Part 8
In the year 1642, the ill-fated Charles I. came hither from Nottingham, at the head of his army, which was here amply reinforced and provisioned. The King was joined by Prince Rupert, Prince Charles, and the Duke of York, and many other noblemen and gentlemen of the neighbouring counties. Charles set up a mint here, at which was coined money for his own use, from the voluntary contributions of plate which were sent by the inhabitants and others. The corporation about this time filed a bill in Chancery against Richard Gibbons, late mayor, and Thomas Challoner, schoolmaster, who kept the keys of the free school chest, to recover the sum of £600, which they had surreptitiously taken from the funds of the charity, and lent to his Majesty. It appears the bill was dismissed without any relief, but it took the right honourable the Commissioners of the Great Seal eleven years before they could decide on its rejection. What, however, of justice was wanting to the plaintiffs in this cause was made up in assurances of thankfulness, and gracious promises by the royal receiver, who had given his note of hand, to refund the money whenever it should be called for. Some time after the king’s arrival he summoned the gentlemen and freeholders of the county, and addressed them in the following terms, on a plot of land called the Soldiers’ Piece, now converted into a race course:—“It is some benefit to me, from the insolence and misfortunes which have driven me about, that they have brought me to so good a part of my kingdom, and so faithful a part of my people. I hope neither you nor I shall repent my coming hither; I will do my part that you may not; and of you I was confident before I came. The residence of an army is not usually pleasant to any place, and mine may carry more fear with it, since it may be thought (being robbed and spoiled of all my own, and such terror used to fright and keep all men from supplying me), I must only live upon the aid and relief of my people. But be not afraid, I would to God my poor subjects suffered no more by the insolence and violence of that army raised against me (though they have made themselves wanton even with plenty), than you shall do by mine. And yet I fear I cannot prevent all disorders; I will do my best; and this I promise you, no man shall be a loser by me, if I can help it. I have sent hither for a mint; I will melt down my own plate, and expose all my land to sale or mortgage, that if it be possible, I may not bring the least pressure upon you. In the meantime, I have summoned you hither to do that for me and yourselves, for the maintenance of your religion, and the law of the land (by which you enjoy all that you have) which other men do against me. Do not suffer so good a cause to be lost, for want of supplying me with that, which will be taken from you by those who pursue me with violence. And whilst these ill men sacrifice their money, plate, and utmost industry to destroy, be you no less liberal to preserve. Assure yourselves, if it please God to bless me with success, I shall remember the assistance that every particular man here gives me to his advantage. However, it will hereafter (how furiously soever the minds of men are now possessed) be honour and comfort to you, that with some charge and trouble to yourselves, you did your part to support your king and preserve the kingdom.” During the king’s residence here he kept his court at the Council House. The Princes Rupert and Morris were stationed with the army, which exercised in the fields near the Hall. The king caused the castle gates to be repaired, pulled down many houses near the castle, and brought the water from the Severn up to the gate, by means of a draw bridge. He also built a strong fort at the upper end of Frankwell, in which he planted cannon.
Sir Michael Earnley was governor of the castle in 1644, and during the storming of the town by the parliamentary forces had command of the garrison. At this time, Colonel Mytton, a soldier of great valour, was governor of a small garrison at Wem, and general of Cromwell’s army in this county. Having made two unsuccessful attempts, on the night of the 3rd of February, he came with his forces consisting of two hundred and fifty foot, and the same number of horse, and marched towards Shrewsbury, where they arrived about three o’clock on Saturday morning. Eight carpenters went up the river in a little boat, and landed within the enemy’s breast work, under the castle hill on the east side. The sentinels, after some pause fired upon them, but they very soon sawed down so many of the palasades as gave the men a free passage.
The first that stormed were forty-two troopers dismounted, with their pistols, and about as many firelocks. They were led on by Mr. Huson, a puritan preacher, Captain Willers, and Lieutenant Benbow; then followed some other musqueteers along the side of the Severn, under the Castle Hill, and entered the town at the Water-lane Gate; after these marched three hundred and fifty infantry, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Rinking. Having entered the streets of the town they marched to the market place, surprised the guard, and put the captain to death; the rest marched to the castle Foregate, which was also soon gained; the guard having basely deserted it. The town being in possession of the parliamentary forces, they let down the draw bridge, near the castle, and the horse immediately entered under the command of Colonel Mytton and Bowyer. It was now about break of day, and the inhabitants were filled with consternation and surprise at beholding the enemy in the very heart of the town, which, on retiring to rest the preceding night, they thought the most secure in the island. About twelve o’clock the castle after a feeble resistance surrendered, on condition that the English part of it should march to Ludlow, but the Irish were delivered up to the conquerors. At the time of the assault the governor, Sir Michael Earnley, was confined by sickness to his bed; but waked by the noise of the tumult, he sprang up at the moment the enemy were rushing into his chamber, and with great courage refused to submit to the conquerors, rejecting all quarter, he wantonly perished, covered more with wounds than with glory. The loss in killed and wounded was inconsiderable; but the prisoners and property seized by the victors was of great importance, for here were taken eight knights and baronets, forty colonels, majors, captains, and others of quality, besides the common soldiers, also fifteen pieces of ordnance, several hundred stand of arms and powder, &c. For these important services the general received the thanks of parliament, and was made governor of the castle. The late lieutenant governor was tried by a court martial at Gloucester, and afterwards hanged, for negligence and cowardice, in suffering the place to be surprised without his having made a suitable resistance. Prince Maurice made his escape before the castle surrendered, but the whole of his magazine fell into the hands of the victors.
In the contest between the king and the parliament, Colonel John Benbow, uncle to the celebrated Admiral Benbow, united with the parliament forces; but afterwards deserted his principles, and espoused the cause of the monarch. He distinguished himself by opposing his former associates at the taking of Shrewsbury, for which vacillating conduct he was condemned by the parliament, and shot on the green before the castle, October 15th, 1651. At the same time the parliament in order to strike terror into those who favoured royalty, adjudged the Earl of Derby to suffer at Bolton. Several other gentlemen of the first families in England were also sentenced to death at the same period. An attempt was made to reduce the town to loyal obedience, after the death of the protector Cromwell, but the governor of the castle secured the place in the interest of parliament.
At the restoration, notwithstanding the joy which was diffused through the kingdom, it is probable there were some in every county who still sighed for the Commonwealth. The municipal bodies of the realm, terrified by the example of London, made haste to surrender the charters they had received from former monarchs into the hands of the sovereign. The corporation, however, of Shrewsbury stood out for a twelvemonth. At length, on the 13th of June, 1684, it was agreed unanimously, that the charter of the town should be surrendered and yielded up to his majesty, when his pleasure should require it. On the 20th of August, it was “Ordered that the mayor and committee attend the Lord Chief Justice Jones, to discourse him, touching the renewing of the charter, and unanimously agreed, that in the new charter there shall be only twelve aldermen and twenty-four assistants.” The king’s death prevented this instrument from passing the great seal in his name. Within a week after that event, the corporation sent up an address to their new sovereign, expressive of “their joyfulness in his succession, and humbly thanking him for his gracious declaration in preferring the Protestant religion;” no obscure intimation of their wishes on that momentous subject, which engaged all ranks with an intensity of interest difficult to be conceived by the present generation. On the 17th of March, 1684, the corporation received their new charter, in which the king expresses his gracious affection for the melioration of the town of Salop, and hopes that, if the burgesses and inhabitants have more ample liberties and privileges, they will be the better enabled and the more bound to render him the more special service. He grants that the town shall be “a free town of itself, and the burgesses and inhabitants shall be a body corporate, and sue and be sued; that there shall be one good and discreet man of the aldermen of the town who shall be mayor; twelve good and discreet men (the mayor being one) who shall be aldermen; and twenty-four good and discreet men, assistants.” Then follow various other officers, and a clause empowering the corporation to supply vacancies occasioned by death, &c. When James II. made a progress through this part of his dominions, the corporation resolved to expend £200 in entertaining and making a present to the king. They despatched two gentlemen to Gloucester and Worcester for the purpose of ascertaining the manner in which the royal traveller was entertained in those cities. They resolved that the conduits should run with wine on the day of his majesty’s entrance, and that the corporated companies should appear with their drums, colours, flags, and streamers. The king arrived on the 24th of August, and took up his abode at the Council House, where the corporation presented him with a purse of gold containing one hundred guineas. On the following morning, he exercised the gift of healing, by touching several persons for the king’s evil. The king issued a proclamation on the 17th of October for restoring corporations to their ancient charters and franchises, and orders were the same day made in council for removing all corporate officers, who had been put in by the crown since 1679. Richard Mickleston was at this time mayor of Shrewsbury; under the new charter of 1685 he was discharged from his office, and John Hill, Esq., elected in his room, under the charter of 1638.
The various “compositions” which the burgesses of Shrewsbury appear to have entered into amongst themselves for the government of this borough, clearly indicate that a large share of power was exercised by “the commons” in its municipal institutions. The liberties and customs of the burgesses or commons were confirmed by the charter of Henry II., and by various others granted before and after the date of the compositions alluded to. But the constitution of the borough was materially altered by a charter of the 14th of Charles I., transferring to a select body the functions previously exercised by the commons. This charter continued to be the governing one till the passing of the new municipal act, in 1835. The corporation by it was appointed to consist of a mayor, twenty-four aldermen, and forty-eight assistants, with an indefinite number of burgesses or freemen, under the style of the “mayor, aldermen, and burgesses of the town of Shrewsbury, in the county of Salop,” instead of the “bailiffs and burgesses,” as in the old charter. The ministerial officers named in the charter were, the recorder and his deputy, the steward, town clerk, two coroners, four auditors, two chamberlains, a sword bearer, three serjeants-at-mace, and three serjeants-yeomen. Exclusive jurisdiction in the borough was granted, the magistrates being the mayor and ex-mayor, the bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, the chancellor of the diocese, the recorder, steward, and three senior aldermen. Few of them, however, continued to act. Petty sessions were authorised to be held weekly, quarter sessions for all criminal actions not capital, a weekly court of record for all personal suits to any amount, and for ejectments, and a court leet, with view of frank-pledge. A court of requests was established in the 23rd of George III. for the recovery of debts under 40s., which was held every alternate week. The number of suits in the court in 1839 was 1011. This court has been superseded by the new county court act.
Under the new municipal act, the borough is included in schedule A, amongst boroughs to have a commission of the peace, which has accordingly been granted, and the court of quarter sessions and recorder re-appointed; and in section I. of that schedule among those the parliamentary boundaries of which were to be taken till altered by parliament. The limits of the borough extend considerably beyond the ancient boundaries, and now include the whole town and its suburbs. It has been divided into five wards, and appointed to be governed by ten aldermen and thirty councillors under the usual corporate style. The income of the corporation in 1840, was £1903. 10s. 8d. The income for the year ending September 1st, 1850, was £3184. 6s. 9d. of which £515. 11s. 3d. arose from the rental of premises; £1750. 1s. 11d. from the borough rate; and the remainder from miscellaneous sources. The principal items of expenditure for the same period are—police, £832. 1s. 4d.; salaries, £346. 14s.; rent and taxes, £42. 8s.; reparations, £187. 6s. 5d.; turns in the quarry and other annual payments, £267. 19s. 2d.; prosecutions, £217. 19s. 5d.; maintenance and removal of prisoners, £245. 17s. 11d.; expenses at sessions, including fees, &c., £395. 1s. 4d.; inquests and coroners expenses, £72. 4s. 6d. There was also a balance of £265. 0s. 9d. in the treasurer’s hands. Shrewsbury has regularly returned two members to parliament since the reign of Edward I. Previous to the passing of the reform act the franchise was in the burgesses inhabiting within the ancient limits of the borough, paying scot and lot, and not receiving alms or charity. The county assizes, and quarter sessions, are held here; petty sessions are held every Tuesday, and the borough magistrates sit daily.
The following is a list of the members of parliament, the corporate body, and the municipal officers of the borough of Shrewsbury for the year 1851:—
MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT.
Robert Anglionby Slaney, Esq., and Edward Holmes Baldock, Esq.
BOROUGH MAGISTRATES.
Edward Hughes, Esq., mayor; Joseph Birch, Esq., ex-mayor; Robert Burton, Esq.; Edward Haycock, Esq.; William Henry Perry, Esq.; James Watkins, Esq.; T. G. Gwyn, Esq.; Edward Morris, Esq., John Hazledine, Esq.
MAYOR—Edward Hughes, Esq.
ALDERMEN—John Thomas Smitheman, Esq.; Edward Haycock, Esq.; William Wyburgh How, Esq.; John Loxdale, Esq.; James Watkins, Esq.; John Bowen, Esq.; Robert Burton, Esq.; Thomas Groves, Esq.; John Legh, Esq.; Charles Lloyd, Esq.
COUNCILLORS.
_Castle Ward Within_—William James Clement, Joseph Birch, William Henry Perry, Edwin Foulkes, Thomas Hall, Richard Jeffreys Mulckleston.
_Castle Ward Without_—James Smith, Thomas Birch, John Bishton Minor, Joseph Chune, Benjamin Birch, James Moore.
_Stone Ward Within_—Thomas Campbell Eyton, William Richard Stokes, David Evans, James Burrey, Edward Hughes, Lewis Meredith.
_Stone Ward Without_—William Burr, Charles Bowen Teece, John Hazledine, George Harper, Richard Taylor, William Butler Lloyd.
_Welsh Ward_—Thomas William Trouncer, Robert Mortimer Healing, Robert Baugh Blakemore, William Onions, Robert Haycock, Henry Keate.
_Recorder_, Charles Harwood, Esq. _Coroner_ (_borough_), Henry Keate, Esq. _Town Clerk_, J. J. Peel, Esq. _Clerk of the Peace_, G. Gordon, Esq. _Magistrates’ Clerk_, W. H. Cooper, Esq. _Chief Constable_, Captain Mayne. _Borough Treasurer_, Mr. Henry Pidgeon. _Surveyor_, Mr. Thomas Tisdale. _Governor of the Gaol_, Mr. John Sheppard, _Town Marshall and senior Serjeant_, S. Farlow. _Chief Constable_, William Harper. _Serjeant of Mace_, John Thomas. _Town Crier_, George Rowe.
THE BOROUGH POLICE FORCE consists of a chief constable, two superintendents, two inspectors, and thirteen constables.
THE COUNTY CONSTABULARY consists of a chief constable, two first class superintendents, four second class superintendents, ten first class constables, and forty second class constables.
IN the year 1756, thirty-seven colliers were brought to gaol for rioting and committing outrages in the county, it being a time of scarcity for all kinds of provisions. The trial took place at the spring assizes of the following year. Ten of the rioters were left for execution; but the judge sent his report express to the attorney-general, with an intimation fixed for the day of execution, and the individuals two in number, who, as he deemed it should suffer the sentence of the law. The report having been transmitted to Mr. Pitt, then secretary of state, it lay there untouched, and was never laid before the king. The day of execution arrived, without any reprieve, and Mr. Leek, the deputy sheriff, was advised by several of the principal gentlemen in the town to leave the prisoners to their fate. But he was so much shocked at the thought of executing so large a number, which he was convinced could not be the intention of the judge, that he ventured to postpone the execution, and sent off an express to London, on the return of which he had the satisfaction of finding that his conduct was highly approved of, and still more, the consciousness that he had saved eight lives. The following is part of a letter written to him on the occasion by Lord Chief Justice Willes:—“Till I saw your letter I was under the greatest uneasiness,—for I took it for granted that all the ten rioters had been executed on Saturday last; and, upon my return from the Home Circuit, on Thursday last, I found that by a shameful neglect in one of the secretary of state’s officers, no reprieve had been sent down; and, as it was then too late to send one down, I saw no reason to hope that their execution would be deferred to a longer time. But though, to be sure, you have acted contrary to your duty, you have acted a wise, prudent, and most humane part; and you have not only my thanks, but the thanks of some of the greatest men in the kingdom, for the part you have acted on this occasion.” In a letter from Mr. Leek’s agent in town it is stated, “My Lord Commissioner Willes was so afflicted . . . that it really made him ill; and he did not for two days go into the king’s closet, so much he feared the effect it might have upon the king’s mind, if the affair was communicated to his majesty while it was under that state of uncertainty. Thank God, your prudent and well judged respite has prevented all the uneasiness and mischiefs that might have happened; and I have the pleasure to assure you that no step was ever taken that has given more satisfaction, than this of yours has done. My Lord Commissioner Willes waited this day upon the king with your letter, and has directed me to acquaint you, by his majesty’s orders, that his majesty entirely approves of what you have done.”
CHURCHES.
ST. MARY’S CHURCH stands in a commanding position in St. Mary’s street, and is one of the most interesting ecclesiastical edifices in the country. This fine structure is cruciform, and consists of nave, side aisles, transept, chancel, two side chapels, and a tower, crowned with a lofty and beautiful spire. In common with most of our early churches there is no opportunity of ascertaining the precise date of its erection; it is said to owe its foundation to Edgar, who, at the suggestion of Archbishop Dunstan, placed in it a dean, seven prebends, and a parish priest, with a stipend of £6. 6s. 8d. per annum. There is, however, every probability that the foundation was antecedent to his reign. In the time of Edward the Confessor, this college possessed a landed estate of about 1300 acres, which it continued to hold at the Domesday survey, but of which it was soon after deprived. From a very early period this church enjoyed the privilege of a royal free chapel, and was therefore exempt from the jurisdiction of the Bishops. These privileges formed a frequent ground of contest between the sovereign pontiffs and the kings of England. A particular instance relates to the church now under consideration. About the year 1270, the dean had a dispute with the Abbot of Salop, touching the right of presentation to the Church of Fittes, or as it was then written, Fitesho, to which one Robert de Acton had been instituted by the Bishop of Lichfield, and forcibly ejected by the dean. Acton, being a crusader, was under the especial protection of the pope, whose officer called “the Executor of the Cross,” sent an order to the Abbot of Shrewsbury to restore the incumbent to his benefice. This being done the king’s attorney-general filed an information against the abbot, requiring him to answer ‘whereof he exercised jurisdiction in the Chapel of Fitesho,’ appertaining to the King’s Free Chapel of St. Mary, of Salop, which is exempt, so that neither our lord “the pope, nor any other ecclesiastical judge hath jurisdiction therein.” Judgment passed against the abbot, and he was sentenced to pay damages to the king and to suffer imprisonment.