CHAPTER XXII

GOVERNOR FORBES--1909-1912

The trouble with this country to-day is that, under long domination by the protected interests, a partnership has grown up between them and the Government which the best men in the Republican party could not break up if they would.--Woodrow Wilson.

When Governor Forbes assumed the duties of Governor-General of the Philippines, some ten years after the ratification of the Treaty of Paris whereby we bought the Islands, he was the ninth supreme representative of American authority we had had there since the American occupation began. The following is the list:

(1) Gen. Thomas M. Anderson June 30, 1898-July 25, 1898 (2) Gen. Wesley Merritt July 25, 1898-Aug. 29, 1898 (3) Gen. Elwell S. Otis Aug. 29, 1898-May 5, 1900 (4) Gen. Arthur MacArthur May 5, 1900-July 4, 1901 (5) Hon. William H. Taft July 4, 1901-Dec. 23, 1903 (6) Hon. Luke E. Wright Dec. 23, 1903-Nov. 4, 1905 (7) Hon. Henry C. Ide Nov. 4, 1905-Sept. 20, 1906 (8) Hon. James F. Smith Sept. 20, 1906-May 7, 1909 (9) Hon. W. Cameron Forbes May 7, 1909- [490]

No one of these distinguished gentlemen has ever had any authority to tell the Filipinos what we expect ultimately to do with them. They have not known themselves. Is not this distinctly unfair both to governors and governed?

Before Governor Forbes went to the Philippines he had been a largely successful business man. He is a man of the very highest personal character, and an indefatigable worker. He has done as well as the conditions of the problem permit. But he is always between Scylla and Charybdis. American capital in or contemplating investment in the Islands is continually pressing to be permitted to go ahead and develop the resources of the Islands. To keep the Islands from being exploited Congress early limited grants of land to a maximum too small to attract capital. So those who desire to build up the country, knowing they cannot get the law changed, are forever seeking to invent ways to get around the law. And, being firm in the orthodox Administration belief that discussion of ultimate independence is purely academic, i.e., a matter of no concern to anybody now living, Governor Forbes is of course in sympathy with Americans who wish to develop the resources of the Islands. On the other hand, he knows that such a course will daily and hourly make ultimate independence more certain never to come. So do the Filipinos know this. Therefore they clamor ever louder and louder against all American attempts to repeal the anti-exploiting Acts of Congress by "liberal" interpretation. Many an American just here is sure to ask himself, "Why all this 'clamor'? Do we not give them good government? What just ground have they for complaint?" Yes, we do give them very good government, so far as the Manila end of the business is concerned, except that it is a far more expensive government than any people on the earth would be willing to impose on themselves. But their main staples are hemp, sugar, and tobacco, and we raise the last two in this country. Their sugar and tobacco were allowed free entry into the United States by the Paine Law of 1909 up to amounts limited in the law, but the Philippine people know very well that American sugar and tobacco interests will either dwarf the growth of their sugar and tobacco industries by refusing to allow the limit raised--the limit of amounts admitted free of duty--or else that our Sugar Trust and our Tobacco Trust will simply ultimately eliminate them by absorption, just as the Standard Oil Company used to do with small competitors. In this sort of prospect certainly even the dullest intellect must recognize just ground for fearing--nay for plainly foreseeing--practical industrial slavery through control by foreign [491] corporations of economic conditions. So much for the two staples in which the Philippines may some day become competitors of ours. It took Mr. Taft nine years to persuade American sugar and tobacco that they would not be in any immediate danger by letting in a little Philippine sugar and tobacco free of duty. Then they consented. Not until then did they promise not to shout "Down with cheap Asiatic labor. We will not consent to compete with it." Their mental reservation was, of course, and is, "if the Philippine sugar and tobacco industries get too prosperous, we will either buy them, or cripple them by defeating their next attempt to get legislation increasing the amounts of Philippine sugar and tobacco admitted into the United States free of duty." And the Filipinos know that this is the fate that awaits two out of the three main sources of the wealth of their country. Their third source of wealth, their main staple, is the world-famous Manila hemp. This represents more than half the value of their total annual exports. And as to it, "practical industrial slavery through control by foreign corporations of economic conditions" is to-day not a fear, but a fact. The International Harvester Company has its agents at Manila. The said company or allied interests, or both, are large importers of Manila hemp. The reports of all the governors-general of the Philippines who have preceded Governor Forbes tell, year after year, of the millions "handed over" to American hemp importers through "the hemp joker" of the Act of Congress of 1902, hereinafter explained, in the chapter on Congressional Legislation (