chapter I

on the differences between ancient (pre-Athenian) thought and

modern thought. The former he calls Undirected Thinking, the latter Directed Thinking. The former was a thinking in images, akin to dreaming; the latter a thinking in words. Science is an organization of directed thinking. The Antique spirit (before the Greek thinkers, _i.e._) created not science but mythology. The ancient human world was a world of subjective fantasies like the world of children and uneducated young people to-day, and like the world of savages and dreams. Infantile thought and dreams are a re-echo of the prehistoric and savage. Myths are the mass dreams of peoples, and dreams the myths of individuals. The work of hard and disciplined thinking by means of carefully analyzed words and statements which was begun by the Greek thinkers and resumed by the scholastic philosophers of whom we shall tell in the middle ages, was a necessary preliminary to the development of modern science.

[194] “For the proper administration of justice and for the distribution of authority it is necessary that the citizens be acquainted with each other’s characters, so that, where this cannot be, much mischief ensues, both in the use of authority and in the administration of justice; for it is not just to decide arbitrarily, as must be the case with excessive population.” Aristotle’s _Politics_, quoted by Wheeler, who adds, “Aristotle comes to the conclusion that the natural ‘limit to the size of the state must be found in the capability of being easily taken in at a glance.’” But Murray notes that the word Eusunopton means also “capable of being comprehended as a unity”--a very different and wider idea.

[195] Benjamin Ide Wheeler’s _Alexander the Great_ and G. D. Hogarth’s _Philip and Alexander_ have been very useful here.

[196] To the common Athenians, that is. But to many thoughtful Greeks the rôle of Macedonia in their future was a matter of earnest speculation. Herodotus (viii. 137) tells a long story of a prophecy by which the inheritance of Perdiccas, the ancestor of the Macedonian kings, was to embrace at last the whole round world. This was written a hundred years before Philip and Alexander.

[197] Goldsmith’s _History of Greece_. The picturesque disposition of the novelist rather than the austere method of the historian, is apparent here.

[198] But Phocis was treated in the same way by Philip and his friends in 346, and Mantinea by Sparta in 385. It was a regular Greek punishment of a city to break it up into villages; and as for selling into slavery, Callicratidas the Spartan, in the Peloponnesian War, was held to be very noble when he said he would not sell Greeks into slavery. Anyhow, the destruction of Thebes was due to the _Greek_ enemies of Thebes, who pressed it on Alexander.--E. B.

[199] Mahaffy. Their names have undergone various changes--_e.g._ Candahar (Iskender) and Secunderabad.

[200] D. G. Hogarth.

[201] The stages by which Bactria degenerated into Afghanistan may be studied neatly in the progressive deterioration of its coinage from a decent standard of Hellenic accomplishment into the vague flourishes of Orientalism; it began by displaying a Heracles of pure Greek blood and a pair of horsemen who would hardly have seemed out of place on the frieze of the Parthenon, and it fell steadily to a level of incompetence only equalled by the crude imitations of Roman currency that were being made in pre-Roman Britain about the same time.--P. G.

[202] Before that time. But such speculation was going on then. There is some interesting economic theory in Plato’s _Republic_, and Aristotle was writing the _œconomica_. Xenophon wrote on Athenian revenues and other economic matters. Thucycides wrote an excellent passage on the Greek past, and Aristotle dealt with barbaric customs.--E. B.

[203] _Vide_ Mahaffy’s _Greek Life and Thought and his Progress of Hellenism in Alexander’s Empire_, Marvin’s _Living Past_, Legge’s _Forerunners and Rivals of Christianity_, and Reinach’s _Orpheus_.

[204] The question whether the vivisection of human beings, or, indeed, whether any vivisection at all occurred at Alexandria, is one of considerable importance because of the light it throws upon the moral and intellectual quality of the time. One of the editors of this book was inclined to throw doubt upon it, as a thing antipathetic to the Greek spirit. The writer has taken some pains to find out the facts of the case, and he has been so fortunate as to have the help of Dr. Singer, one of the greatest living authorities upon the history of medicine. There are statements made by Tertullian (_De Anima_, chap. xxv.), but he was a biased and untrustworthy witness. The conclusive passage is taken from Celsus, who wrote during the reign of Tiberius, three centuries after the great days of Alexandria. “If you are to have one witness,” writes Dr. Singer, “you could hardly have a better. In my own mind I am satisfied with the evidence of Celsus, and I have asked Dr. E. T. Wittrington, our best authority on Greek medicine, and he also is satisfied.”

The following is a translation of the passage in Celsus, _De Re Medica_. One school says that “it is necessary to dissect the bodies of the dead, and to examine their viscera and intestines. Herophilus and Erasistratus adopted by far the best method, for they obtained criminals from prison by royal permission, and dissected them alive, and they examined, while they still breathed, the parts which Nature had concealed, noting their position, warmth (or possibly ‘colour’--_colorem_ instead of _calorem_), shape, size, relation, hardness, softness, smoothness, and feel; also the projections and depressions of each and how they fit into one another. For if there happen any inward pain, he who has not learned where the viscera and intestines are placed, cannot know where the pain is; nor can the diseased part be cured by one who does not know what

## part it is. Again, if the viscera of any one are exposed by a wound, he

who is ignorant of the natural colour of that part in the healthy state cannot know whether it be sound or corrupted, and therefore cannot cure the corrupted part. Moreover remedies can be applied more appropriately externally when the position, shape, and size of the internal parts is known, and the same argument holds for all the other matters that we have mentioned. Nor is it a cruel act, as many would have it, to seek remedies for innocent mankind throughout the ages by torture of a few criminals.”

Against this view, says Celsus, the other school argues that “to cut open the abdomen and thorax of living men, and thus to turn that art which concerns itself with the health of mankind not only into an instrument of death (_pestem_--lit. ‘a plague’), but (death) in its most horrible form, and this although some of the things that we seek thus barbarously can by no means be known, while others may be learned without cruelty. For the colour, smoothness, softness, hardness, and all their like are not the same when the body is cut open as when it is whole; and, moreover, even in bodies that have not been thus ravaged, these properties are often changed by fear, grief, want of food, or of digestion, fatigue and a thousand other lesser causes. It is thus more likely that the inner organs, which are more tender, and to which the light is a new experience, are changed by serious wounds and by mangling.

“Further, nothing can be more foolish than to think that any things are the same in a live man as in a moribund one, or, rather, in one practically dead. It is indeed true that the abdomen, with which our argument is less concerned, can be opened while a man yet lives, but as soon as the knife reaches the thorax (præcordium), and outs the transverse septum, which is a membrane dividing the superior parts from the inferior and called diaphragma by the Greeks, the man at once gives up the ghost, and thus it is the breast and its viscera of a dead and not a living man which the murderous physician examines. He has thus but performed a cruel murder, and has not learned what the viscera of a living man are like.”

Celsus’ own judgment is given a little later: “To dissect a living body is both cruel and unnecessary; to dissect dead bodies is necessary.”

It is to be noted, says Professor Murray, that Herophilus and Erasistratus were not living in a Greek city state, but under an _oriental despot_.

[205] Mahaffy.

[206] It has been suggested that new books were perhaps dictated to a roomful of copyists, and so issued in a first edition of some hundreds at least. In Rome, Horace and Virgil seem to have been issued in quite considerable editions.

[207] See Ferguson’s _Hellenistic Athens_.

[208] Serapis sounds like a compound of Apis and Osiris, but there is reason for supposing that the name is really of Chaldean origin. See Cumont, _Oriental Religions in Roman Paganism_.

[209] Legge, _Forerunners and Rivals of Christianity_.

[210] See for much light on the syncretic religions before Christianity Franz Cumont, _Oriental Religions in Roman Paganism_. This is a very able and thoroughly interesting book.

[211] Rhys Davids’ _Buddhism_ and other writings by him have been our chief guide here.

[212] Pronounced Ashoka.

[213] The _Burmese Chronicle_, quoted by Rhys Davids.

[214] The _Madhurattha Vilasini_, quoted by Rhys Davids.

[215] Rhys Davids, _Buddhism_.

[216] See R.F. Johnston, _Buddhist China_.--L.C.B.

[217] Hue’s _Travels in Tartary, Tibet, and China_.

[218] Rhys Davids. He was the son of a king by a low-caste mother.

[219] See Giles, _Confucianism and its Rivals_.

[220] S. N. Fu.

[221] Hirth’s _The Ancient History of China_.

[222] The reader will find a footnote to Chap. XXXI, § 8, signed L. C. B., which gives the main differences between the teachings of Confucius and Lao Tse.

[223] See Hue’s _Travels in Tartary, Thibet, and China_.

[224] A very convenient handbook for this and the next two chapters is Matheson’s _Skeleton Outline of Roman History_.

[225] For Italian pre-history see Modestov’s _Introduction à l’histoire Romaine_, and Peet’s _Stone and Bronze Age in Italy and Sicily_.

[226] See Lloyd’s _Making of the Roman People_.

[227] Latin _Pœni_ = Carthaginians. _Punicus (adj.)_ = Carthaginian, _i.e._ Phœnician.

[228] See Pelham, _Outlines of Roman History_; Mommsen, _History of Rome_; and the histories of the Roman Empire by Bury, H. Stuart Jones, and W. E. Heitland.

[229] Ferrero, _The Greatness and Decline of Rome_.

[230] J. Wells, _Short History of Rome to the Death of Augustus_.

[231] J. Wells.

[232] But note that Athens had (1) no taxes on foreigners, and inflicted no disabilities on them except absence of citizenship. No “expulsions of aliens” such as were regular at Sparta, and common in most places. This is a frequent Athenian boast. Cp. Thucydides, ii. 39, “Our city is thrown open to the world. We never expel a foreigner or prevent him from seeing and learning anything of which the secret, if revealed, might be useful to an enemy.” (2) Practically Free Trade; only a general 5 per cent. import duty. (3) Great interest in foreign places, constitutions, customs, etc. Athens was very oppressive--by modern standards--to its subject-allies; chiefly because there was no representation, and because she was so much at war. But even here, after her defeat in 404, they voluntarily gathered to her again. The second Athenian Empire was not in any way forced upon them.--G. M.

[233] Haverfield says--and I think he is right--that Rome had a great advantage in her imperial development--viz., that she was a city and not a nation. A nation implies some unity of race, and race prejudice. A city is based on the mere fact of citizenship. We should have said to St. Paul: “Citizen or no citizen, you are only a Levantine Jew.” But a Roman, apparently, did not think of saying so. Hence the great freedom with which emperors and senators are taken from other races.--G. M.

[234] The point raised here that Rome never developed representation is a very interesting one. There was a golden chance in the Social War (90 B.C.). The allies of Rome (socii) revolted, and set up a counter Rome in Corfinium. Now, to our minds, the obvious thing for them to do was (1) to make Corfinium just a capital; (2) to set up a parliament there, consisting of representatives drawn from the allies, who lived, of course, all over Italy. Not a bit of it. They made Corfinium a city state (not a capital), and feigned themselves all to be citizens of it, meeting in a primary assembly there. They also set up, it is true, a senate of 500; but this was just a copy of the Roman senate, and not a representative body (see Mommsen, vol. iii. pp. 237-8, Eng. trans.). Under the Roman Empire there were germs of representation in provincial assemblies: see Bury, _Student’s Roman Empire_, on the _concilium Lugdunense_ in Gaul and τἁ κοιγἁ in Asia Minor.--E. B.

[235] Seyffert’s _Dictionary of Classical Antiquities_. (Nettleship Sandys.)

[236] Aristotle, _Politics_, Bk. ii. ch. xi.; and J. Wells, _Rome to the Death of Augustus_.

[237] J. Wells, _op. cit._

[238] Plutarch, _Life of Cato_.

[239] Mommsen says the other provinces cost as much as they paid.

[240] But it was this Scipio Nasica who was responsible for the killing of Tiberius Gracchus. On the whole, he seems to have been a statesman of very distinguished abilities. He was the means of bringing the Asiatic Great Mother Goddess to Rome. “People at Rome generally were beginning to see that they would have to take over Asia. Had they any right? Nasica was sent on a mission to invite the Magna Mater at Pessinus to come to Rome. Her image nodded ‘yes.’ She was brought and installed in Rome. Now this is a policy of peaceful assimilation. Just as in Babylon you get gods of other cities brought to Babylon, just as Nabonidus (see Chap. xix. § 6) was trying to get an amicable pantheon as a way of peaceful assimilation, and failing to do so because he did not bring the priesthoods as well as the gods, so Rome was at this time thinking on the same lines. Camillus had shown the way when he suggested the invitation of Juno of Veii to Rome. Now Nasica, it may be suggested, wanted to treat Carthage in the same fashion. He opposed the destruction of Carthage in 146 (Mommsen, iii. p. 23, p. 39). If he had had his way, one may guess, he would have invited the Carthaginian gods to Rome, and the corollary would have been the enfranchisement of the Carthaginian population--the treatment of the Carthaginians as equals, whose gods had been received in Rome, and stood in Rome. Mummius did the same in carrying off the statues of Greek gods to Rome, only, being stupid, he did not understand why (146 B.C.).”

Nasica’s visit to Pessinus was as important as the testament of Attalus. His policy is not the policy of Rome the conqueror, but Rome the assimilator. He is trying to get a nexus by a common pantheon. If this had been done, the Republic might have survived. As it was, the deification of the ruler had to provide the nexus, as in Alexander’s empire. The “Synœcism of gods” or the “deification of rulers,” those are the only ways of amalgamating peoples. It is a pity Alexander and Rome did not attempt the former.--J. L. M. and E. B.

[241] The intervening Scipio was a man of learning and high character who died young.--G. M.

[242] Julius Cæsar (60 B.C.) caused the proceedings of the Senate to be published by having them written up upon bulletin boards, _in albo_ (upon the white). It had been the custom to publish the annual edict of the prætor in this fashion. There were professional letter-writers who sent news by special courier to rich country correspondents, and these would copy down the stuff upon the Album (white board). Cicero, while he was governor in Cilicia, got the current news from such a professional correspondent. He complains in one letter that it was not what he wanted; the expert was too full of the chariot races and other sporting intelligence, and failed to give any view of the political situation. Obviously this news-letter system was available only for public men in prosperous circumstances.

[243] Seyffert, _op. cit._

[244] Authorities differ here. Mayor says thumbs up (to the breast) meant death and thumbs down meant “Lower that sword.” The popular persuasion is that thumbs down meant death. Seyffert’s _Dict. Class. Antiq._ gives this view. See the _Encyclopædia Britannica_, article “Gladiators.”

[245] “A little more needs to be said on this matter. The Greeks cited gladiatorial shows as a reason for regarding the Romans as _Barbaroi_, and there were riots when some Roman proconsul tried to introduce them in Corinth. Among Romans, the better people evidently disliked them, but a sort of shyness prevented them from frankly denouncing them as cruel. For instance, Cicero, when he had to attend the Circus, took his tablets and his secretary with him, and didn’t look. He expresses particular disgust at the killing of an elephant; and somebody in Tacitus (Drusus, Ann. 1. 76) was unpopular because he was too fond of gladiatorial bloodshed--“_quamquam vili sanguine nimis gaudens_” (“rejoicing too much in blood, worthless blood though it was”). The games were unhesitatingly condemned by Greek philosophy, and at different times two Cynics and one Christian gave their lives in the arena, protesting against them, before they were abolished.

“I do not think Christianity had any such relation to slavery as is here stated. St. Paul’s action in sending back a slave to his master, and his injunction, ‘Slaves, obey your masters,’ were regularly quoted on the pro-slavery side, down to the nineteenth century; on the other hand, both the popular philosophies and the Mystery religions were against slavery in their whole tendency, and Christianity of course in time became the chief representative of these movements. Probably the best test is the number of slaves who occupied posts of honour in the religious and philosophic systems, like Epictetus, for instance, or the many slaves who hold offices in the Mithraic Inscriptions. I do not happen to know if any slaves were made Christian bishops, but by analogy I should think it likely that some were. In all the Mystery religions, as soon as you entered the community, and had communion with God, earthly distinctions shrivelled away.”--G. M.

The Spirit of Jesus is something different from formal Christianity, which I regard as the vehicle, the largely unsympathetic vehicle, by which that spirit was carried about the world.--H. G. W.

[246] _Greatness and Decline of Rome_, bk. i. ch. xi.

[247] There is no evidence of forgery and no contemporary suggestion of the sort. The bequest of Attalus, even if it was a forgery (Mommsen accepts it, iii. p. 55), is of importance, as showing that a great many people did think that Rome was the best administrator. Otherwise, the story (if it is only a story) could not have caught on. _A priori_ there seems good reason for the testament. The Attalid dynasty was “petering out”; there were troublesome Gauls about (Mommsen, iii. p. 53).--J. L. M. and E. B.

[248] Ferrero.

[249] Ferrero.

[250] Plutarch. To which, however, G. M. adds the following note. “It is generally believed that Sulla died through bursting a blood-vessel in a fit of temper. The story of abominable vices seems to be only the regular slander of the Roman mob against anyone who did not live in public.”

[251] Plutarch.

[252] The bow was probably the composite bow, so called because it is made of several plates (five or so) of horn, like the springs of a carriage: it discharges a high-speed arrow with a twang. This was the bow the Mongols used. This short composite bow (it was not a long bow) was quite old in human experience. It was the bow of Odysseus; the Assyrians had it in a modified form. It went out in Greece, but it survived as the Mongol bow. It was quite short, very stiff to pull, with a flat trajectory, a remarkable range, and a great noise (cp. Homer’s reference to the twang of the bow). It went out in the Mediterranean because the climate was not good for it, and because there were insufficient animals to supply the horn.--J. L. M.

[253] For a good compact account of Cæsar, much more appreciative of him than our text, see Warde Fowler’s _Julius Cæsar_.

[254] See Strachan Davidson’s _Cicero_, or, better, his own letters to Atticus.

[255] H. S. Jones, in _The Encyclopædia Britannica_, article “Rome.” His contribution is admirably verified and exact, and we are greatly indebted to it.

[256] The best book in a compact compass for expanding this chapter is H. Stuart Jones’s _The Roman Empire_.

[257] Gibbon.

[258] _Encyclopædia Britannica_, article “Rome.”

[259] See _Encyclopædia Britannica_, article “Longinus.” The Syrian queen referred to by Gibbon is Zenobia. Longinus was put to death by Aurelian. See ch. xxxii., § 2.

[260] The natural result of a plutocratic rule above was a vigorous trade-unionism intent only on short hours and high wages below, and as indifferent as the rich to the common weal. See Hubbard’s _Fate of Empires_, a very stimulating book, differing widely in its spirit and conclusions from those of the writer.

[261] See Legge, _Forerunners and Rivals of Christianity_.

[262] No really good, full, and popular descriptive history, with maps and illustrations, of early and medieval China, nor of the Mongol (Hun) and Turkish peoples, seems to exist in the English language. The writer has consulted Skrine and Ross’s _Heart of Asia_, Hirth’s _Ancient History of China_, S. Wells Williams’ _History of China_, _A Thousand Years of the Tartars_, by E. H. Parker, H. H. Howorth’s History of the Mongols, and has found much useful material scattered through Ratzel and Helmolt. He has later on made a useful section from Watters’ translation and commentary upon the _Travels of Yuan Chwang_, supplemented by the _Life of Yuan Chwang_, edited by L. Cranmer Byng. Yule’s edition of Marco Polo has also been a very inspiring source of material.

[263] E. H. Parker, _A Thousand Years of the Tartars_.

[264] Even in eastern Turkestan there are still strong evidences of Nordic blood in the physiognomy of the people. See Ella and Percy Sykes, _Through Deserts and Oases of Central Asia_.

[265] See Roger Pocock, _Horses_, a very interesting and picturesque little book.

[266] _The History of Mankind_, book v., C.

[267] _The History of Mankind_, book v., C.

[268] See _Migrations_, by Flinders Petrie, the 1906 Huxley Lecture of the Royal Anthrop. Institute.

[269] E. B.

[270] In Helmolt’s _History of the World_.

[271] E. B. disagrees with this view. He regards it as the pro-Teutonic view of the German historians.

[272] Gibbon.

[273] Gibbon.

[274] The spread and the vitality of the place-name “Rome” were even greater than the vogue of the title “Cæsar.” All the countries which had formed part of the Eastern and Western divisions of the Roman Empire (excepting the ephemeral extension of Roman rule over Mesopotamia) were known to the Saracens, the Arabs, the Berbers as “Rum,” and their peoples as “Rumis,” “Rumas.” And this name was applied without, in all cases, carrying with it the signification of “Christian” or “Christendom.” Thus the Spanish Moors were, and their descendants are, styled by the Moroccan Moors and the Algerians and Tunisians: “Rumas.” When expelled from Spain most of them took service under the Sharifian Emperors of Morocco, and brought with them a European knowledge of fire-arms. Thus you are told in Algeria that “Romans” (_i.e._ Spanish Moors) conquered the Upper Niger basin for Morocco in the seventeenth century; their descendants remain there till to-day between Jenné and Timbuktu, still known to the French as “Roumas.” Some Spanish Moors even penetrated to the coast of eastern equatorial Africa and carried the name of “Rome” into the fierce expulsion of the Portuguese from those parts which was begun by the Omani Arabs.--H. H. J.

[275] Josephus.

[276] See _Encyclopædia Biblica_; article “Jesus.”

[277] Matt. xii. 46-50.

[278] Mark x. 17-25.

[279] Mark. vii. 1-9.

[280] Mark xii. 13-17.

[281] Mark x. 35-45.

[282] For the connexion of Jesus with the Messiah idea, see E. F. Scott’s _Kingdom of the Messiah_.

[283] Hirth, _The Ancient History of China_. Chap. viii.

[284] “St. Paul understood what most Christians never realize, namely, that the Gospel of Christ is not a religion, but religion itself in its most universal and deepest significance.”--Dean Inge in _Outspoken Essays_.

[285] Authorities vary considerably upon this date, and upon most of the dates of the life of Jesus. See _Encyclopædia Biblica_, art. “Chronology.”

[286] See _Judaism and St. Paul_, by C. G. Montefiore, for some interesting speculations on the religion of Paul before his conversion. See also the very interesting paper on St. Paul in Dean Inge’s _Outspoken Essays_ already quoted in a footnote. An excellent book widely divergent from the opinions expressed in the text is W. Morgan’s _Religion and Theology of St. Paul_.

[287] Paul’s Greek is very good. He is affected by the philosophical jargon of the Hellenistic schools and by that of Stoicism. But his mastery of sublime language is amazing.--G. M.

[288] The spirit of Jesus, the animating spirit of Christianity, which breathes through the gospels, was flatly opposed both to private property and slavery, but the attitude of the Christians was never so definite. Generally they ameliorated rather than abolished.--H. G. W.

Patristic theory justified slavery as a result of the Fall. See Carlyle, _Medieval Political Theory in the West_.--E. B.

[289] Serapis was a synthesis of Osiris and Apis.

[290] See Legge, _Forerunners and Rivals of Christianity_, chap. xii. See also Cumont’s _Oriental Religions in Roman Paganism_ for a very clear account of the gradual development of Roman Paganism into a religion very similar to Christianity _pari passu_ with the development of Christianity.

[291] Cp. Father Hugh Benson’s account of the procession of the Host in his book _Lourdes_.

[292] In any prayer book of the Episcopalian Church. The Athanasian Creed embodies the view of Athanasius, but probably was not composed by him.

[293] Gibbon, _The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire_, chap. xvi.

[294] Here, from another point of view, are some remarks upon the acceptance of Christianity by the empire. Let us remember that the Church, an object so familiar to us, was to the decent Roman a very strange thing. It was a vast society for mutual help, quite outside the state and the recognized corporations; it was secret (hence the frequent inquisitions and the praise given by Church historians to those who “confessed Christ”); it drew its main strength from a class “not well thought of by the police, the proletariat of the big manufacturing towns of Syria and the Levant, like Antioch.” Alternately proscribed and connived at, much subjected to pogroms, it gradually increased in strength. Diocletian summoned his two associated Cæsars to a conference on the subject, and they decided to crush the society by a drastic persecution. They persecuted and failed, and Diocletian resigned. Constantine the Great, the next claimant to the empire, made terms with the society and succeeded. He established it as official, and overcame its hatred of Rome by showering wealth and power on it. Eventually, when in fear of death, he got baptized. All modern analogies are fallacious, but if you imagine a blend of pacifist international socialists with some mystical Indian sect, drawing its supporters mainly from an oppressed and ill-liked foreign proletariat, such as the “hunkey” population of some big American towns, full of the noblest moral professions but at the same time alien, or even hostile, to the whole established order of society, I think you will get the sort of impression that the Christian society made on a Roman. The conception of the blameless and saintly Early Christian is, I think, hugely romance. Of course, like most religious reformers, they were in the main seekers after righteousness and above the average of their contemporaries. Also the Christian writers are apt to have more life and vision than their conventional or reactionary Pagan contemporaries. But consider the appalling accusations made by all the Christian sects against each other, and the furious denunciation of the turbulent Christian monastics by Augustine. Also consider what a spirit lies behind the Book of Revelation! Read especially Chapters 17-19, a series of elaborate and horrific curses upon Rome (including repeated threats of its destruction by fire, which the Christians were believed to have attempted), or the end of