the prospect they held out of introducing civilisation and prosperity. Instead we have murders, robbers, and the fanatical feelings of a quiet inoffensive people roused. A gentleman who resides in Algeria describes the treatment of the Arab population in the interior there before the insurrection, as being as hard as that of the poor people in this country.

Hundreds extort money and grind down the Mohammedans. I dare say we were as bad in India _years ago_.

Sir John was at this time more than usually despondent of the future of Morocco, for another of his favourite projects for the improvement of trade had met with a complete check. Ever since the Commercial Treaty of 1856 he had continuously urged on the Moorish Government the importance of allowing the exportation of grain. All his efforts were, however, without result until 1881, when a half-hearted trial of the new system was made. Unfortunately in this year a prolonged drought, with consequent failure of crops, resulted in a famine, and the superstitious Moors at the Court at once concluded that the Deity was angered at the innovation, and they therefore refused to renew the permission to export grain in following years.

The results of the famine were, in other ways, most distressing. The peasantry, fired by the prospect of a larger market for their grain, had greatly extended cultivation, and many square miles of land, barren before, had been ploughed and sown, and, with the usual improvidence of a poor and thoughtless race, they had raised money from usurers on their ungrown crops. Thus with the complete failure of these crops, nearly the whole population of the immense arable plains of Morocco were reduced, not only to beggary, but to absolute starvation.

Once more Sir John proceeded to the Court, and endeavoured to rouse the Moors to action.

‘We are off to-morrow,’ he writes on March 28, 1882. ‘H.M.S. “Salamis,” takes us to Dar-el-Baida, then we go to Marákesh by land. Sultan sends escort, &c., &c. to meet us. The French have preceded us, Italian and Spanish Ministers follow. These Missions are like locusts eating up the country, and, alas! no rain falls, and failure of crops and consequent famine are menaced. . . .

‘A fierce stand has been made against modification of the scale of duties by this stupid people. But I have other fish to fry at the Court. Sysiphus will continue to roll up his stone to the last.’

Sir John in this letter refers to the system of ‘mona’ levied on the provinces through which the Missions pass. In times of scarcity the tax falls very heavily on the unfortunate peasantry. The Kaids order much more than is required, and they and the dependants of the Mission often divide the spoil. Sir John always did what he could to mitigate this evil, fixing the amount of provision required, and appointing one of his staff to watch the distribution. Any surplus was sold by auction each day, and the proceeds given to the poor of the district. The Spanish Minister adopted the same system on his visit to the Court at this time.

The next letter shows him immersed in business at Marákesh.

Dar-Mulai-Ali, Marákesh, _April 21_, 1882.

I am so bothered with work that I hate the sight of a pen and ink, even when writing to those I love.

It is getting very hot here. In the shade about 80° (Fahrenheit) at 2 p.m.; but in our rooms, in this thick-walled house, 71°. We are very comfortable.

The Sultan is most gracious and flattering, but he wants to keep me until Dons and Italian Mission have come and gone. If so, we shall be here for a month more. The French Minister went away pleased, and thanked me for aiding him in getting satisfactory answers.

Nothing is decided about the new Convention. I find the greatest opposition to any free trade suggestions; but I hammer away, though I tell them my preachings and warnings have the same effect as the efforts of a man who attempts to fill a bucket which has no bottom, or at least a hole in it.

The Sultan has assembled twenty-five thousand men to go to Sus to open ports, as we advised. Crops and all vegetation have failed there and in other Southern provinces. We passed through stunted crops dried up; no rain. It is most sad; for the Sultan, following my advice, had encouraged agriculture—and in the grand rich province of Shawía, through which we passed, we did not see two acres of land uncultivated. Wheat is far dearer than in England; horses and cattle are dying; misery everywhere. I am trying to dissuade the Sultan from going to Sus, and urging him to await another year and better harvest. His troops will desert him and a revolution will follow if he should be compelled to retreat. _Nous verrons_ the effect of my advice. Everybody, high and low, is begging me to stop the expedition.

I have settled some affairs and others are in progress. This is an Augean stable, and I am tired of sweeping, as filth accumulates ten times faster than I can sweep. I tell the Sultan as much.

The Palace of Dar-Mulai-Ali, in which Sir John was lodged in 1882, has attached to it the following story.

Mulai Ali, the late owner, and uncle of Sultan Mulai Hassan, had been a great favourite of the people of Marákesh. A student, kind and just, he passed his time with the learned men of the city and in the great mosque, the Kutubía; the grounds of the mosque and the beautiful orchard belonging to Mulai Ali being separated only by a wall, some six feet high, having in it a door of communication.

One Friday, not many months before our arrival, the Sultan, his Court and the people of Marákesh were startled by hearing the ‘muddin’ cry from the minaret of the Kutubía—after the usual chant at midday of ‘God is great and Mohammed is his prophet,’—‘Long life to our Sultan Mulai Ali.’ The ‘muddin’ was seized and brought before the Sultan, and though put to the torture, all he would admit was, that God had inspired him and not man—and he was thrown into prison. Mulai Ali was also questioned by his royal nephew, but denied any knowledge of what had taken place—except that he had heard the cry. A few days after the occurrence Mulai Ali died suddenly—the Court said of apoplexy, but the people whispered poison, and the Sultan confiscated his property.

The house was really beautiful, with a great marble court and splashing fountain in the centre. The garden stood right under the shadow of the Kutubía tower, and therefore it was considered a special compliment that a Christian Envoy should be allowed to live there, though of course the door of communication between the mosque and Mulai Ali’s property was kept closed.

On the day of the public audience, Miss Hay rode with her father to the gate of the palace. There, as on former occasions, she was about to dismount, for, as a rule, no mounted person but the Sultan is allowed within the palace court. But one of the chief ushers came forward, and said, ‘Sidna (our Lord) desires you will remain on horseback.’ He then led her into the great court, which was lined with foot-soldiers, and ordering some of the men to stand back, placed her in front of them; himself, with several subordinate officials, standing as a guard before her.

Sir John, with the other members of the Mission, had taken up a position in the centre of the court.

Then from the soldiers the cry arose of ‘Long life to Sidna,’ which was caught up and echoed and re-echoed throughout the whole town of Marákesh. The large green gate, the private entrance to the palace, opened, and the Sultan, riding a milk-white horse, with his guard, umbrella-bearer and attendants, entered and rode up to the Envoy. After the interview, he passed near where Miss Hay was stationed, turned his horse so as to face her, and caused it to curvet and rear slightly, while himself saluting her. She acknowledged the salute, and the Sultan proceeded on his way to the palace.

This act of courtesy raised much comment among the Moors, as it was the first time that the presence of a lady at a public audience had been acknowledged by any Sultan. Next day the Uzir’s wife, a clever and very pretty woman, congratulated Lady Hay and her daughter on having won such a high mark of favour from His Sherifian Majesty.

On the return journey, Sir John writes from the camp at Kasba Jedída, four hours’ march from Rabát, on May 30:—

All wondrous well. Actually cold to-day, with a fresh wind blowing from the Atlantic: 74° in tent at 3.30 p.m.

Yes, some sneaking, jealous person put in the papers an unfounded story about my being stoned. The members of the French Mission did get into a row, and they had a lot of people arrested and flogged, and a poor woman came crying to me to aid her in begging for release of her husband. As to our party, all the Moors, high and low, wild and tame, vie with each other in showing us attention, civility, and hospitality. ‘Ingliz, you are just; you are kind; you are generous; we look upon you as one of us.’ These are the expressions of every one, including the Sultan.

My friend Diosdado[60] has gained golden opinions everywhere. ‘Kindness and charity; honour bright.’ He has won the good-will of the Sultan and his Court, and reversed the bad policy that existed. He and I were like brothers.

I think I told you I was behind the curtain to arrange the question between France and Morocco. . . . the chief object of my Mission is accomplished.

The basis of the Commercial Convention is arranged, but nothing will be done till the state of the country and prospects improve.

One hundred and two claims settled.

Señor Diosdado, mentioned in the foregoing letter, was the Spanish Envoy, who was at Fas on a Mission to the Sultan at the same time as Sir John. One of the members of this Spanish Mission was the Father Superior of the Franciscan Brotherhood in Morocco, a very able man, much beloved and esteemed by persons of all nationalities and creeds throughout Morocco, and whom Sir John had always regarded as a good and trusted friend.

When, after Sir John’s death, his elder daughter returned to Tangier in the spring of 1894, the Father Superior called on her, and expressed heartfelt sympathy with her and her family in their bereavement, and his regret for the loss to himself of an old and valued friend. He added:—

Your father always showed me great kindness and friendship, and never shall I forget how much I owe him for a few words of encouraging recommendation at a critical moment.

It was during my visit to the Court of Morocco, where I had gone with the Spanish Envoy. Your father had preceded us there, also on a Mission to the Sultan, and one evening, immediately after our arrival, I called on His Excellency with the Spanish Minister and some of his suite. Sir John happened to be in conclave with one of the Sultan’s most influential Ministers, but their conversation was suspended during our visit, and we were severally introduced to this dignitary. When presenting me, your father said, ‘Let me introduce my old friend Padre Lerchundi, and recommend him to you as a good man, a friend to the Moors and kindly to all. Believe me, you may put entire trust and confidence in him.’

This recommendation, added the Superior, assisted me more than any representations could have done from other quarters.

Europeans, who were ignorant of the nature of the people with whom Sir John had to deal, were prone to attribute the lack of progress throughout the country to his apathy. An English Company had been formed to carry out railway, telegraphic and other works in Morocco, and Sir John was asked to use his influence to secure concessions. He promised his aid and did his utmost; but, writing in 1883, after an interview with one of the projectors, he says:—

During thirty-seven years, having unceasingly worked to obtain all this for British subjects without success, I could hold out little hope that the Company would succeed so long as the present form of Government existed in Morocco and the Sultan’s venal Ministers remained in power.

I said, however, that he should carry out his intention of visiting the Court, and then he would be able to judge from all he heard and saw whether there was any hope of success; for people in England seem to be foolishly impressed with the idea that I uphold this Government in its rejection of all improvements and reforms.

The state of this country becomes daily more hopeless, and I do not see even a glimmering of hope for the future. Unjust claims are daily pressed on them, and protected Jews concoct false documents and extract thousands of dollars from the Mohammedans. I have warned the chief Jews that, if the Sultan dies and there is a revolution, the Mohammedans will not forget their wrongs, and there will be a general massacre.

I am sick of Morocco and its affairs, and am thinking seriously of taking off the galling collar; for I pull and pull, and the vehicle only backs. . . .

One of the Company formed for regenerating Morocco has started for the Court. I am glad; for the Company will learn, I expect, that it is not Drummond Hay who stops the way.

In 1883 the forward policy of France was already producing serious results in Morocco, which seemed in the near future likely to assume still more formidable proportions. Writing from London on October 4, Sir John expresses his fears of the effect of French machinations:—

The action of France appears to be that of paralysing all government and authority of the Sultan by covert proceedings, and, when anarchy takes place, then, perhaps, _la Grande Nation_ hopes to be asked by the civilised world to step in and protest.

In the following spring matters looked very serious, and, after his return from a week’s pigsticking at the ‘Lakes,’ he writes to his sister on the subject, after a short allusion to his favourite sport:—

Ravensrock, _May 20_, 1884.

We enjoyed our camp life during the first week of May, though for two days it blew an easterly hurricane, which spoilt our sport. Nevertheless fourteen of the enemy were slain. J.’s fine horse badly wounded; also the horse of the Basha’s son.

You will perhaps have seen in the papers contradictory reports about the state of relations between France and Morocco,—telegrams asserting that relations are broken off and flag hauled down; then telegrams declaring that the most friendly relations exist. The fact is Ordega has been blustering here and threatens to break off relations, to march an army across the frontier, to send a fleet and encourage the Sheríf[61] to raise the standard of rebellion and march upon the capital, and that a French force would cross the frontier and support him. All this to obtain the dismissal of Jebar, the Khalífa of Wazan, who was unfriendly to the Sheríf, the _protégé_ of France. Some one of Jebar’s dependants had called the Sheríf’s son an infidel for accepting French protection; upon which the latter seized the Moor and had him flogged and poured boiling water on him. Naturally, a few days afterwards he died. Then Ordega sent a Secretary of Legation to inquire about this, and the Sheríf’s son brought his witnesses to prove that Jebar had poisoned his own dependant[62]!

The Sultan refused to dismiss Jebar without inquiry. Then followed menace upon menace, and finally Ordega left for Paris. The French flag was hauled down, and all letters from Moorish authorities were returned by the _Chargé d’Affaires_. The impression of course left on the mind of the Sultan and of every one (except myself) was that war was imminent. I telegraphed to my Government, and so did my other colleagues. Lord G. telegraphed back that Ferry assured him the Governments of Morocco and France were on the most friendly relations, and that they had no desire to create disturbance. In the meantime the Sultan appealed to the Austrian, British, German, Italian, and Spanish Governments against the proceedings of Ordega in affording protection to the Sheríf, his sons, and thousands of dependants, and complained that he was fomenting insurrection by sending emissaries to all parts of the Empire to call upon the population to rebel against His Sherifian Majesty’s authority. No reply has as yet been given to this appeal, and the conspiracy continues, backed by the French. I think it probable, however, that Ordega has misled his Government and declared that he has not done what he has done; for he took care not to write his threats, and when a letter was addressed to him containing a repetition of all he had menaced, he would not receive it.

On his arrival in Paris an article appeared in the _Gaulois_ of May 8, signed by the Editor, making calumnious charges regarding the corrupt practices of all the Representatives (myself included) except the German. Then on the 10th, in consequence of the demand of a Spanish diplomat resident at Paris, the Editor retracted as regards Diosdado. I telegraphed to Lord G. that I required retraction and an apology to be inserted in the _Gaulois_: for the Editor openly declares that he has reported the language held by Ordega to Ferry on May 7, and subsequently communicated to him.

The Italian and Portuguese Ministers both wrote to their Governments to demand satisfaction.

S. takes it up personally, and threatens to call out Ordega if an apology is not offered.

Our days of Quixotism are passed; but my fingers tingle to box the fellow’s ears. I do not know how he can return here amidst the nest of hornets he has roused. . . .

Unfortunately, just at this crisis, i.e. on the 14th, appeared an article in the _Times_ which declares that England has no commanding interest in the political condition of Morocco, leading the reader to believe that the action of France is beneficial to British interests.

This leader may have been inspired by those who desire to prepare and mould the minds of the British public for the prosecution of their undoubted future, if not immediate, design of becoming mistress of the Straits and of the Mediterranean from Spartel to Tripoli, and perhaps hereafter to Egypt.

Should France annex or establish a protectorate over Morocco, the port of Tangier might be made a safe and well-fortified harbour for torpedo vessels and the like craft, and other harbours could be formed likewise to the eastward between Tangier and Ceuta. France and Spain would probably be allied in case of war, and our shipping would only pass by running the gauntlet. Gibraltar must fall or come to be of little value as a harbour of refuge. Nelson said, ‘Tangier must either remain in the hands of a neutral Power like Morocco, or England must hold it.’ Of what avail is it that we took our stand about the passage of the Dardanelles, and defended at such cost our free passage through the Suez Canal, if this end of the way to the East and to India can be stopped when it pleases France? Yet the _Times_ says, ‘we have no political interest in Morocco.’

This article is based on a letter dated May 12, addressed to the Editor of the _Times_ by the Secretary of the Anti-Slavery Society, wherein he dwells, and with strong grounds, upon the state of misgovernment, slavery, and other abuses in this country; but Mr. Allen is not always correct, especially when he speaks of my being ‘all-powerful,’ and yet intimates that I do not use my influence to good purpose.

The leader in the _Times_ says that (in the case of the man murdered at Wazan) ‘the action of France has on the whole tended to promote the cause of civilisation, good government, and freedom in a country which has long been a stranger to these blessings.’

Now I know not one single act of the French Government or its Representative in this country which has been beneficial to the cause of civilisation or introduced any reform or improvement in Morocco, and I defy any Frenchman to state them. The compulsory payment by the Moorish Government of numerous claims of French citizens and protected subjects has certainly been obtained, but that can hardly be regarded as beneficial to civilisation, unless the protection afforded to the Sheríf can be considered beneficent. If the proceedings of the Sheríf are not put a stop to, and civil war ensues, a state of anarchy will be produced, and probably a massacre of the unfortunate Jews in the interior.

This would benefit civilisation!

The form of Government in Morocco is the worst in the world. No officials except the Customs Officers are paid. The consequence is that all live by peculation, extortion, and bribery; or, in the words of a Moor describing the system, ‘We are like fishes—the big live by eating up the small.’ The population is reduced to misery by the avarice of the Governors, and the latter, who have to send twice a year large sums of money to satisfy the rapacity of the Ministers, are constantly killing the geese (the farmers) to get the golden eggs. No security for life or property, no encouragement to industry—and it is only a matter of wonder that the whole country is not allowed to lie fallow.

The people are a fine race; but, since the days when they were ejected from Spain and returned to Morocco to be subject to the rule of Sultans who are Pope-Kings, they have degenerated gradually and become a degraded people.

I am described by Mr. Allen as being all-powerful. If so, the inference naturally is that I have neglected to do my duty in requiring the Sultan and his Government to introduce reforms and improvements.

I have never ceased for nearly forty years to preach and pray, to urge and beg. My archives are full of notes addressed to Ministers of the Moorish Government, with suggestions and propositions for improving commerce, introducing railways, roads, telegraphs, mining operations, removal of restrictions on commerce, &c., &c. All this, however, to little purpose, for the venal advisers of the Sultan have no interest in reforms or improvements when they do not see a direct means of filling their own pockets. Promises are frequently made to me, but rarely fulfilled. I have lately received promises that the prohibition on the exportation of barley and wheat, now lying rotting in granaries, will be removed, and yet they hesitate and delay; and so it is with everything.

Yet I may conscientiously declare that the few improvements which have been effected in this country have been brought about through my representations and acts.

I have worked hard of late to obtain the revision of the Treaty of Commerce (of 1856), which has been agreed to by the Sultan; but still the old story of promise, pause, postpone, and then leave the matter alone.

I have frequently pointed out to my masters at home that if we consider it desirable that the independence and integrity of a neutral Sovereign like the Sultan should be upheld, so that the passage of our shipping through the Straits should remain free in time of peace or war, it is _our_ duty, it is the duty of _all_ those Powers who desire to maintain the _status quo_, to take a more active and decided part than they have done hitherto in requiring the Sultan and his Ministers to introduce reforms and improvements, and that the people of this country, who can be almost seen from the shores of Europe, should not be allowed to remain in their present degraded state—a disgrace to civilisation. But this is a totally different view of the question from that of allowing France to become the mistress of the great gut of commerce, where all our shipping must pass when bound for the East or for India, and to say to us _Ne plus ultra_.

Again on June 13, 1884, Sir John returns to the subject of French designs and British apathy:—

Papers will tell you much of passing events here, some correct, others, especially French, full of mis-statements. Did you see the _Standard_ of June 3?

It contains an admirable article and a letter from ‘One who Knows.’

John Bull ought to know what our insidious neighbours are about, though singing to our Government ‘Lullaby, lullaby,’ whilst preparing the mine which will explode when it suits their purpose to make themselves masters of the Straits and Southern coast of the Mediterranean from Spartel to Tripoli!

You will have seen in the papers that Ordega returned in an ironclad and demanded that the fort should salute the French flag with twenty-one guns before his landing, and that the acting Minister for Foreign Affairs and all the authorities should come down to the pier to meet him. ‘To hear is to obey,’ with the heavy guns of the ‘Redoutable’ pointed at this wretched town; and all asked for was conceded.

Yesterday a squadron of eight ships (!) arrived here; they remain, I am told, at the disposition of Ordega.

P.S.—Just as I closed my letter the French squadron left, and I got a note to say some arrangement has been made about protection to the Sheríf, and that the question of frontier is deferred. It will come on, however, before long.

For the time the danger, as the following letter shows, was averted:—

I said to a colleague the other day that man was prone to attribute to the machinations of the devil anything that was adverse, whereas the poor devil is the victim of his traducers; thus, I said, it is with me. Whatever goes wrong in Morocco is attributed to that _bête noire_—Drummond Hay.

I know not whether you have seen another clever letter of ‘One who Knows’ in the _Standard_ of 30th ult.

With reference to the last paragraph, I have to say that a great change has come over Ordega since the hurried departure of the French squadron (ordered by telegraph). He has altered his tone with the Moorish Government and the local authorities, and has told the Sheríf he cannot support the tribes who seek for his protection against the authority of the Sultan. The question of rectifying the frontier has also been abandoned, and the most solemn assurances are given to Italy, Spain, and England that France will not disturb the _status quo_, unless a state of anarchy takes place in Morocco compelling her to interfere. That is, however, the question. Insurrection has been prevented, and the Sultan has given orders for the chastisement of the disaffected tribes. This system of ‘eating up’ rebels, which you can remember in the time of the old Sultan, renders of course the Sovereign most unpopular with his unfortunate subjects.

With reference to the calumnious article in the _Gaulois_ to which he had called Lord Granville’s attention, he writes from London on October 18, 1884:—

I have just received a courteous private letter from Lord Granville, saying he had delayed replying to my letter as he has been in communication with Waddington; he asks to see me on Monday.

The result of the interview is given in a letter three days later:—

Lord Granville was very civil and kind.

Ferry shirked getting justice done by publishing a disclaimer. His Lordship agreed that a question should be put in the House of Lords. He only asked that Zouche should give him notice, and promised to reply in a manner that would be satisfactory to me. I gave him a full dose; outpouring all that was in my heart, both about abuse and my having been passed over in the course of my career by juniors—being told my ‘services were too useful in Morocco to be dispensed with’—and now, I said, ‘the public press declares that I am useless and stop the way,’ &c.

Lord Granville looked blandly at me, now and then making encouraging remarks, such as, ‘_Your character stands too high_ to be affected by the attacks of men like Monsieur Ordega, and that bankrupt fellow,’ meaning ———.

Before the subject was mentioned in the House of Lords, Her Majesty’s Government had given proof that they did not underrate Sir John’s integrity and good service, thereby affording him sincere satisfaction.

‘I think you will be glad to hear,’ he writes from Ravensrock in November, 1884, ‘that I have just received a note from Lord Granville announcing that Her Majesty has been pleased to confer upon me the G.C.M.G., “in recognition of my long and good service.” I confess I care little to add some letters of the alphabet after my name, but I am pleased at the discomfiture of enemies who have been plotting against me. My French colleague will have an attack of the _English_ malady, “spleen.” He is now treating with these unfortunate Moors at the cannon’s mouth.

‘An ironclad is in the bay to support his demands. He seeks for revenge, on account of the humiliation suffered by his _protégé_ and dupe the Sheríf, who is now treated almost as an outcast by the Moors of Tangier, and is called the Sheríf “francés.”’

The question to which Sir John referred in his interview with Lord Granville was asked by a personal friend in the House of Lords. It elicited replies which completely exonerated him from all the blame which had been cast upon him, and was made the occasion for the strongest expressions of satisfaction with his long and arduous services. The following passages are taken from the _Times_ of November 22, 1884:—

Lord Zouche asked Her Majesty’s Government whether any official denial had been published by the French Government to an article which appeared in the _Gaulois_ newspaper in the spring of this year wherein the editor accused several of the Foreign Representatives at Tangier of corrupt practices, and among them the British Minister, Sir John Drummond Hay, stating that he (the editor) had obtained this information from the French Minister at Tangier, M. Ordega, who was at that time in Paris on leave of absence; and, as it would appear that, owing to the fact of no denial having been given to those grave charges, other accusations were made by French journals which were referred to in English journals to the effect that Sir J. D. Hay had obstructed British enterprise and commerce, and had encouraged the Sultan of Morocco in his policy of resistance to all reform and improvement, whether there were any grounds for such grave charges having been put forward. Sir John Hay had been passed over by many of his juniors, and had now been upwards of forty years in his present post, and he and his friends thought it incumbent upon them to have some sort of public contradiction of these most unfounded charges and some sort of public vindication of his character.

Earl Granville.—My Lords, I think the noble lord has correctly stated the facts of the case. The editor of the _Gaulois_, it appears, accused Sir John Hay and his colleagues of most intolerable practices, and gave M. Ordega as his authority. Now, I am not sure that if I read such an article as this concerning myself I should not treat it with contempt and trust to whatever character I had. But it is a different thing when men serving their country in distant countries are thus unjustly attacked, for, as in this case, the extract from the French paper is copied not only into other foreign newspapers, but into English newspapers. However, after what has occurred I thought it necessary, at the request of Sir J. D. Hay, to make an application to M. Ferry, in courteous terms, that M. Ordega should be called upon either to substantiate, or retract, or to say that he had not communicated the article to the _Gaulois_. M. Ferry, in the first instance, said the _Gaulois_ was perfectly wrong, that no such report had been circulated by Ordega himself, and that he thought that it was hardly worth while to contradict a statement made in a newspaper which was well known to be so strongly opposed to the existing French Government. M. Ordega was, however, applied to, and he telegraphed to Paris entirely denying that he had communicated or inspired any such article in the _Gaulois_. M. Ferry took the view that a great deal of time had elapsed, and that it was really better not to call attention to the matter now. I have been in correspondence with Sir J. D. Hay, and the last letter I received from him, only a day or two ago, was to the effect that he was perfectly satisfied and that he should trouble his head no more in the matter. I am glad to be able to add that I believe there is no man in the diplomatic service more honourable or more energetic in the discharge of his duties than Sir J. D. Hay. The noble lord says that Sir J. D. Hay has been passed over for promotion; but I remember instances where persons employed in the diplomatic service have been, to use a homely phrase, kicked upstairs to get them out of a place where they were doing mischief instead of good. I believe it to be exactly the contrary in the case of Sir John Drummond Hay. He is most fit for the post he has held, and for that reason he has lost some chances of personal advancement. I really can only repeat in the strongest way that Sir Drummond Hay was quite justified in dismissing from his mind any imputation made against him, and I have great pleasure in adding that a short time ago the Queen granted him the Grand Cross of St. Michael and St. George.

The Marquis of Salisbury.—As the youngest and most recent of the foreign secretaries the noble earl has referred to, I have very great pleasure in joining with him in expressing the high estimation which was always entertained for Sir Drummond Hay by his superiors. Not only was the charge against him ridiculous, as it would have been against any representative of the Crown, but he is a man of singular integrity and patriotism, and a more able, progressive, and intelligent adviser does not exist in the diplomatic service. I always thought it a weak point in our diplomatic arrangements that a class of men like Sir Drummond Hay, of whom there are several in the service, who have special qualities for the particular post they occupy, cannot be rewarded as they should be rewarded without detriment to the public service, because by the rules of the service their rank cannot be increased where they are, and because they cannot be removed from the post they occupy without doing harm to the public service. I think Sir Drummond Hay has been more than repaid by the universal confidence with which he is looked up to and the very high esteem in which he has always been held. I think it is unnecessary to vindicate any English statesman against foreign newspapers, because their statements are, as a rule, absolutely phenomenal. I remember one statement in a foreign newspaper which informed us that the noble duke for whose eloquence we are waiting to-night was about to go abroad to spend the winter in the South of France with his well-known greyhounds; and I remember another such statement which informed us that a well-known statesman, and English Lord Chancellor, was about to receive some high honour from the Crown for his services as President of the Berlin Congress.

The Earl of Malmesbury and Lord Napier of Magdala also bore their testimony to the high integrity and character of Sir Drummond Hay, and,

The Earl of Derby said that he did not know any person in any branch of the public service more utterly incapable of such conduct as that imputed to him than Sir Drummond Hay. He had always known him as an

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