Chapter I

, we showed that frequently statues or other monuments were erected in their native towns as a part of the honor paid to Olympic victors. We shall now give a list of all such monuments set up in various parts of the Greek world which are known to us from notices in ancient literature and from inscriptions.[2441] These, like the statues in the Altis, range in date from the seventh century B. C. to the fourth A. D., and offer still greater variety in the kinds of dedication. It will be best to arrange the list as far as possible chronologically and in numerical sequence, adding the authorities for the dates of the various victories in the footnotes.[2442]

Victors with monuments of the seventh century B. C.:

1. Chionis, of Sparta.[2443] Besides his statue by Myron and the tablet containing a list of his victories at Olympia mentioned by Pausanias (VI, 13.2), the same writer records a similar tablet in Sparta, erected near the royal tomb of the Agids, likewise set up by his townspeople (III, 14.3). The Spartan tablet, like the monuments in his honor at Olympia, was doubtless set up long after the victory, about Ols. 77 or 78 (= 472 or 468 B. C.).

2. Kylon, of Athens.[2444] Pausanias records that a bronze statue of this victor stood upon the Athenian Akropolis, erected, as he supposes, in honor of his beauty and reputation as an Olympic victor (I, 28.1). Kylon was the leader of the well-known conspiracy of 632 B. C., when he tried to make himself tyrant of Athens.[2445] Furtwaengler has proposed the theory that this monument was not set up in honor of Kylon by the Athenians, as Pausanias says, but that it was a dedication by his family after his Olympic victory.[2446] A. Schaefer,[2447] however, more justly believed that the statue was an expiatory offering for the massacre of Kylon’s companions on the Akropolis,[2448] set up in the time of Perikles, the date of which would account for the “beauty” of the statue. Still another scholar[2449] believes that Pausanias’ remark was called forth by the epigram on the statue.[2450]

3. Hipposthenes, of Sparta.[2451] Pausanias records that a temple was dedicated to him in Sparta, where he received divine worship (III, 15.7). It has been argued that the words of Pausanias (_l. c._) show that Hipposthenes here was worshiped only in the character of Poseidon, whose epithet was ἵππιος (_cf._ P., I, 30.4).[2452]

Of the sixth century B. C.:

4. Hetoimokles, son of Hipposthenes of Sparta.[2453] Pausanias mentions a statue of this victor at Sparta (III, 13.9).

5. Arrhachion, of Phigalia.[2454] Pausanias records the stone statue in the archaic pose, and with weathered inscription, erected to this victor in the market-place at Phigalia (VIII, 40.1), which we have discussed at length in the preceding chapter (Fig. 79).

6. Kimon, the son of Stesagoras, of Athens.[2455] Aelian mentions αἱ Κίμωνος ἵπποι χαλκαῖ, very true to the originals, in Athens,[2456] which seem to have been set up in honor of his three chariot victories at Olympia. His first victory was won when he was in banishment at the hands of the tyrant Peisistratos, son of Hippokrates. Having entered his horses under the tyrant’s name for the second contest, he was in consequence recalled, and a third time entered them and won under his own name.[2457] The pseudo-Andokides confuses this older Kimon with the younger, when he calls the latter an Olympic victor.[2458] Similarly a scholiast on Aristophanes[2459] confuses him with Megakles, who won a victory τεθρίππῳ in Ol. 47 (= 592 B. C.).[2460]

7. Philippos, son of Boutakides, of Kroton.[2461] The people of Egesta in Sicily erected a shrine over his grave in their town, and paid him divine honors on account of his beauty, in which he surpassed all his contemporaries.[2462]

Of the fifth century B. C.:

8. Astylos, or Astyalos, of Kroton.[2463] Besides mentioning his statue by Pythagoras of Rhegion at Olympia, Pausanias in the same passage (VI, 13.1) mentions another in the temple of Lakinian Hera near Kroton, which his fellow-townsmen pulled down in anger, because he had called himself a Syracusan in order to please the Sicilian tyrant Hiero.[2464] Collignon believes that the statue at Kroton was also a copy of the work of Pythagoras at Olympia.[2465]

9. Euthymos, son of Astykles, of Lokroi Epizephyrioi in South Italy.[2466] In addition to his statue at Olympia by Pythagoras, mentioned by Pausanias (VI, 6.4-6),[2467] we know of another statue by Pythagoras set up in Lokroi in honor of this victor.[2468] According to Kallimachos, both statues were struck by lightning at the same time. Other writers tell wondrous tales of this boxer.[2469]

10. Theagenes, son of Timosthenes, of Thasos, one of the most famous Olympic victors.[2470] Besides his statue at Olympia by Glaukias of Aegina (VI, 11.2 and 9), Pausanias says that he knows of many other places in Greece and elsewhere where images of this victor were set up (VI, 11.9), and records one at Thasos to which the Thasians sacrificed as to a god (VI, 11.6). The story which he tells about this Thasian statue being scourged and falling on the enemy of Theagenes is also recounted at greater length by Dio Chrysostom[2471] and is mentioned by Eusebios.[2472] Lucian says that the statue cured fevers, just as did that of Polydamas at Olympia.[2473] Studniczka has argued that the statues at Thasos and elsewhere were set up to honor the hero and not the victor.[2474]

11. Ladas, of Sparta.[2475] Two fourth-century epigrams celebrate the fleetness of Ladas, and the second names Myron as the statuary of a bronze statue of him.[2476] Pausanias mentions a statue of the same victor in the temple of Apollo Lykios in Argos (II, 19.7). Whether the latter statue was identical with the one named in the epigram can not be finally determined.[2477] Pausanias refers to a stadion of Ladas, situated between Mantinea and Orchomenos in Arkadia, in which Ladas practiced running (VIII, 12.5), and also to his grave between Belemina and Sparta (III, 21.1).

12. Kallias, son of Didymias of Athens.[2478] Apart from his statue at Olympia made by the Athenian painter and sculptor Mikon, mentioned by Pausanias (VI, 6.1),[2479] there was a dedication to him at Athens, as we learn from the preserved inscription, which enumerates his thirteen victories at Olympia and elsewhere.[2480]

13. Diagoras, son of Damagetos, of Rhodes, the most famous of Greek boxers.[2481] In addition to his statue at Olympia by Kallikles, son of Theokosmos of Megara, mentioned by Pausanias (VI, 7.1-2) as standing among the group of statues of his sons and grandsons, we learn from the scholiast on Pindar, _Ol._ VII, Argum., who quotes Gorgon as his authority,[2482] that this ode, which celebrated the Olympic victory of Diagoras, was attached in golden letters to the walls of the temple of Athena at Lindos.

14. Agias, of Pharsalos.[2483] We have already, in Ch. VI, discussed the group of marble statues set up at Delphi by Daochos of Pharsalos in honor of his ancestors who had won in various athletic contests, which was discovered by the French excavators there in 1894. We there mentioned that Preuner found the same metrical inscription which appeared on the base of the statue of Agias, the best preserved of the group (Pl. 28 and Fig. 68), in the journal of Stackelberg,[2484] who had copied it in the early part of the nineteenth century from a base in Pharsalos which has since disappeared. This Thessalian inscription contained the additional words that Lysippos of Sikyon was the sculptor. In both inscriptions the victories of Agias at Olympia and elsewhere are noted. Thus we know of two statues of Agias, one at Delphi, the other at Pharsalos, both presumably by Lysippos. Preuner also thinks that a third statue may have stood in Olympia.

15. Cheimon, of Argos.[2485] In mentioning the statue of Cheimon at Olympia by the sculptor Naukydes of Argos, Pausanias, in the same passage (VI, 9.3), records another which once stood in Argos, but was later removed to the temple of Peace in Rome.[2486]

16. Leon, son of Antikleidas (or Antalkidas), of Sparta.[2487] A fragment of Polemon[2488] mentions a statue of this victor. It may have stood in Olympia, as Foerster without good grounds assumes, or it may have stood elsewhere.

17. Eubotas (Eubatas or Eubatos), of Kyrene.[2489] Besides his statue at Olympia recorded by Pausanias (VI, 8.3), we learn of another set up at Kyrene by the victor’s wife for his devotion.[2490]

18. Promachos, son of Dryon, of Pellene in Achaia.[2491] Pausanias not only mentions a bronze statue of this victor at Olympia (VI, 8.5-6), but also records one of stone dedicated likewise by his townsmen in the Old Gymnasion of Pellene (VII, 27.5).

Of the fifth or fourth centuries B. C.:

19. An unknown victor, of Argos or (?) Tegea.[2492] Aristotle mentions an inscription from a statue of an Olympic victor in two passages of his _Rhetoric_.[2493] This epigram was repeated by Aristophanes of Byzantion,[2494] who wrongly ascribed it to Simonides.[2495] Where this statue stood can not be determined.

Of the fourth century B. C.:

20. Kyniska, daughter of Archidamos I, of Sparta.[2496] Pausanias, before mentioning the monumental group at Olympia by Apellas of Megara, which consisted of the statues of Kyniska and her charioteer standing beside a huge bronze chariot and horses (VI. 1.6), and the small bronze chariot by the same sculptor, set up in her honor in the vestibule of the temple of Zeus (V, 12.5), records that there was a shrine in Sparta at Plane-tree Grove, near the youths’ exercise ground, erected to the heroine Kyniska (III, 15.1). This latter dedication, therefore, was not properly a victor monument, though Pausanias in the same book says that Kyniska was the first Greek woman to train horses and to win a prize at Olympia (III, 8.1).

21. Euryleonis, a victress of Sparta.[2497] Pausanias says that she had a statue in her native city near the so-called Σκήνωμα, “Tent” (III, 17.6). Curtius has suggested that this may be the small building mentioned by Thukydides as the place where King Pausanias took refuge when pursued by the ephors.[2498]

22. Archias, son of Eukles, of Hybla.[2499] An epigram in the _Greek Anthology_[2500] speaks of a statue of this victor at Delphi.

23. [Phil]okrates, son of Antiphon, of Athens (deme of Krioa).[2501] An inscribed base of the statue of this victor has been found in Athens.[2502]

24. An unknown victor. An inscribed base, found near the Portico of Attalos in Athens, records the victories of an unknown athlete at several games, including one in the παγκράτιον ἀνδρῶν at Olympia.[2503]

25. Phorystas, son of Thriax (or Triax), of (?) Tanagra.[2504] The inscribed base of the statue of this victor, giving Kaphisias of Bœotia as the sculptor, has been discovered in the ruins of Tanagra.[2505] His brother Pammachos won παγκράτιον παίδων at Nemea, and had a statue at Thebes, the work of Teisikrates, the inscribed base of which has been recovered.[2506]

Of the fourth or third centuries B. C.:

26. Aristophon, son of Lysinos, of Athens.[2507] Besides his statue at Olympia, set up at the cost of the people of Athens, mentioned by Pausanias (VI, 13.11; _cf._ VI, 14.1), we have the inscription from the base of another which was set up on the Athenian Akropolis.[2508]

27. Attalos, father of King Attalos I,[2509] of Pergamon.[2510] The inscribed base of his great victor monument, erected by Epigonos, has been dis- covered at Pergamon.[2511]

Of the second century B. C.: none.

Of the first century B. C.: none.

Of the first century A. D.:

28. Xenodamos, of Antikyra in Phokis.[2512] Pausanias mentions a bronze statue of this victor in the Old Gymnasion at Antikyra (X, 36.9). G. Hirschfeld[2513] had objected to the statement of Pausanias, in the passage cited, “that this was the only Olympiad omitted in the Elean register,” because of its inconsistency with other passages which state that in the 8th Olympiad,[2514] in the 34th,[2515] and in the 104th,[2516] the games were celebrated by intruders, and not by the Eleans, and hence these Olympiads were regarded as invalid and were not entered in the Elean registers. However, as Frazer points out,[2517] the case with Ol. 211 was different. It was doubtless celebrated by the Eleans themselves and its validity was not questioned, but either it was never entered in the register, or, if entered, was later struck out. Africanus (_cf._ Philostratos)[2518] says that the celebration of this Olympiad, which should have fallen 65 A. D., was deferred two years to favor Nero, who in 67 A. D. received prizes in six events, including the ten-horse chariot-race.[2519] The Eleans, later being ashamed of thus favoring the tyrant, probably removed Ol. 211 from the register after his death. It may be that for the same reason statues of victors of that Olympiad were not set up in the Altis, which would explain why that of Xenodamos was set up in his native city, where Pausanias saw it. Not finding his name in the Elean register, Pausanias would reason that this victory fell in the disgraced Ol. 211.[2520]

28a. Titos Phlabios Artemidoros, son of Artemidoros, of Adana in Kilikia.[2521] The inscribed marble tablet from the base of the statue which this victor erected in Naples in honor of his father Artemidoros, son of Athenodoros, is preserved. It contains a list of his own many victories in παγκράτιον and πάλη in games held in Greece, Italy, Asia Minor, and Egypt. Though the statue was erected to his father, the long inscription shows that it was intended quite as much to celebrate his own athletic prowess.[2522]

29. Titos Phlabios Metrobios, son of Demetrios, of Iasos, Karia.[2523] The inscribed base of his statue has been found in Iasos.[2524]

30. Sarapion, of Alexandria, Egypt.[2525] Pausanias mentions two statues of this victor, which stood on either side of the entrance to the Gymnasion in Elis known as the Maltho. He adds that they were erected by the Eleans in gratitude for the bestowal of corn in a time of famine (VI, 23.6). He is not to be confounded with other victors of the same name.[2526]

Of the second century A. D.:

31. Markos Aurelios Demetrios, of Alexandria, Egypt.[2527] His son, M. Aurelios Asklepiades, dedicated a statue to him in Rome, the inscription from the base of which has been recovered.[2528]

32. Unknown victor, from Magnesia ad Sipylum, in Lydia.[2529] His statue in Magnesia is known from the recovered inscribed base.[2530]

33. Kranaos or Granianos, of Sikyon.[2531] Pausanias mentions a bronze statue of this victor as standing in the precincts of the temple of Asklepios, on the hill of Titane, near Sikyon (II, 11.8).

34. Titos Ailios Aurelios Apollonios, of Tarsos.[2532] A statue of this victor stood in Athens, as we learn from its preserved inscribed base.[2533]

35. Mnasiboulos, of Elateia in Phokis.[2534] His fellow citizens erected a bronze statue in honor of his repelling the robber horde of the Kostobokoi, who overran Greece in the days of Pausanias (X, 34.5). The statue stood in “Runner” street.

Of the third century A. D.:

36. Aurelios Toalios, of (?) Oinoanda, Lykia.[2535] The inscribed base of the statue of this victor has been found in Oinoanda.[2536]

37. Aurelios Metrodoros, of Kyzikos.[2537] The inscribed base of his statue was found in Kyzikos, and is now in Constantinople.[2538]

38. Valerios Eklektos, of Sinope.[2539] Besides his monument at Olympia, which was erected immediately after 261 A. D.,[2540] we know, from an inscription, of another statue dedicated to him in Athens some time between 253 and 257 A. D.[2541]

Of the fourth century A. D.:

39. Klaudios Rhouphos, also called Apollonios the Pisan, son of Klaudios Apollonios, of Smyrna.[2542] We learn from an inscription found in the Baths of Titus in Rome that his statue stood in the council-chamber of the Guild of Athletes of Hercules at Rome.[2543]

40. Philoumenos, of Philadelphia, in Lydia.[2544] The closing verse of an inscription belonging to the base of his statue is preserved in Panodoros.[2545] Where the statue stood can not be determined.

Of unknown dates:

41. Ainetos, of (?) Amyklai.[2546] Pausanias mentions the portrait statue of this victor at Amyklai (III, 18. 7). He says that he expired even while the crown was being placed on his head.

42. Nikokles, of Akriai in Lakonia.[2547] Pausanias mentions a monument (μνῆμα) erected in his honor at Akriai, between the Gymnasion and the sea-wall (III, 22.5).

43. Aigistratos, son of Polykreon, of Lindos in Rhodes.[2548] A statue of this victor was set up at Lindos, as we learn from the preserved inscription on its base found there.[2549] He is called in the inscription the first Lindian victor at Olympia.

44. An unknown victor, of (?) Delphi.[2550] The inscribed base of his statue, with remains of the dedication, was found many years ago at Delphi by Cockerell.[2551]

We have records of other monuments erected to victors, but it is not clear whether the victories recorded were won at Olympia or elsewhere. We list the following three doubtful cases, which have already been noted in earlier chapters:

1. Epicharinos. Pausanias mentions the statue Ἐπιχαρίνου ὁπλιτοδρομεῖν ἀσκήσαντος, by the sculptor Kritios, as standing upon the Athenian Akropolis (I, 23.9). The inscribed base of this monument was found in 1839, between the Propylaia and the Parthenon.[2552] The inscription states that the statue was the joint work of Kritios (thus correcting the spelling Κριτίας of Pausanias) and Nesiotes. It was, therefore, a work of the first half of the fifth century B. C., the date of the sculptors of the _Tyrannicides_ (Fig. 32). Ross added the word ὁπλιτοδρόμος after the name in the inscription. Michaelis,[2553] however, has inserted the name of the victor’s father. Wilamowitz[2554] went further and assumed that Polemon, from whom Pausanias derived the account, had already falsely restored the inscription and that the statue did not represent Epicharinos, but another victor. This theory has been rightly controverted by many scholars.[2555] It is clear that Pausanias got his information from the monument, and not from the inscription.

2. Hermolykos, son of Euthoinos or Euthynos. Pausanias mentions the statue of the pancratiast Hermolykos as standing on the Akropolis at Athens (I, 23.10). This was probably Hermolykos the pancratiast, who is recorded by Herodotos as having distinguished himself at the battle of Mykale in 479 B. C., and as having been afterwards killed in battle at Kyrnos in Euboia and buried at Geraistos.[2556] Some scholars have advocated the theory that the portrait statue here mentioned by Pausanias was none other than the statue which stood on the Akropolis on the base which was discovered in 1839, dedicated by Hermolykos, the son of Diitrephes, the work of the sculptor Kresilas,[2557] and that the Periegete mistook the latter for the one mentioned by Herodotos.[2558] However, Frazer finds this explanation “arbitrary and highly improbable,” and believes that the base in question supported the statue of Diitrephes, pierced with arrows, also mentioned by Pausanias (I, 23.3).[2559] Kirchhoff distinguished not only the statue of Hermolykos mentioned by Pausanias and the dedication of Hermolykos revealed by the recovered base, but both of these from the statue of the wounded man mentioned by Pliny (_H. N._, XXXIV, 74). While J. Six assumed that Hermolykos, son of Diitrephes, dedicated the Kresilæan statue in honor of his grandfather Hermolykos, son of Euthoinos, and that Pausanias wrongly gathered from the inscribed base that the statue represented Diitrephes,[2560] Furtwaengler believed that Diitrephes was the older warrior of the name, mentioned by Thukydides,[2561] and that Pausanias, who knew nothing of him, wrongly connected his statue with the younger one of that name.[2562]

3. Isokrates, son of Theodoros, of Athens. The pseudo-Plutarch mentions a bronze statue of Isokrates, in the form of a παῖς κελητίζων, on the Athenian Akropolis.[2563] As the orator was born in 436 B. C., his youthful victory among the horse-racers must have occurred about 420 B. C.

SUMMARY OF RESULTS.

We have found, then, from the literary sources examined, that there are at least 44 Olympic victors, to whom a total of 47 monuments were erected outside Olympia.[2564] These monuments were of various kinds—1 inscribed tablet, 1 Pindaric ode engrossed on a temple wall, 3 temples or shrines, 37 statues (one of them apparently iconic), bronze horses (? quadriga), and 4 dedications which are not further described. Thus the bulk of these monuments, as of those at Olympia, consisted of statues. Of the 29 monuments erected to 27 victors in the pre-Christian centuries, 3 were dedicated in the seventh,[2565] 4 in the sixth, 13 (to 11 victors) in the fifth, 1 in the fifth or fourth, 6 in the fourth,[2566] 1 in the fourth or third, and 1 in the third. There is no record of such a dedication in the second and first centuries B. C. Of the 14 monuments erected to 13 victors known to belong to the post-Christian centuries, 4 (to 3 victors) belong to the first, 5 to the second, 3 to the third and 2 to the fourth; 4 others were set up to 4 victors whose dates can not be determined. Of other monuments mentioned (though not included in our figures) 3 may or may not have been erected to Olympic victors. We find that the greatest number of dedications was made in the fifth century B. C., just as we found was the case in regard to those at Olympia.[2567] Of these victors, 10 also had monuments at Olympia. The total number of Olympic victor monuments, therefore, at Olympia and elsewhere of which we have record, amounts to 302.[2568]

STATISTICS OF OLYMPIC VICTOR STATUARIES.

In conclusion, we shall briefly summarize the number and dates of the sculptors of Olympic victor monuments who are known to us from all sources.[2569] Pausanias names 52 such sculptors, who made 102 of the 192 monuments listed by him. Of the 42 “honor” statues erected in the Altis to 35 men, Pausanias mentions only two sculptors, Lysippos, who also appears among the victor statuaries, and Mikon of Syracuse, who does not.[2570] Pliny names 24, or nearly one-half of the athlete sculptors mentioned by Pausanias.[2571] No new name of an artist appears either on the inscribed bases found at Olympia and referred to the monuments recorded by Pausanias, or on the 63 bases discovered there, which can not be so referred. Of the 52 sculptors known to us from Pausanias and inscriptions, the dates can be assigned definitely or approximately thus: of the seventh century B. C., none; of the sixth century B. C., second half, 2; end, 2; of the end of the sixth and beginning of the fifth centuries B. C., 1; of the fifth century B. C., first half, 9; middle, 4; second half, 3; end, 2; of the fourth century B. C., first half, 11; middle, 1; second half, 2; end, 3; of the end of the fourth and beginning of the third centuries B. C., 3; of the third century B. C., first half, 1; second half, 1; end, 2; of the end of the third and beginning of the second centuries B. C., 1; of the second century B. C., first half, 2. No sculptor is named who lived certainly later than the second century B. C. In addition to these results, 1 sculptor can be assigned only roughly to the period subsequent to Alexander the Great, and the epoch of still another can not be determined. Of the 37 statues listed above as erected to Olympic victors outside Olympia—_i. e.>/i>, the major portion of the whole number of 47 monuments of various sorts set up in honor of 44 victors—the names of only four artists are known. Three of these—Myron, Pythagoras of Rhegion, and Lysippos—also worked at Olympia. The name, therefore, of only one new sculptor, Kaphisias of Bœotia, who lived in the fourth century B. C., can be added from this source, which makes the grand total of victor statuaries known to us 53.

[Illustration: PLAN A

THE ALTIS AT OLYMPIA IN THE GREEK PERIOD (THIRD CENTURY B. C.)

Adapted from Doerpfeld ]

[Illustration: PLAN B

THE ALTIS AT OLYMPIA IN THE ROMAN PERIOD (SECOND CENTURY A. D.)

Adapted from Doerpfeld ]

FOOTNOTES:

[1] _Cf._ Gardiner, pp. 8-9.

[2] See _infra_, p. 228 and n. 2.

[3] _B. S. A._, XI, 1904-5, fig. 7 and pp. 12-14. The horse also appears on clay documents from Knossos with royal chariots and also on tombstones and fragmentary frescoes of Mycenæ; for the latter, see _Arch. Eph._, 1887, Pl. XI. On the Libyan origin of the first horses introduced into Greece, see W. Ridgeway, _The Origin and Influence of the Thoroughbred Horse_, 1905, p. 480.

[4] See the bull depicted on a seal from Praisos, to be mentioned below: Angelo Mosso, _The Palaces of Crete_, 1907, p. 218, fig. 98. The Italian Mission found at Hagia Triada the bones of a gigantic bull, and Mosso (_cf._ p. 216, n. 1) found the remains of one at Phaistos.

[5] _B. S. A._, VII, 1900-1, pp. 94 f. and VIII, 1901-2, p. 74; Mosso, _op. cit._, pp. 216-218; H. R. Hall, _Anc. History of the Near East_, 1913, Pl. IV., 2; Mrs. R. C. Bosanquet, _Days in Attica_, 1914, Pl. II; Richter, _Hbk. of the Classical Collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art_, 1917, p. 23, fig. 13. As Dr. Evans’ _Atlas_ has not yet appeared, the plate in the text is taken from a watercolor by Gilliéron, in the museum of Liverpool.

[6] It has often been pictured and described: _e. g._, Schliemann, _Tiryns_, 1885, Pl. XIII; Schuchhardt, _Schliemann’s Excavations_, 1891, pp. 119 f. and fig. 111; Tsountas-Manatt, _The Mycenæan Age_, 1897, p. 51, fig. 12; Perrot-Chipiez, VI, p. 887, fig. 439; Mosso, _op. cit._, p. 220, fig. 100; H. B. Walters, _The Art of the Greeks_, 1906, Pl. LIX; Springer-Michaelis, p. 113, fig. 242; _Tiryns, Die Ergebn. d. Ausgrab. d deutsch. Instituts in Athen_, II, 1912, Pl. XVIII.

[7] On analogy with the Knossos fresco this figure, because of its white skin, should be that of a woman and not of a man, as the usual color of the latter is red. However, the charioteers painted white on frescoes discovered at Tiryns in 1910, which represent a boar hunt (see Rodenwaldt, _A. M._, XXXVI, 1911, pp. 198 f. and fig. 2, p. 201, restored; see also _Tiryns_, II, Pl. XII, in color) are regarded by Hall as youths and not women. He remarks that in Egypt young princes, who led the “sheltered life,” were often represented on monuments as pale, though red was the more usual color: see Hall, _op. cit._, p. 58 and n. 1; _id._, _Aegean Archæology_, 1914, p. 190 and fig. 74 on p. 192. Rodenwaldt interprets them as female: _l. c._

[8] XV, 679 f. F. Marx, _Jb._, IV, 1889, pp. 119 f., on the analogy to certain coin types, saw in this fresco a representation of river divinities.

[9] Mosso, _op. cit._, p. 298, fig. 98.

[10] See Mosso, p. 311, fig. 153.

[11] Here the paved space measures only about 30 by 40 feet and the two tiers of seats would seat only 400 to 500 spectators: _B. S. A._, IX, 1902-03, p. 105, fig. 69; see Mosso, p. 315, fig. 154, and Baikie, _The Sea Kings of Crete_, 1913, Pls. XXI (before restoration), XXII (restored).

[12] See Burrows, _The Discoveries in Crete_, 1907, p. 5. The one at Knossos maybe the “choros” wrought by Daidalos for Ariadne: _Iliad_, XVIII, 590-2.

[13] _B. S. A._, VIII, 1901-2, pp. 72-4, fig. 39 (arm); Pls. II, III; Baikie, _op. cit._, Pl. XIX; H. R. Hall, _Aegean Archæology_, Pl. XXX, 2; Mosso, _op. cit._, p. 222, fig. 102; _cf._ Burrows, _op. cit._, p. 21; Bulle, p. 49, fig. 7; Springer-Michaelis, p. 103, fig. 228.

[14] Remains of copper wire with gold foil twisted around it still adhere to the head of one statuette.

[15] See Mosso, _op. cit._, p. 221, fig. 101; _B. S. A._, VII, 1900-01, p. 88.

[16] Hall, _Aegean Archæology_, pp. 55-6. Though discovered in 1889 in a bee-hive tomb near Sparta, these famous cups are obviously importations from Crete, the work of an artist of the late Minoan I period. Similarly, the lion-hunt on the dagger-blade from Mycenæ is akin to Cretan art, if not its product. These cups have been often pictured: _e. g._, _Arch. Eph._, 1889, Pl. IX; Schuchhardt, Pl. III (App., pp. 350 f.); _B. C. H._, IV, 1891, Pls. XI-XII (in color), XIII-XIV; Tsountas-Manatt, _op. cit._, pp. 227-8, figs. 113-114; Perrot-Chipiez, VI, Pl. XV (in color) and pp. 786-7, figs. 369-370; H. B. Walters, _op. cit._, Pl. V; Mosso, _op. cit._, pp. 223 f., figs. 103, a, b, and 104, a, b, c; Hall, _op. cit._, Pl. XV. 1, and _cf. id._, _Ancient History of the Near East_, pp. 54-5, n. 1; Springer-Michaelis, pp. 104-5, figs. 230 a, b; J. H. Breasted, _Ancient Times_, 1916, fig. 140, opp. p. 234.

[17] This interpretation of the scene has been compared with the design of a lion and goat on the short sword-blade from the chieftain’s grave at Knossos: see Burrows, _op. cit._, p. 88 and _cf._ pp. 136-7. Here there are two successive scenes; first the agrimi (wild goat) is startled and springs away; then the lion is represented triumphant at the end of the chase with one paw on the beast’s hind quarter and the other raised to strike: see Evans, _Prehistoric Tombs of Knossos_, 1906, p. 57, fig. 59; _cf._ also bronze inlaid dagger-blade from Mycenæ, showing hunting scenes on each face; Perrot-Chipiez, VI, Pl. XVII, 1 (panther hunting wild ducks, in color), XVIII, 3-4, (lion-hunt by men and lions chasing gazelles, in color); _cf._ Tsountas-Manatt, _op. cit._, pp. 200-2; Springer-Michaelis, Pl. V, 2a, b, 3; Schuchhardt, _op. cit._, p. 229, fig. 227; _cf._ Burrows, _op. cit._, p. 136.

[18] _Op. cit._, pp. 224-5.

[19] See Boeckh, p. 319, on _Pyth._, II, 78. The same word occurs also in an inscription on a late relief from Smyrna, which shows horsemen pursuing bulls, leaping on their backs and seizing their horns; _C. I. G._, II, 3212; also in an inscription from Sinope: _ibid._, III, 4157 (line 5); an inscription from Aphrodisias calls such men ταυροκαθάπται; _ibid._, II, Add., 2759b. The evidence shows that Gardiner, p. 9, n. 2, is wrong in connecting the _taurokathapsia_ with the hunting-field instead of with the circus. He cites the Smyrna relief above mentioned (in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford, no. 219), which, however, should be interpreted as an acrobatic scene. See J. Baunack, _Rhein. Mus._, XXXVIII, 1883, pp. 293 f., who discusses bull-fighting in Thessaly and Rome and quotes five inscriptions of Hellenic times to show that beast fights were common in Asia Minor.

[20] _Cf._ Mosso, _op. cit._, pp. 214-215.

[21] Iliad, XVIII, 605-6 (= Od., IV, 18-19).

[22] Iliad, XVI, 742-50.

[23] Hdt., VI, 129.

[24] No. 243; see Salzmann, _Le Nécropole de Cameiros_, Pl. LVII; Gardiner, p. 245, fig. 39.

[25] _E. g._, on one found at Knossos in 1903: _B. S. A._, IX, 1902-3, p. 57, and fig. 35 on p. 56. Here the attitude of the boxer is almost identical with that on the pyxis to be described below. A fuller design of the same sort may be seen on a seal from Hagia Triada mentioned in _B. S. A._, IX, p. 57, n. 2.

[26] Hall, _Aegean Archæology_, p. 33 (c. 1600 B. C.); for description, _ibid._, pp. 61-2.

[27] _Op. cit._, p. 211. In this respect it should be compared with the relief on the archaic (sixth-century B. C.) Attic tripod vase from Tanagra, now in Berlin, which shows scenes of boxing, wrestling, and running: _A. Z._, III, 1881, pp. 30 f. and Pls. III, IV.

[28] P., V, 8. 1, says Klymenos came from Crete fifty years after Deukalion’s flood and held games at Olympia; _cf._ VI, 21.6. Aristotle assigns the whole political and educational system of Sparta to a Cretan origin: _Politics_, II, 10f., 1271b., f.

[29] See R. Paribeni, _Rendiconti della R. Accad. dei Lincei_, XII, 1903, fasic. 70, p. 17; F. Halbherr, _ibid._, XIV, 1905, pp. 365 f., fig. 1; Burrows, _op. cit._, Pl. 1; Mosso, _op. cit._, p. 212. fig. 93; Hall, _Aegean Archæology_, Pl. XVI (from cast in Museum of Candia, whence our plate); _cf. id._, _Anc. Hist. Near East_, Pl. IV., 5. A copy is in the Metropolitan Museum, New York: see _Hbk. of Classical Collection_, p. 16, fig. 8.

[30] Detail of zone, Mosso, p. 213, fig. 94. The acrobat wears just such striped boots and bracelets as the man and women on the fresco from Knossos. The man binding the legs of the bull on the Vapheio cup wears similar apparel. Similar scenes of gymnasts vaulting over a bull’s back are seen on the seal of a bracelet found at Knossos in 1902: _B. S. A._, VIII, 1901-2, p. 18, fig. 43; Mosso, p. 214, fig. 95a; also on the intaglio of a ring in Athens: Mosso, p. 215, fig. 95b. Scenes of gymnasts with bulls at rest are common on seal impressions: _e. g._, on one from Mycenæ in Athens, Mosso, p. 217, fig. 97; on the one in Candia already mentioned, _ibid._, fig. 98; _cf._ Bosanquet, Excavations at Praisos, _B. S. A._, VIII, p. 252, who believes the bull has been surprised by a hunter.

[31] Iliad, XXII, 308 f.

[32] XXIII, 673.

[33] _B. S. A._, VII, 1900-1, fig. 31, pp. 95 and 96; copied by Gardiner, p. 10, fig. 1.

[34] We should bear in mind that the civilization pictured in the Homeric poems antedates 1000 B. C.

[35] _The Iliad_,^2 1900, II, p. 468.

[36] Od., VIII, 158 f. (translated by Butcher and Lang).

[37] Gardiner, p. 15, points out that there is no mention of a chariot-race in the Odyssey, merely because Ithaca was not a land “that pastureth horses,” nor had it “wide courses or meadowland.” The plains of Thessaly and Argos, the homes of Achilles and Agamemnon respectively, were, however, famed for their horses, and the plain of Troy was large enough for the chariot-race. The only other chariot-races mentioned in the Iliad are held in Elis: XI, 696 f.; XXIII, 630 f.

[38] _E. g._, on certain sarcophagi: see Murray, _Sarcophagi in the British Museum_, Pls. II, III (one from Klazomenai).

[39] The true _hoplomachia_ described by Homer and later practised by the Mantineans and Kyreneans (_cf._ Athenæus, IV, 41, p. 154) should not be confounded, as Gardiner, p. 21, n. 3, remarks, with the later competition of the same name held at the Athenian _Theseia_ and taught in the gymnasia, which was a purely military exercise like fencing: Plato, _Laches_, 182B and _passim_; _Gorgias_, 456D; _de Leg._, 833E; _cf._ Dar.-Sagl., _s. v._ _Hoplomachia_.

[40] _E. g._, Leaf, in his _Companion to the Iliad_, 1892, p. 380; _id._, _The Iliad_, II, p. 417, note on line 621.

[41] Iliad, XXIII, 634 f.; _ibid._, 621-3, where Achilles gives Nestor a prize because he will never again be able to contend in boxing, wrestling, hurling the javelin, or running. In Od., VIII, 103 and 128, leaping is substituted for chariot-racing.

[42] _E. g._, Iliad, XXII, 163-4: “The great prize ... of a man that is dead”; XXIII, 630 f., where Nestor recalls victories in the games held by the Epeians at Bouprasion in Elis at the funeral of the local hero Amarynkeus. Bouprasion is also mentioned in Iliad, XI, 756, in Nestor’s story of the war between the Pylians and Epeians and of the war waged by his father Neleus on Augeas, for stealing four horses which had been sent to Elis to contend for a tripod.

[43] Examples of panegyric games in honor of gods are found also in the Homeric Hymn to the Delian Apollo, I, 146 f.; in Pindar, _Ol._, IX. 6 (Zeus); P., VIII, 2.1 (Zeus) and schol.; and Hdt., I, 144 (Apollo) and schol.; etc.

[44] P., VIII, 4.5. For other examples of funeral games, see references in Krause, p. 9, n. 3. He also shows that musical contests were funerary in character.

[45] The scholiast on Pindar, _Nem._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 424 B, and _Isthm._, Argum., p. 514, calls the Nemean and Isthmian games funerary; Clem. Alex., _Protrept._, Ch. II, 34, 29 P. (quoted by Eusebios, _Praep. evang._, II, 6, 72 b. c.) says that all four great games were funerary in origin.

[46] P., I., 44.8; Clem. Alex., _Strom._, I, Ch. 21, 137, 401 P.

[47] P., II, 15.2-3; Apollod., III, 6, 4; Hyginus, _Fab._, 74; schol. on Pindar’s _Nem._, Argum. Here the umpires wore mourning garments because of the origin of the games; see Gardiner, p. 225.

[48] Aristotle, _Peplos_, frag. = _F. H. G._, II, p. 189, no. 282; Clem. Alex., _Protr._, Ch. I, 2, 2 P. and Ch. II, 34, 29 P.; Hyg., _Fab._, 140. For a different story of the founding (to appease Apollo for not protecting the temple when Delphi was invaded by Danaos), see Augustine, _de Civ. Dei_, XVIII, 12; _cf._ schol. on Pind., _Pyth._, Argum.; Ovid, _Met._, I, 445f. The _Pythia_ were reorganized by the Amphictyons as a funeral contest in honor of the soldiers who fell in the first Sacred War.

[49] _Cf._ P., V, 13.1-2; Clem. Alex., _l. c._

[50] V, 7.6-9.

[51] See Strabo, VIII, 3.30 (C.354-5); Pindar, _Ol._, II, 3 f.; VI, 67 f.; X, 25 f.; Diod., IV, 14 and V, 64. According to Pindar, _ll. cc._ and the scholiast on _Ol._, II, 2, 5, and 7, Boeckh, pp. 58-9, Herakles, the son of Zeus, instituted the games in honor of Zeus; but Statius, _Theb._, VI, 5 f., Solinus, I, 28 (ed. Mommsen), Hyg., _Fab._, 273. Clem. Alex., _Strom._, I, Ch. 21, 137, say it was in honor of Pelops. On the traditional connection of Herakles with Olympia, see E. Curtius, _Abh. d. k. preuss. Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin, philos.-histor. Kl._, 1894, pp. 1098 f.; Busolt, _Griech. Gesch_^2, 1893, I, pp. 240 f. On legends of the early history of Olympia, see Krause, _Olympia, oder Darstellung der grossen olympischen Spielen_, 1838, pp. 26 f.

[52] _Cf._ Frazer, II, pp. 549-50; Krause, p. 9, n. 3; from these two many of the following examples are taken. _Cf._ also Rouse, pp. 4 and 10; Koerte, Die Entstehung der Olympionikenliste, _Hermes_, XXXIX, 1904, pp. 224 f.; Krause, _Die Pythien, Nemeen und Isthmien_, 1841, pp. 9 f. (Pythian), 112 f. (Nemean), 170 f. (Isthmian); Gardiner, pp. 27 f.; see also Ridgeway, _Origin of Tragedy_, 1910, pp. 36, 38, and _cf._ _J. H. S._, XXXI, 1911, p. XLVII. Since the simple theory of the origin of the Olympic Festival in the funeral games in honor of Pelops does not explain all the legends of the games nor all the peculiar customs of the festival, and because of the inadequate character of the literary evidence (the earliest mention of it being a Delphic oracle quoted by Phlegon, _F. H. G._, p. 604; _cf._ Clem. Alex., _Protrept_, II, 34, p. 29), it has been attacked by F. M. Cornford (in Miss Harrison’s _Themis_, pp. 212 f.) and others. These scholars have tried to find the origin of the Olympic games rather in a ritual contest of succession to the throne, the honors extended to a victor being held to prove his kingly or divine character. The theory was first proposed by A. B. Cook, The European Sky God, _Folk Lore_, 1904, and has recently been elaborated by Frazer in his _Golden Bough_,^3 III, pp. 89 f., who has attempted to harmonize it with his earlier funeral theory. The inadequacy of the newer theory has been shown by E. N. Gardiner, The Alleged Kingship of the Olympic Victor, _B. S. A._, XXII, 1916-18, pp. 85 f. For a review of his paper, see also _J. H. S._, XXXVIII, 1918, pp. XLVII.

[53] V, 13.2.

[54] According to the same scholiast, on 1. 149; Boeckh, p. 43.

[55] _Cf._ _C. I. G._, II, 1969, ἀγὼν ... ἐπιτάφιος θεματικός.

[56] Hdt., VI, 38.

[57] P., III, 14.1.

[58] Thukyd., V, 11.

[59] Plut., _Timoleon_, 39; Diod. Sic., XVI, 90.1.

[60] Aulus Gellius, X, 18.5.

[61] Arrian, _Anabasis_, VII, 14. Games were held every four years in honor of Antinoos, the favorite of Hadrian, at Mantinea: P., VIII, 9.8.

[62] Strabo, XIV, 1.31 (C. 644.)

[63] P., IX, 2, 5-6; he says that they were celebrated every fourth year and that the chief prizes were for running.

[64] Philostr., _Vit. Soph._, II, p. 624; Heliod., _Aethiop._, I, 17; Aristotle, _Constit. of Athens_, 58; _cf._ P., I, 29.4. Games were also held in the Academy in honor of Eurygyes: Hesych., _s. v._ ἐπ’ Εὐρυγύῃ ἀγών.

[65] Dennis, _Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria_,^3 1883, I, p. 374 (Corneto); II, pp. 323 and 330 (Chiusi).

[66] On the Etruscan origin of the _ludi funebres_, see Val. Max., II, 4.4; Tertullian, _de Spect._, 12; Servius _ad_ Virg., _Aen._, X, 520. For the Etruscan origin of the _munera gladiatorum_, see Tertull., _op. cit._, 5; Athenæus, IV, 39 (quoting Nikolaos of Damascus); _cf._ Strabo, V, 4.13 (C. 250). They were first introduced into Rome in 264 B. C. in honor of D. Junius Brutus; Livy, XVI (Epit.); and are frequently mentioned: _e. g._, by Livy, XXIII, 30, 15; XXXI, 50, 4; XXXIX, 46, 2; XLI, 28, 11; Polyb., XXXII, 14, 5; Serv., _ad Aen._, III, 67 and V, 78; Suetonius, _Julius_, 26; etc. See Dar.-Sagl., II, 2, pp. 1384 f., 1563 f.

[67] Page 28; he quotes P. W. Joyce, _Social History of Ireland_, II, pp. 435 f.

[68] V, 17.5-19.10. The description of the throne (P., III, 18.9 f; _cf._ Apollodoros, I, 9.28) is merely summary, as Pausanias only mentions the games represented on it without describing them in detail.

[69] The best reconstruction of the scenes on the chest is by H. Stuart Jones: _J. H. S._, XIV, 1894, pp. 30-80 and Pl. I (repeated by Frazer, III, Pl. X, opp. p. 606). See also Robert, _Hermes_, XXIII, 1888, pp. 436 f.; Pernice, _Jb._, III, 1888, pp. 365 f.; Studniczka, _Jb._, IX, 1894, pp. 52 f., n. 16; Collignon, I, pp. 93-100; Furtw., _Mw._, pp. 723-32.

The best attempt to reconstruct the scenes on the throne is by Furtwaengler _Mw._, fig. 135, opposite p. 706; text, pp. 689-719; _cf._ the best of the older attempts by Brunn, _Rhein. Mus._, N. F., V, 1847, p. 325; _id._, _Kunst bei Homer_, pp. 22 f.; _id._, _Griech. Kunstgesch._, 1893, I, pp. 178 f. _Cf._ also Klein, _Arch.-epigr. Mitt. aus Oesterr.-Ungarn_, IX, 1885, pp. 145 f.; against Klein, see Pernice, as above, p. 369. _Cf._ Collignon, I, pp. 230-2; Murray, I, pp. 89 f.] [

[70] If we followed Pausanias’ account that this was the very chest made to save the infant Kypselos, father of Periandros and future tyrant of Corinth, and that it was dedicated at Olympia by the Kypselid family (for the story, see Hdt., V, 92), the chest would belong to the eighth century B. C., and must have been dedicated before 586-5 B. C., when the Kypselid dynasty ended at Corinth; see Busolt, _Griech. Gesch._,^2 I, pp. 638 and 657. However, the chest at Olympia had nothing to do with the legendary one, but was merely a richly decorated offering to the gods, the work of a Corinthian artist of the end of the seventh or beginning of the sixth century B. C., and one who knew the epic poems well.

[71] _Vasen_, 1655; Perrot-Chipiez, IX, p. 637, fig. 348 (departure of Amphiaraos); p. 639, fig. 349 (chariot-race); Gardiner, p. 29, fig. 3; Frazer, III, p. 609, fig. 77; Baum. I, fig. 69; and see Robert _Annali_, XLVI, 1874, pp. 82 f.; _Mon. d. I._, X, 1874-1878, Pls. IV, V. The discovery of this vase at Cerveteri (Caere) in 1872 proved the Corinthian workmanship of the chest.

[72] Micali, _Monumenti per servire all’historia degli antichi popoli Italiani_^2, 1833, Pl. XCV; described by Jahn, _Archaeol. Aufsaetze_, pp. 154 f. (quoted by Frazer, III, p. 610). For scenes representing the departure of Amphiaraos and a four-horse chariot-race, see also an Attic-Corinthian vase in Florence: Perrot-Chipiez, X, pp. 109 and 111, figs. 78, 79 (= Thiersch, _Tyrrhenische Amphoren_, Pl. IV); the latter also gives us the oldest representation of a Greek stadion.

[73] _A. Z._ XLIII, 1885, Pl. VIII; Gardiner, p. 30, fig. 4 (one side).

[74] Cited by Gardiner, pp. 30-31; Inghirami, _Mon. Etr._, 1821-1826, III, 19, 20; Schreiber, _Bilder-atlas_, Pl. XIII, 6; M. W., I, Pl. LX, fig. 302b.

[75] Reproduced by Gardiner, p. 21, fig. 2.

[76] _Cf._ on this topic, Gardiner, pp. 31-2; _cf._ _B. S. A._, XXII, 1916-18, p. 86, where, in speaking of the disputed origin of the custom of funeral games, he says: “It is at least conceivable that it originated from different causes in different places and among different peoples.”

[77] See a list of twenty-five local _Olympia_ in Smith’s _Dictionary of Antiquities_,^3 1891, II, pp. 273 f., _s. v._ _Olympia_, taken from Krause, _Olympia_, pp. 202 f. Dar.-Sagl., IV, i, pp. 194 f., list 34 local _Olympia_. Most of these lesser _Olympia_ are known to us only from inscriptions and coins. Peisistratos appears to have founded annual _Olympia_ at Athens, when he began to build the Olympieion; Pindar seems to allude to them in _Nem._ II, 23 (_cf._ schol. _ad loc._); they were reorganized magnificently by Hadrian in A. D. 131; Spartianus, _Vit. Hadriani_, 13. _Cf._ Gardiner, p. 229.

[78] Lysias, _Paneg._, notes this fact, when he says that Herakles restored peace and unity by instituting the games. Pausanias speaks similarly of the restoration of the games by Iphitos and Lykourgos: V, 4.5 f.

[79] P., V, 1.3; 3.6; Strabo, VIII, 3.33 (C.357).

[80] The decree governing the festival was inscribed on a diskos, which dates probably from the seventh century B. C., and was preserved in the Heraion down to the time of Pausanias. On it the names of Iphitos and Lykourgos were legible down to Aristotle’s day: P., V, 20.1; Plut., _Lycurgus_, I. 1. Phlegon, _F. H. G._, III, p. 602, and a scholion on Plato, _de Rep._, 465 D, mention Kleosthenes; _cf._ Louis Dyer, _Harvard Classical Studies_, 1908, pp. 40 f.; Gardiner, p. 43, n. 1.

[81] For a discussion of the sources and history of this register, originally compiled near the end of the fifth century B. C. by Hippias of Elis (Plut., _Numa_, I, 4; _cf._ Mahaffy, _J. H. S._, II, 1881, pp. 164f.), and revised by various later writers from Aristotle and Philochoros to Phlegon of Tralles and Julius Africanus, see Juethner, _Ph._, pp. 60-70. From it a complete list of stade-runners was copied by the church-historian Eusebios from Africanus, who had brought it down to 217 A. D.

[82] V, 8.6.

[83] Mentioned by P., V, 4.6 and elsewhere; for the mythical account see P., V, 7.6-8.5 (from Herakles to Oxylos); V, 8.5, and V, 9.4 (revived under the presidency of Iphitos and the descendants of Oxylos). Phlegon, _F. H. G._, III, p. 603, says that the games were discontinued for 28 Olympiads from the time of Herakles and Pelops to that of Koroibos. Velleius Paterculus, I, 8 (ed. Halm), dates the revival under Iphitos, 793 B. C. Strabo, quoting Ephoros, says that the Achæans controlled Olympia to the time of Oxylos; for his mythical account of the games, see VIII, 3.33 (C. 357). On presidents of the games being elected from the Eleans, see P., V, 9.4-6.

[84] Especially by Xenophon, _Hell._, III, 2.31; VII, 4.28. Pausanias omits all evidence of the part played by Kleosthenes in the truce. See Gardiner, pp. 44 f.

[85] See Doerpfeld, _A. M._, XXXIII, 1908, pp. 185 f.

[86] Recently E. N. Gardiner has argued that the worship of Zeus came directly from Dodona to Olympia before it had reached Crete and that Cretan elements in the cult first appear at Olympia in the VIII century B. C. He believes that the worship of Hera reached Olympia from Argos later than that of Zeus, toward the end of the VIII century B. C., when he supposes the Heraion was built as a joint temple to both deities; _B. S. A._, XXII, 1916-18, pp. 85-86.

[87] On his cult see P., V, 13.2, and scholion on Pindar, _Ol._ I, 146 and 149, Boeckh, p. 43. After being reduced to the rank of hero, Pelops still kept his own precinct in the Altis throughout antiquity.

[88] On the history of Olympia, see Gardiner, pp. 38 f.

[89] For the legends connected with the origin of the three, see Krause, _Die Pythien, Nemeen und Isthmien_, and the various articles in Dar.-Sagl.

[90] Schol. on Pindar, _Pyth._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 298.

[91] On the Sacred or Krisaian War (590 B. C.), see Bury, _History of Greece_, 1913, pp. 158-9. The first Pythiad was reckoned from 586 (not from 582 as Bury and others state): see Frazer, V, p. 244; Boeckh, _Explic. ad Pind._, _Ol._, XII, pp. 206 f.

[92] See Strabo, IX, 3.10, (C. 421); P., X, 7.4-5; schol. on Pind., _Pyth._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 298. Ovid’s idea (_Met._, I, 445) that boxing, running, and chariot-racing existed from the first, is wrong. On the Pythian games, see Gardiner, pp. 208 f.

[93] On the Nemean games, see Gardiner, pp. 223-6. As no proper excavations have been made on the site, our knowledge of the games is confined almost entirely to literary evidence.

[94] P., II, 15.3, and VI, 16.4, mentions a winter celebration. The scholiast on Pindar’s _Nem._, Argum., Boeckh, pp. 424-5, says that it was a τριετής held on the 12th of the month Panemos, and so it was a summer and not a winter celebration. On theories of two celebrations, see Frazer, II, pp. 92-3.

[95] They were not held in midsummer as some have maintained: see Thukyd., VIII, 9-10; Unger, _Philologus_, XXXVII, 1877, 1-42; Nissen, _Rhein. Mus._, XLII, 1887, pp. 46 f. On the Isthmian games, see Gardiner, pp. 214 f.

[96] For the nine-day celebration of the _Great Panathenaia_, see A. Mommsen, _Feste der Stadt Athen_, 1898, p. 153; _cf._ Gardiner, pp. 229 f.

[97] See Mommsen, _op. cit._, pp. 278 f., and _Heortologie_, 1864, pp. 269 f. In recent years victor lists of the _Theseia_ have been found: _C. I. G._, II, 444-450, esp. 447; for two other fragments, see _A. M._, XXX, 1905, pp. 213 f, and _Beilag_, a and b (c = _C. I. G._, above). For other lists of victors of local games, see _A. M._, XXVIII, 1903, pp. 338 f. (Oropos, Samos, Larisa). For vase-paintings of the athletic exploits of Theseus, see Harrison, _Mythology and Monuments of Ancient Athens_, 1890, pp. XCVIII f.

[98] See _Ol._, IX, 89; XIII, 110; _Pyth._, VIII, 79.

[99] Iliad, XXIII, 262-70; _cf._ XXII, 163-4, where the prizes were slave women and tripods.

[100] _Ibid._, 700-5.

[101] _Ibid._, 653-6.

[102] _Ibid._, 740-51.

[103] _Op._, 653-9; _cf. Scut._, 312-13.

[104] Iliad, XI, 700; XXIII, 264; Hesiod, _Scut._, 312. It is thus represented on a Dipylon vase: _Mon. d. I._, IX, 1869-73, Pl. XXXIX, 2; on the Corinthian vase representing the funeral games of Pelias and Amphiaraos: _ibid._, X, Pl. V B; on the François vase, and on many others.

[105] Iliad, XXII, 164; _cf._ Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCXLVII.

[106] Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCLVI.

[107] On an amphora by Nikosthenes: Klein, _Griech. Vasen mit Meistersignaturen_,^2 1887, Pl. XXXI.

[108] Iliad, XXIII, 702, as above.

[109] Hdt., I, 144.

[110] Ion, _ap._ P., VII, 4.10.

[111] Aristeid., I, p. 841 (ed. Dindorf).

[112] Polemon _ap._ schol. on Pindar, _Ol._, VII, 153, Boeckh, pp. 180-1.

[113] On the above-mentioned Corinthian vase: _Mon. d. I._, X, Pls. IV, V; on the chest of Kypselos: P., V, 17.11.

[114] In the Iliad, as above.

[115] P., III, 18.7-8.

[116] _A. Z._, XL, 1882, p. 333; _B. C. H._, VI, 1882, p. 118.

[117] _B. C. H._, IX, 1885, p. 478.

[118] P., IX, 10.4; Hdt., I, 92.

[119] See Carapanos, _Dodone et ses Ruines_, 1878, pp. 40, 41, and 229, and Pl. XXIII, 2.2 _bis_, 3, 4.

[120] P., X, 7.6.

[121] P., IV, 32.1.

[122] On the tripod, see Reisch, pp. 6-7 and 58-9; Rouse, pp. 150-1 and 355; most of the above examples have been taken from these writers.

[123] _Nem._, X, 45 f.; _cf._ schol. on _Ol._, VII, 153, Boeckh, pp. 180-1.

[124] _C. I. A._, II, 2, 965. On the value of bronze, _cf._ Reisch, p. 6.

[125] Schol. on Pindar, _Ol._, VII, 152, Boeckh, p. 180.

[126] _Ibid._, _Ol._, VII, 156, Boeckh, p. 181.

[127] Pindar, _Ol._, IX, 89-90.

[128] _Ibid._, _Nem._, IX, 51; X, 43 f.

[129] _Ibid._, _Nem._, X, 44; schol. on _Ol._, XIII, 155 and VII, 156, Boeckh, pp. 288 and 156, and _Explic. ad Olymp._, IX, 102, p. 194.

[130] _C. I. A._, III, 1, 116.

[131] Schol. on Pindar, _Nem._, X, 64, Boeckh, p. 504; _cf._ _C. I. A._, II, 2, 965.

[132] _A. G._, XIII, 8.

[133] _I. G. A._, 525; _B. M. Bronzes_, 257.

[134] For many of these examples, see Reisch, pp. 57 f. (and notes), and Rouse, pp. 150-1.

[135] At the _Panathenaia_ a golden crown was given the victorious harpist, a hydria to the torch-racer, and an ox to the victor in the pyrrhic chorus: _C. I. A._, II, 2, 965. Weapons were given at Delos: _C. I. G._, II, 2360; a golden crown was given at the Pythian games in Delphi to the city which furnished the finest sacrificial ox: Xenophon, _Hell._, IV, 4.9; here also golden crowns and arms were presented for soldiers’ contests: Xenophon, _ibid._, III, 4.8 and IV, 2.7.

[136] VIII, 48.2.

[137] Foerster, 7.

[138] Frag., (= _F. H. G._, III, p. 604).

[139] V, 7.7; _cf._ Pindar, _Ol._, III, 24 f.

[140] _Ol._, III, 13 f.

[141] Pseudo-Aristot., _de mirab. Auscult._, 51; schol. on Aristoph., _Plutus_, 586; Suidas, _s. v._ κοτίνου στεφάνῳ.

[142] P., V, 15.3; _cf._ Theophrastos, _Hist. Plant._, IV, 13, 2; Pliny, _H. N._, XVI, 240.

[143] Schol. on Pindar, _Ol._, III, 60, Boeckh, p. 102.

[144] Pseudo-Aristot., _l. c._; schol. on Pindar, _Ol._, III, 60, and VIII, 12, Boeckh, pp. 102 and 189.

[145] Weniger, _Der heilige Oelbaum in Olympia_, 1895.

[146] P., X, 7.5; _Marmor Parium_, 53 f. On the reason why the laurel was the prize for a Pythian victory, see P., X, 7.8; _cf._ VIII, 48.2 (as above); schol. on Pindar, _Pyth._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 298. On the Delphian laurel, see also Pliny, _H. N._, XV, 127; _Dio Cass._, LXIII, 9. Virgil crowns his victors with laurel: _Aen._, V, 246 and 539.

[147] Aelian, _Var. Hist._, III, 1; schol. on Pindar, _Pyth._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 298.

[148] See Gardiner, p. 208, fig. 27, a coin in the British Museum: _B. M. Coins, Delphi_, 38.

[149] _Anacharsis_, 9; see also _C. I. A._, III, 116; Kaibel, _Epigrammata graeca_, 1878, no. 931.

[150] _Nem._, IV, 88; _Ol._, XIII, 32 f.; _Isthm._, II, 16, VIII, 64.

[151] Schol. on Pindar, _Nem._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 426.

[152] _E. g._, P., VIII, 48.2; _cf._ Plut., _Qaest. conviv._, V, 3.3; _Timoleon_, 26.

[153] Krause, _Die Pythien, Nemeen und Isthmien_, pp. 197 f.; schol. on _Isthm._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 514.

[154] See _B. M. Coins, Corinth_, 509-12; 564; 602-3 (603 = Gardiner, p. 214, fig. 28); 624; _cf._ _I. G._, II, 1320, and Gardiner, p. 222, n. 2.

[155] P., II, 1.7. Curtius, _Peloponnesos_, II, p. 543, believes that the pine was not a fir, but the _Pinus maritima_; Philippson, in the _Zeitschr. d. Gesellsch. fuer Erdkunde zu Berlin_, XXV, 1890, pp. 74 f., believes that it was the _Pinus halepensis_ Mill.

[156] See Droysen, _Hermes_, XIV, 1879, p. 3; Head, _Historia Nummorum_, pp. 146 f.; Imhoof-Blumer and O. Keller, _Tier- und Pflanzenbilder auf Muenzen und Gemmen_, Pl. VI, 8; VII, 2; IX, 9-12; XXV, 19.

[157] VIII, 48.2.

[158] See Tarbell, _Class. Phil._, III, pp. 264 f.; he traces its origin to Delos and its popularity to the restoration of the Delian festival by the Athenians in 426 B. C.

[159] Mentioned by Phanias, _ap._ Athen., VI, 21 (232 c.)

[160] _Op._, 654 f.; _cf._ P., IX, 31.3. The spurious epigram in _A. G._, VII, 53, may have been engraved on this tripod set up in the temple on Mt. Helikon.

[161] P., X, 7.6.

[162] _C. I. A._, IV, 373^{79}; another is mentioned _ibid._, I, 493.

[163] Hdt., V, 60.

[164] Hdt., I, 144.

[165] _Bronz. v. Ol._, pp. 72 f.

[166] See Rouse, pp. 153 f.

[167] V, 12.8.

[168] VI, 19.4.

[169] _Cf._ Rouse, p. 160 and Reisch, p. 62 and n. 1.

[170] See Rouse, _l. c._; for the inscription, _I. G. A._, 370.

[171] II, 29.9.

[172] _I. G. A._, XIII, 449; see discussion of both stones in _J. H. S._, XXVII, 1907, pp. 2 f.

[173] In Ol. 255 (= 241 A. D.); Foerster, 739; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 240-1.

[174] See _Bronz. v. 0l._, p. 179.

[175] _E. g._, the inscribed lead weight of the seventh or sixth centuries B. C., found at Eleusis and dedicated by Epainetos: _C. I. A._, IV, 2, 422^4; _cf. Arch. Eph._, 1883, pp. 189-91.

[176] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Textbd., p. 180; Tafelbd., Pl. LXV, 1101 a.; _cf._ another from the Cyrenaica in the British Museum: _B. M. Bronzes_, no. 326.

[177] _C. I. G._, I, 243; _C. I. A._, III, 1, 124; _Rhein. Mus._, XXXIV, 1879, p. 206; on prize torches, see _A. G._, VI, 100, and _cf._ Kaibel, _Epigr. gr._, 1878, 943.

[178] Kallim., XLIX; _A. G._, VI, 311; _cf._ Reisch, pp. 62 and 145-6, figs. 13, 14; Rouse, pp. 162-3.

[179] See Reisch, p. 62, and n. 4. The flutist Straton dedicated his flute at Thespiai in the third century B. C.: _C. I. G. G. S._, I, 1818; a harpist his harp at Athens: _C. I. A._, III, 112.

[180] P., VI, 10.6-7.

[181] P., VI, 9.4.

[182] P., VI, 12.1

[183] P., VI, 10.8.

[184] P., VI, 16.9.

[185] P., V, 12.5; the monument consisted of bronze horses only.

[186] P., VI, 16.6.

[187] _E. g._, chariots and drivers, _Bronz. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. XV, 248, 248a, 249, 250; Textbd., pp. 39-40; chariots without drivers, _ibid._, Tafelbd., Pl. XV, 252, 252a, 253; Textbd., p. 40; charioteers without chariots, _ibid._, Pl. XVI, 251; Textbd., p. 40; horses belonging to two-wheeled chariots, _ibid._, Pl. XVI, 254, 254a; Textbd., pp. 40-1.

[188] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. XXV, 498 f.; Textbd., p. 68.

[189] _Bronz. v. Ol._, _l. c._; he is followed by Reisch, p. 61; Rouse, p. 166, however, thinks that they would have been an “artistic blunder.”

[190] _E. g._, _Bronz. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. XXV, 503 f.; Textbd., p. 69.

[191] _Ibid._, Pl. XXV, 510; some are older than the date of the introduction of the mule-car race, Ol. 70 (= 500 B. C.), and some may have been used as bases for animal figures: _e. g._, Pl. XXV, 509; Textbd., p. 69.

[192] Rouse, p. 165, suggests, though without evidence, that they may have been offered before the contest with a propitiatory sacrifice.

[193] Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 71.

[194] _Ibid._, XXXIV, 78: _fecit et quadrigas bigasque_, etc.

[195] _Ibid._, XXXIV, 63 and 64: _fecit et quadrigas multorum generum_.

[196] P., VI, 12.1.

[197] Either in Ol. 69 (= 504 B. C.) or 70 (= 500 B. C.) or before 67 (= 512 B. C.): Hyde, 126; Foerster, 778 (undated).

[198] P., VI, 14.4.

[199] The father won κέλητι in Ol. 66 or 67 (= 516 or 512 B. C.): Hyde, 120; Foerster, 129 and 149a; P., VI, 13.9; the sons won in the same event in Ol. 68 (= 508 B. C.): Hyde, 121, and pp. 50-51; Foerster, 152; P., VI, 13.10.

[200] VI, 2.1-2; he won in the heavy-armed race and in charioteering in Ols. (?) 83, 84, (= 448, 444 B. C.): Hyde, 12; Foerster, 211a; Foerster believes that the two statues represented Lykinos and his charioteer, and that they stood in the chariot, which is not mentioned by Pausanias.

[201] So Foerster, _l. c._; see also Robert, O. S., p. 176; Rutgers, p. 144; and Klein, _Archaeol.-epigr. Mitt. aus Oesterr.-Ungarn_, VII, 1883, p. 70. For an improbable view, see Brunn, I, p. 479.

[202] P., VI, 12.1.

[203] Pliny, _H. N._, XXIV, 75.

[204] _Ibid._, XXXIV, 78.

[205] _Ibid._, XXXIV, 19.

[206] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. XV, 255-7; XVI, 258; Textbd., p. 41; terra-cotta horses, _ibid._, XVII, 267-75; Textbd., pp. 43-4.

[207] See Rouse, p. 167.

[208] Pindar, _Pyth._, V, 34 f.

[209] _C. I. A._, IV, 2, p. 89, 373^{99}; _cf._ _Arch. Eph._, 1887, p. 146 (inscribed base reproduced).

[210] Mentioned by the pseudo-Plutarch, _Vit. X Orat._, IV (Isokrates), 42, p. 839 c

[211] Pindar’s _Pyth._ XII celebrates the victory of Midas of Akragas in flute-playing; he won in Pyth. 24 and 25 (= 490 and 486 B. C.)

[212] _H. N._, XXXV, 58; both at Corinth and Delphi.

[213] Strabo, VIII, 6. 20 (C. 378); Aristeid., _Isthm._, 45; Livy, XXXIII, 32. Dio Chrysostom has graphically described the crowds of spectators who still frequented the _Isthmia_ in the first century A. D.: _Orat._, VII (Διογένης ἢ περὶ ἀρετῆς); VIII (Διογένης ἢ Ἰσθμικός); _cf._ Gardiner, p. 173.

[214] Plutarch, _Solon_, 23; Diog. Laert., 1, 55: etc.

[215] For a list of victors, see Krause, _Die Pythien, Nemeen und Isthmien_, pp. 209 f.

[216] See Julian, _Epist._, XXXV.

[217] See Monceaux on the excavation of the temple of Poseidon, _Gaz. arch._, IX, 1884, pp. 358 f.

[218] Lucian, _Nero_, 2, says Olympia was the “most athletic” of all; Bacchylides, XII, emphasizes the athletic character of Nemea.

[219] The boys’ pentathlon was introduced in the fifty-third Nemead (= 467 B. C.) and the pankration for boys earlier: _cf._ Pindar, _Nem._, V (in honor of the boy pancratiast Pytheas of Aegina; _cf._ Bacchylides, XIII); VII (in honor of the boy pentathlete Sogenes of Aegina, who won in Nem. 54); IV and VI (in honor of two Aeginetan boy wrestlers). The horse-race for boys is mentioned by P., VI, 16.4. Races in armor were also important: Ph., 7.

[220] See Gardiner, pp. 223 f.; list of victors in Krause, _op. cit._, pp. 147 f.

[221] X, 9.2 (Frazer’s transl.).

[222] See Foucart and Wescher, _Inscriptions recueillies à Delphes_, 1863, no. 469; Haussoulier, _B. C. H._, VI, 1882, pp. 217 f.; Couve, _ibid._, XVIII, 1894, pp. 70-100. One is in honor of the Corinthian singer Aristonos, who composed a hymn to Apollo, found at Delphi: _ibid._, XVII, 1893, pp. 563 f. A Samian flutist, Satyros, gained a prize without contest and recited a choral ode called _Dionysos_ in the stadion, and played an air from Euripides’ _Bacchae_ on the lyre; _ibid._, XVII, pp. 84 f. Native towns erected statues to musical victors: _C. I. G._, I., nos. 1719-20. One inscription records the rules to be observed by runners, who could not drink new wine, etc.: _J. H. S._, XVI, 1896, p. 343 and _Berliner Philolog. Wochenschr._, XVI, 1896, p. 831 (June 27); _cf._ Frazer, V, p. 260. The base of a statue of a boy wrestler has been found: _A. Z._, XXXI, 1874, p. 57.

[223] X, 9.2-3; on Phaÿllos, see Foerster, 794 (undated).

[224] _H. N._, XXXIV, 59.

[225] _Ibid._, §57.

[226] On _Pyth._, IX, Argum., Boeckh, p. 401 B.

[227] XXIV, 7.10.

[228] To be discussed _infra_, in Ch. V.

[229] II, 1.7.

[230] _I. G. B._, nos. 120, 133, 148.

[231] _C. I. G._, II, 2888.

[232] P., VIII, 38.5; _cf._ Reisch, p. 39, n. 1.

[233] P., I, 23.9; _C. I. A._, I, 376; _I. G. B._, 39.

[234] P., I, 23.10.

[235] P., I, 24.3; _cf._ Reisch, p. 39.

[236] Pseudo-Plutarch, _Vit. X Orat._, already mentioned.

[237] P., I, 18.3 and IX, 32.8; _cf._ Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 79.

[238] _Contra Leocr._, p. 51 (ed. Reiske, p. 176.)

[239] _Cf._ Furtwaengler, _A. M._, V, 1880, pp. 27 f.

[240] _C. I. A._, I, 419; he won in Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208.

[241] _C. I. A._, II, 3, 1303.

[242] Aelian, _Var. Hist._, IX, 32. Reisch, p. 39, ascribes these to the monument of the older Kimon, who won in chariot-racing three times at Olympia: Hdt., VI, 103; Plut., _Cato Major_, 5; Foerster, 124 and 132.

[243] _C. I. A._, II, 3, 1300.

[244] _Ibid._, 1301; _cf._ _C. I. G._, I, 233.

[245] _Ibid._, 1305, 1312.

[246] _Ibid._, 1302.

[247] _Ibid._, 1304.

[248] _Ibid._, 1323.

[249] _Ibid._, 1313.

[250] _Ibid._, 1314.

[251] _Ibid._, 1318-20.

[252] The Ἑλλανοδίκαι, mentioned by P., V, 9. 4 f. and elsewhere; sometimes he calls them merely οἱ Ἠλεῖοι: _e. g._, VI, 13.9.

[253] _E. g._, P., VI, 13.9, says that the Eleans allowed Pheidolas to dedicate a statue of his mare; in VI, 3.6, he says that they allowed the wrestler Kratinos to set up a statue of his trainer.

[254] XXXIV, 16. See _infra_, pp. 54 and 354.

[255] VI, 1.1.

[256] _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 236.

[257] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 19 f. (nude youths with lost attributes so that they can not be named with certainty); Tafelbd., Pl. VIII, 47 (the oldest); VII, 48 = F. W., 352 (Apollo, following Overbeck, _Gr. Kunstmytk._, III, _Apollon_, p. 35, fig. 6); VIII, 49 = F. W., 353; VIII, 51-4 and 57 (the latter is a boxer of the fifth century B. C. = Fig. 2 in text); VI, 50; VI, 59 (right arm of a fifth-century B. C. diskobolos); VI, 63 (right lower leg). Purgold, _Annali_, LVII, 1885, pp. 167 f., makes these diskoboloi decorative in character.

[258] De Ridder, no. 747.

[259] _Ibid._, no. 746.

[260] _Ibid._, no. 636.

[261] Carapanos, _Dodone et ses Ruines_, 1878, Pl. XI, 1 and 1 _bis_ (probably not Atalanta, as Carapanos suggests on p. 31, no. 4).

[262] _B. C. H._, XXI, 1897, Pls. X and XI.

[263] _A. M._, XV, 1890, p. 365.

[264] _Jb._, I, 1886, pp. 163 f., and Pl. IX; II, 1887, pp. 95 f.

[265] Carapanos, _op. cit._, Pl. XIII, 1.

[266] _E. g._, see E. von Sacken, _Die antiken Bronzen des k. k. Muenz- und Antiken-Cabinetes in Wien_, 1871, Pl. 37, fig. 4, and Pl. 45, fig. 1; _cf._ _J. H. S._, I, Pl. V, fig. 1, text, pp. 176-7. See lists, from which many of the above examples are taken, in Reisch, p. 39, and Rouse, pp. 172 f.

[267] The seven fragments collected by Treu, which are two-fifths to two-thirds life-size: _Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. LVI, 2, (= Fig. 78, _infra_) and Textbd., p. 216, no. 241; Tafelbd., Pl. LVI, 3, 4 and Textbd., p. 216, n. 4 and fig. 242.

[268] V, 27.2-3.

[269] Reisch, pp. 39 f., gives examples of these for chariot victories at the _Panathenaia_ and the games at Oropos, which latter were imitated from the _Panathenaia_.

[270] V, 16.3: καὶ δὴ ἀναθεῖναί σφισιν ἔστι γραψαμέναις εἰκόνας. Rouse, p. 167, n. 9, shows that these words do not mean “statues of themselves with their names engraved on them,” as Frazer translates, but painted reliefs.

[271] Benndorf, _Griech. und Sicil. Vasenbilder_, I, Pl. IX, pp. 13 f.

[272] I, 22.7. Reisch, p. 40, believes this represented a Panathenaic victor.

[273] _H. N._, XXXV, 99. _Cf._ E. Kroker, _Gleichnamige griechische Kuenstler_, 1883, p. 35.

[274] _Ibid._, §75.

[275] _Ibid._, §63.

[276] _Ibid._, §141.

[277] _Ibid._, §106.

[278] _Ibid._, §71.

[279] _Ibid._, §130.

[280] _Ibid._, §144.

[281] P., VI, 14.13. He won the pentathlon twice some time between Ols. 126 and 132 (= 276 and 252 B. C.): Hyde, 139; Foerster, 451 and 456; the inscription on one has been recovered: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 176.

[282] P., VI, 3.11. His victories in running races occurred in Ols. (?) 95, (?) 97 and 99; (= 400, 392 and 384 B. C.): Afr.; Hyde, 33; Foerster, 307, 315, 316. The inscription from the base of one is preserved in _A. G._, XIII, 15.

[283] P., VI, 2.1-2; Hyde, 12; Foerster, 211a.

[284] P., VI, 15.10; he won the pankration and wrestling match in Ol. 142 (= 212 B. C.): Hyde, 150; Foerster, 474, 475.

[285] P., VI, 1.4; he won in the two- and four-horse chariot-races in Ols. 102, 103 (= 372 and 368 B. C.): Hyde, 6; Foerster, 338, 345; for the inscription on its base, see _Inschr. v. Ol._, 166. P. Gardner, in _J. H. S._, XXV, 1905, p. 245, infers that he had only one victory, in 372 B. C.

[286] P., VI, 2.2; he won in Ols. (?) 86, 87 (= 436, 432 B. C.): Hyde, 13; Foerster, 250, 256.

[287] P., VI, 14.12; _Inschr. v . Ol._, 170; _ibid._, no. 154 belongs to the victory mentioned by Pausanias. He won κέλητι in Ol. (?) 83 (= 448 B. C.): Hyde, 133; Foerster, 327.

[288] _E. g._, Deinomenes set up a chariot-group to his father Hiero: P., VI, 12.1; Glaukos had a statue dedicated by his son: VI, 10.3; Menedemos set up a statue to his father of the same name: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 214; the sons of Hiero II, the son of Hierokles, of Syracuse, set up in honor of their father two statues by the Syracusan statuary Mikon, one on horseback, the other on foot: P., VI, 12.2 f.; Hyde 105a and pp. 44-5; another of the same Hiero was set up at Olympia by his sons: VI, 15.6; Hyde, 147a; these latter, however, are “honor” and not victor statues.

[289] _E. g._, Hermokrates dedicated a statue to his son Kleitomachos of Thebes: P., VI, 15.3 f.; he won in pankration and boxing in Ols. 141 and 142 (= 216, 212 B. C.): Hyde, 146; Foerster, 472, 476. The epigram by Alkaios (= Minor) of Messenia is preserved in _A. G._, IX, 588. For inscriptions after the time of Augustus, see _Inschr. v. Ol._, 215 (Menedemos to his son of the same name); 216 (Aristodemos to his son Lykomedes of Elis); Foerster, 550; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 218 (Timolas to his son Archiadas of Elis); Foerster, 535; etc.

[290] _E. g._, Klaudia Kleodike to her son M. Antonios Kallipos Peisanos of Elis: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 223; Foerster, 568.

[291] _E. g._, Diodoros to his brother Nikanor of Ephesos: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 227; he won the pankration in Ol. 217 (= 89 A. D.): Foerster, 666.

[292] _E. g._, Loukios Betilenos (= Vetulenus) set one up to T. Klaudios Aphrodeisios of Elis (?): _Inschr. v. Ol._, 226. He won κέλητι in Ol. 208 (= 53 A. D.): Foerster, 634; two Eleans set up statues, one, M. Antonios Peisanos, to Germanicus Caesar, adopted son of the Emperor Tiberius (Foerster, 612), the other, Gnaios Markios, to Tiberius or Germanicus: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 221 and 222.

[293] _E. g._, Mikon the trainer to an unknown Samian boxer: P., VI, 2.9; Hyde, 19 and pp. 29-30; Foerster, 804.

[294] P., VI, 3.8; _cf._ VII, 17.6 and 13 f.; Afr.; Hyde, 29; Foerster, 6.

[295] P., VI, 6.2; he won some time between Ols. (?) 93 and 103 (= 408 and 368 B. C.): Hyde, 53; Foerster, 355.

[296] P., VI, 17.2; he won some time between Ols. (?) 114 and 132 (= 324 and 252 B. C.): Hyde, 172; Foerster, 354.

[297] P., VI, 17.2; two of the victories in the stade-race fell in Ols. 129 and 130 (= 264 and 260 B. C.): Afr.; Hyde, 173; Foerster, 440-2; 444-5.

[298] P., VI, 17.4. He won the boys’ wrestling match some time between Ols. (?) 115 and 118 (= 320 and 308 B. C.): Hyde, 178; Foerster, 377.

[299] For the one at Olympia, see P., VI, 8.5; for the one at Pellene, _id._, VII, 27.5; he won in Ol. 94 (= 396 B. C.): Hyde, 81; Foerster, 286. Similarly, Hiero II, King of Syracuse, had two statues _honoris causa_ at Olympia set up by his fellow citizens: P., VI, 15. 6; Hyde, 147a.

[300] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 169; _cf._ P., VI, 13.11; he won the pankration some time between Ols. (?) 115 and 130 (= 320 and 260 B. C.): Hyde, 123; Foerster, 758 (undated).

[301] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 186; _cf._ P., VI, 15.6; he won twice in boxing between Ols. (?) 144 and 147 (= 204 and 192 B. C.): Hyde, 147; Foerster, 510 and 512.

[302] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 224; he won the boys’ wrestling match in Roman days; Foerster, 823.

[303] P., VI, 2.2-3; Thukydides, V, 49-50; he won in Ol. 90 (= 420 B. C.): Hyde, 14; Foerster, 270.

[304] Vol. II, p. 222.

[305] So Scherer, p. 5. His evidence is from inscriptions of imperial days (_e. g._, _Inschr. v. Ol._, 218, 223, 227), when the dedicatory formula differed somewhat from that of earlier times.

[306] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 147-8; _cf._ P., VI, 10.9; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 102; Foerster, 237.

[307] VI, 3.6. He won sometime between Ols. (?) 120 and 130 (= 300 and 260 B. C.): Hyde, 27; Foerster, 433.

[308] VI, 8.3. He won the stade-race and the chariot-race in Ols. 93 and 104 (= 408 and 364 B. C.) respectively: Afr.; Hyde, 75; Foerster, 277, 350.

[309] P., VI, 14.6; he won in wrestling matches six times in Ol. (?) 61, and in Ols. 62, 63, 64, 65, 66 (= 536-516 B. C.): Hyde, 128; Foerster, 116, 122, 126, 131, 136, 141.

[310] P., VI, 13.2; Afr.; Hyde, 111 and p. 48; Foerster, 39, 41-6.

[311] P., VI, 4.6; Hyde, 41 and _cf._ p. 36; Foerster, 384, 392.

[312] P., VI, 5.1.; VII, 27.6; Afr.; Hyde, 47; Foerster, 279.

[313] P., VI, 10.1; Hyde, 93 and p. 42; Foerster, 137.

[314] The age of boy victors at Olympia seems to have been 17-20: see _Inschr. v. Ol._, 56, ll. 11] f. (referring to the order of the _Augustalia_, or Σεβαστὰ ἰσολύμπια, celebrated in Naples, which were modeled after those of Olympia, _cf._ _C. I. G._, III, 5805). Archippos of Mytilene won the crown for boxing at Olympia, Delphi, Nemea, and on the Isthmus among the men at not over twenty years of age: P., VI, 15.1; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 173; he won sometime between Ols. (?) 115 and 125 (= 320 and 280 B. C.): Hyde, 140; Foerster, 757 (undated). Since Pausanias mentions this as a remarkable record, we should suspect his statement that the boy runner Damiskos of Messene was but twelve when he won the stade-race: VI, 2.10; he won Ol. 103 (= 368 B. C.): Afr.; Hyde, 20; Foerster, 343. Another victor, of unknown date, Nikasylos of Rhodes, was disqualified when eighteen years old from entering the boys’ wrestling match because of his age, and so entered that of the men: P., VI, 14.1-2; Hyde, 125; Foerster, 787. He died at twenty. Such inconsistencies in Pausanias’ account show that the Hellanodikai exercised some discretion in their judgment, taking into consideration not merely age, but size and strength.

[315] On maintenance at the Prytaneion, see Plato, _de Rep._, V, 465 D; _Apology_, 36 D; Plut., _Aristeides_, 27; Athenæus, VI, 32 (p. 237, quoting Timokles), and X, 6 (p. 414, quoting Xenophanes); R. Schoell, Die Speisung im Prytaneion zu Athen, _Hermes_, VI, 1872, pp. 14 f. (and Athenian inscription, pp. 30 f.) He concludes that this honor was given to Athenian victors only in the chariot-race at Olympia, and in gymnic contests at the other great games. Solon ordained that these meals be frugal, consisting of a barley loaf on common days and a wheaten one on festival days: see Athenæus, IV, 14 (p. 137 e).

[316] _C. I. A._, II, 2, 965.

[317] Dio Cassius, LII, 30, 5-6.

[318] Suet., _Octav._, 45; _cf._ Gardiner, pp. 174-5.

[319] P., VI, 13.1; Afr.; Hyde, 110; Foerster, 176-7, 181-2, 187-8.

[320] P., VI, 18.6; Hyde, 186; Foerster, 317, 323.

[321] P., VI, 3.11; Afr.; Hyde, 33; Foerster, 307, 315, 316.

[322] P., VI, 2.6-7; Hyde, 16; Foerster, 309.

[323] P., VI, 2.2-3; Thukyd., V, 49-50; Krause, _Olympia_, p. 144.

[324] P., V, 21.3-4. Eupolos won in Ol. 98 (= 388 B. C.): Foerster, 313. See Plans A and B.

[325] P., V, 21.5; Kallipos won Ol. 112 (= 332 B. C.): Foerster, 385.

[326] P., V, 21.8 f.; on Straton, see Foerster, 570-1.

[327] P., V, 21.16-17; see Foerster, 598 (for the Elean boy wrestler Polyktor, son of Damonikos); P., V, 21.15; Foerster 684 (for the boxer Didas and his antagonist Sarapammon, both Egyptians). On cases of bribery at Olympia, see Gardiner, pp. 134-5 and 174; Krause, _Olympia_, pp. 144 f.

[328] P., V, 21.18.

[329] P., V, 21.12-14.

[330] Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,^2 II, 689; Cavvadias (Kabbadias), _Fouilles d’Épidaure_, I, 1891, p. 77, no. 238.

[331] Ph., 45. He says that victories were bought and sold in his day and that the practice was encouraged by trainers. _Cf._ Gardiner, p. 219.

[332] Lucian, _Nero_, 9. _Cf._ Gardiner, pp. 218-219

[333] See Gardiner, p. 77.

[334] Diod., XIII, 82; Foerster, 271 and 276. Suetonius says that Nero, on arriving in Naples after his tour of Greece, made his entrance in a chariot drawn by white horses through a breach in the city wall “according to the practice of victors at the Greek games,” and that he entered Rome in the triumphal chariot of Augustus dressed in a purple tunic and a gold-embroidered cloak through a breach in the wall of the Circus Maximus: _Nero_, 25. Though Plutarch says that victors could tear down part of the city walls (_Quaest. conviv._, II, 5.2), such extravagances seem to have been introduced late and not to have belonged to the great days of Greek athletics.

[335] _Cf._ Waldstein, _J. H. S._, I, 1880, pp. 198-9.

[336] Hdt., V, 47; _cf._ Eustath. on Hom., Iliad, III, p. 383, 43; Foerster, 138.

[337] P., VI, 6.4 f.; Afr.; Hyde, 56; Foerster, 185, 195, 207.

[338] P., VI, 6.7-11; Strabo, VI, 1.5 (C. 255); Ael., _Var. Hist._, VIII, 18.

[339] So Kallimachos _apud_ Plin., _H. N._, VII, 152 (= _S. Q._, 494); he also states that two of his statues, one at Lokroi, the other at Olympia, were struck by lightning on the same day.

[340] P., VI, 11.8-9; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 104; Foerster, 191, 196.

[341] P., VI, 11.2.

[342] P., VI, 9.8; _cf._ Suidas, _s. v._ Κλεομήδης; Foerster, 162; _cf._ Hyde, 90a (though there was no statue at Olympia).

[343] VI, 9.6-8.

[344] Thus P., VI, 11.9, says that statues of Theagenes were erected within and beyond Greece and could heal sickness. Lucian says that in his day the statues of both Theagenes on Thasos and of Polydamas of Skotoussa at Olympia cured fevers: _Deorum Concilium_, 12. Polydamas won the pankration in Ol. 93 (= 408 B. C.): Afr.; his statue by Lysippos was set up later: P., VI, 5.1; Hyde, 47; Foerster, 279. Gardiner has recently called attention to the fact that the evidence for the canonization of the five victors mentioned is mostly late, and he therefore doubts if it had anything to do with their victories at Olympia: _B. S. A._, XXII, 1916-18, pp. 96, 97.

[345] Ll. 1161 f.

[346] _De Rep._, V, 465 D. E.

[347] _De Rep._, 620 B.; _cf._ Gardiner, pp. 129-130.

[348] Xen., _Hell._, I, 5.19; P., VI, 7.4 f.; Hyde, 61; Foerster, 258, 260, 262.

[349] Damagetos won in boxing (?) in Ol. 56 (= 556 B. C): Hermipp., _fr._ 14 (= _F. H. G._ III, p. 39); _A. G._, VII, 88; Pl., _H. N._, VII, 119; Foerster, 108.

[350] _Hbk._, pp. 215-216.

[351] _Ap._ Athenæum, X, 6 (pp. 413-14); Gardiner, p. 79, has given a translation of his protest.

[352] _Ap._ Athen., X, 5 (p. 413).

[353] _De Rep._, 404 A.; 410 D. (_cf._ 535 D.).

[354] Προτρεπτικὸς λόγος ἐπὶ τὰς τέχνας. For translation, see Gardiner, p. 188.

[355] See Secchi, _Mosaico Antoniniano_, and Baum., I, p. 223, fig. 174.

[356] VI, 1.1: ποιήσασθαι καὶ ἵππων ἀγωνιστῶν μνήμην καὶ ἀνδρῶν ἀθλητῶν.

[357] See Dittenberger, _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 239.

[358] Pp. 272-3.

[359] P., VI, 10.8; Hyde, 99 b and p. 44; Foerster, 77-9.

[360] _Inschr. v. 0l._, 236; Foerster, 686. It was the custom also at Delphi to dedicate chariots; thus we have already mentioned that Arkesilas IV of Kyrene dedicated his chariot there after a Pythian victory in Ol. 78.3 (= 462 B. C.): Pindar, _Pyth._, V, 34 f. An inscription tells us of a bronze wheel being dedicated to the Dioskouroi: _I. G. A._, p. 173, 43a.

[361] _E. g._, _Inschr. v. Ol._, 142 (Pantares); 160 (Kyniska).

[362] _E. g._, _ibid._, 143 (Gelo); 178 (Glaukon); 190 (son of Aristotle); 191 (Agilochos); 194 (son of Nikodromos); 197 (Antigenes); 217 (Lykomedes); 222 (Gnaios Markios); 233 (Kasia Mnasithea).

[363] Thus _ibid._, 142, 143, 236.

[364] _Ibid._, 178, 190 (supplied), 191 (supplied), 194, 197, 217, 227, 233 (supplied).

[365] _Ibid._, 160.

[366] _Ibid._, 177.

[367] V, 21.1.

[368] V, 25.1.

[369] _A. M._, V, 1880, p. 29.

[370] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 144; here in the renewed inscription occurs also the word ἀνέθηκεν; Hyde, 56; Foerster, 185, 195, 207.

[371] _L. c._, p. 31, n. 1; here he gives a list of the metrical exceptions of the fifth century B. C.; from inscriptions, that of Aineas, _A. Z._, XXXV, 1877, p. 38, no. 86; Foerster, 244 (an inscription not appearing in _Inschr. v. Ol._), and Tellon, _A. Z._, _ibid._, p. 190, no. 91, and XXXVIII, 1880, p. 70 (= _Inschr. v. Ol._, 147-8); from Pausanias, that of Kleosthenes (wrongly Kleisthenes), VI, 10.6, and Damarchos, VI, 8.2. The list should he corrected as follows. From inscriptions: Tellon, boy boxer of Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; P., VI, 10.9; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 147-8; Hyde, 102; Foerster, 237; Kyniskos, boy boxer of Ol. (?) 80 (= 460 B. C.): P., VI, 4.11; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 149; Hyde, 45; Foerster, 255; Charmides, boy boxer of Ol. (?) 79 (= 464 B. C.): P., VI, 7.1; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 156 (renewed); Hyde, 58; Foerster, 763 (undated); ...krates, boy runner, Ol. (?) 93 (= 408 B. C.): _Inschr. v. Ol._, 157; Foerster, 280. From Pausanias: Damarchos, boxer, who won before Ol. 75 (= 480 B. C.) or after Ol. 83 (= 448 B. C.): VI, 8.2; Hyde, 74 and p. 38; Foerster, 452.

[372] _E. g._, the Cretan Philonides, courier of Alexander the Great, dedicated his portrait statue to the god: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 276; P., VI, 16.5; Hyde, 154 a.

[373] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 144.

[374] So Dittenberger, and Furtwaengler (_l. c._, p. 30, n. 2), following Roehl, _I. G. A._, on no. 388; Roehl believed that originally the word Lokroi or the name of the victor’s father appeared as the dedicator, and later, because the victor wished to remove the expense from his city or because his father died, Euthymos himself restored it; see discussion of Dittenberger, _Inschr. v. Ol._, pp. 249-520. The original inscription has ἔστησε.

[375] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 264; Roehl, _I. G. A._, 589.

[376] So Dittenberger, _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 241, and no. 213; _I. G. B._, 72; Foerster, following the earlier dating of Dittenberger (_A. Z._, XXXV, 1877, p. 42, nos. 49-50), dates the two victories later, in Ols. (?) 200, 203 (= 21 and 33 A. D.); nos. 614 and 619.

[377] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 225, 228, 229-30, 231, 232.

[378] _Op. cit._, pp. 240-1.

[379] Furtwaengler, _l. c._, p. 30; Reisch, p. 37; Rouse, p. 167; Frazer, III, p. 624. Against the view that victor statues were first called votive in Roman days, see Purgold, _A. Z._, XXXIX, 1881, p. 89, on no. 390 (= inscription of Glaukon = _Inschr. v. Ol._, 178; however, he was a victor in chariot-racing).

[380] _E. g._, by Scherer, p. 5; Kuhnert, _Jahrb. fuer cl. Phil._, Supplbd., XIV, 1885, p. 257, n. 7; Flasch, in Baum., II, p. 1096; _cf._ Dittenberger-Purgold, _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 240; Frazer, III, pp. 623-4.

[381] _E. g._, Ziemann, _de Anathematis Graecis_, 1885, p. 54.

[382] _Hermes_, XIII, 1878, p. 437, n. 2.

[383] Pp. 35 f.; followed by M. K. Welsh, _B. S. A._, XI, 1904-5, pp. 33-4.

[384] _E. g._, Pythokles, who won the pentathlon in Ol. 82 (= 452 B. C.), does not mention his contest on the base (_Inschr. v. Ol._, 162-3), nor does Pausanias give it (VI, 7.10); we learn it only from the _Oxy. Pap._: see Robert _O. S._, p. 185; Hyde, 70; Foerster, 295.

[385] On p. 36, n. 1, he points out that at Athens the usual dedication formula was omitted; _e. g._, in the inscription of the Isthmian victor Diophanes, _C. I. A._, II, 3, 1301, and in that of a Panathenaic victor, _ibid._, 1302. The presence of the word in an Athenian inscription referring to the Olympic victor Kallias rests on an uncertain restoration; _ibid._, I, 419; he won Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.): P., VI, 6.1; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208.

[386] Pp. 167 f.

[387] Both Reisch, p. 36, and Dittenberger, _op. cit._, p. 240, agree also in opposing Furtwaengler’s _Versnoth_ explanation.

[388] Thus Pausanias mentions the “chariot, horses, charioteer and Kyniska herself”: VI, 1.6. Again he speaks of the “chariot and statue of Gelo”: VI, 9.4-5; in referring to the chariot of Kleosthenes by Hagelaïdas he says: “Along with the statue of the chariot and horses, he [Kleosthenes] dedicated statues of himself and the charioteer,” and even adds the names of the horses: VI, 10.6. In VI, 18.1, he mentions the group of Kratisthenes as “the chariot, Nike mounting it, and Kratisthenes”; in VI, 16.6 he speaks of “a small chariot and figure of the father of Polypeithes, the wrestler Kalliteles”; etc. _Cf._ Dittenberger, _op. cit._, pp. 239-40.

[389] He won in Ol. 255 (= 241 A. D.): Foerster, 739: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 241.

[390] No dedication, however, is inscribed on it: _I. G. A._, 160; _Bronz. v. Ol._, on no. 1101, p. 180.

[391] Chionis, a famous runner from Sparta, had a tablet, which listed his victories, set up beside his statue at Olympia: P., VI, 13.2; he won in Ols. 28-31 (= 668-656 B. C.): Hyde, 111; Foerster, 39, 41-46. His statue was erected long after his death, in Ol. 77 or 78, and so probably the stele also: Hyde, p. 48. Deinosthenes, who won the stade-race in Ol. 116 (= 316 B. C.), had a slab set up beside his statue at Olympia, on which was inscribed the distance between it and a similar one in Sparta: P., VI, 16.8; Afr.; Hyde, 163; Foerster, 403.

[392] He won the chariot-race in Ol. 33 (= 648 B. C.): Foerster, 51.

[393] P., VI, 19.2; on the mistake of Pausanias, see Flasch, in Baum., II, p. 1104 B.

[394] _Or._, XXXI, 596 R (= 328 M).

[395] _H. N._, XXXIV, 17.

[396] _H. N._, XXXIV, 23-4. The subject of portrait honorary statues at Athens has been treated by L. B. Stenessen, _de Historia variisque Generibus statuarum iconicarum apud Athenienses_, Christiania, 1877; for all Greece by M. K. Welsh, Honorary Statues in Ancient Greece, _B. S. A._, XI, 1904-5, pp. 32-49.

[397] See list in Hyde, _Index_ on p. V.

[398] King Hiero of Syracuse had five: Hyde, 147 a (= three) and 105a (= two); Antigonos Monophthalmos had three: Hyde, 103 d, 147 f, 151 b.

[399] Archidamas III, son of Agesilaos: P., VI, 4.9; Hyde, 42 a; VI, 15.7; Hyde, 147 c; Areus, son of Akrotatos, P., VI, 12.5; Hyde, 105 b; VI, 15.9; Hyde, 148 a: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 308.

[400] Demetrios Poliorketes, P., VI, 15.7; Hyde, 147 e; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 304; VI, 16.3; Hyde, 152 b.

[401] Pyrrhos: P., VI, 14.9; Hyde, 128 a.

[402] Hiero II: P., VI, 12.2 f. (two statues set up by his sons: Hyde, 105 a); VI, 15.6 (three statues, one set up by sons, two by fellow-citizens: Hyde, 147 a).

[403] Philip II, son of Amyntas; Alexander the Great; Seleukos Nikator, son of Antiochos; Antigonos, son of Philip, surnamed Monophthalmos; these four princes had statues together: P., VI, 11.1; Hyde, 103 a, b, c, d. Antigonos had also other statues in different parts of the Altis: P., VI, 15.7; Hyde, 147 f; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 305; VI, 16.2; Hyde, 151 b. Antigonos Doson and Philip III had statues together: P., VI, 16.3; Hyde, 152 a. The Syrian king Seleukos Nikator had another statue at Olympia: P., VI, 16.2; Hyde, 151 c. Three of the Egyptian dynasty had statues: Ptolemy Lagi, P., VI, 15.10; Hyde, 149 a; Philadelphus, P., VI, 17.3; Hyde, 173 a; and another whose name is uncertain, P., VI, 16.9; Hyde, 166 a.

[404] P., VI, 4.8; Hyde, 41 b.

[405] P., VI, 17.7; Hyde, 184 a; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 293.

[406] P., VI, 15.7; Hyde, 147 d.

[407] P., VI, 14.9-10; Hyde, 128 b.

[408] P., VI, 14.11 Hyde, 128 c in Ol. (?) 127 (= 272 B. C.)

[409] P., VI, 14.12; Hyde, 134 a; erected between Ols. (?) 103 and 115 (= 368 and 320 B. C.).

[410] P., VI, 16.5; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 276, 277; Hyde, 154 a.

[411] P., VI, 14.9-10.

[412] P., VI, 15.7; Hyde, 147 b.

[413] P., VI, 15.2; Hyde, 143 a.

[414] VI, 12.5. The date of his victory is unknown, but fell probably in Ol. 134 or 135 (= 244 or 240 B. C.): Hyde, 105 c and pp. 44-5; Foerster, 463.

[415] He won some time between Ols. (?) 99 and 102 (= 384 and 372 B. C.): P., VI, 3.2-3; Hyde, 23 and pp. 30-1; Foerster, 335.

[416] On the ancient custom of carrying off votive offerings and images from vanquished foes, see P., VIII, 46.2-4. He shows that Augustus only followed a long-established precedent. Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 36, in speaking of the great number of statues plundered from Greece by Mummius and the Luculli, quotes G. Licinius Mucianus (three times consul), who died before 77 B. C., to the effect that 73,000 statues were still to be seen at Rhodes in his time, and that supposably as many more were yet to be found in Athens, Olympia, and Delphi.

[417] At the beginning of his description of Elis (V, 1.2), Pausanias says that 217 years had passed since the restoration of Corinth. As that event fell in 44 B. C., he was writing his fifth book in 174 A. D., _i. e._, in the reign of Marcus Aurelius. With this date other chronological references in his work agree. That the fifth book was written before the sixth is deduced from a comparison of V, 14.6 with VI, 22.8 f. Though the sixth book, therefore, can not have been composed earlier than 174 A. D., it may, of course, have been written much later. On the dates of the various books, see Frazer, I, pp. xv f. On the great importance of Pausanias for the whole history of Greek art, see C. Robert, _Pausanias als Schriftsteller_, 1909, p. 1.

[418] _Historia naturalis_, Bks. XXXIV-XXXVI (ed. Jex-Blake).

[419] This process has never been carried further nor with greater insight than in Furtwaengler’s great work, _Meisterwerke der griech. Plastik_, 1893.

[420] In his _Handbuch der Archaeologie der Kunst_, 3d ed., 1848, by F. G. Welcker, p. 740.

[421]