Part 16

VIII. The kingdom of _Cosmosia_ is the world, which is the signification of the Greek word _Cosmos_. _Solidina_ is experience, and _Idearia_ imagination. These names are very properly suited, both to the characters and doctrines of the parties. Experience _solidly_ proves her maxims, by sensible and clear demonstrations; and imagination, grounds her opinions on the vain representation of her _ideas_. Solidina was a long while banished, and during all that time, Idearia reigned triumphant; for from the period that Pythagoras reduced all philosophy to his numbers, Plato to his ideas, and Aristotle to his precisions; and for many ages afterwards, the world knew no other but an ideal physic; nor did it pay the least attention, to the experimental or solid. In the first maxims of Idearia, we perceive many of the dogmas of the peripatetic doctrine, and in her second, many of the Cartesian ones; and they gave the name of Papyratius to the broacher of this last system, because the French word _Carte_, signifies the same as the Latin word _Papyrus_, from whence the appellative was derived. Des Cartes is ranged among the auditors of Idearia, because he was disposed instead of less, rather more than the Peripatetics, to regulate all physics by imagination and ideas. At length the mistake of this method was perceived, and Solidina was recalled from the villages to the city; and experiment and observation, which for a long time had only been in use among the rustics, and employed in the business of husbandry, to increase the product of the earth, improve the mountainous land, and to encourage the propagation, and mend the breed of herds and cattle; were not long since introduced in pomp, and countenanced by some courts, in the neighbourhood of which, academies were instituted, to examine nature by their help; and as the most celebrated of these, were the Academy of Sciences at Paris, and the Royal Society of London, which were founded under the protection of the kings of France and England, they called the two princes who were the lovers and patrons of Solidina, by the names of Galindo, and Anglosio, which were derived from the Latin words _Gallia_, and _Anglia_, which in that language signify France and England.

IX. The stranger approved of the whole, and every part of my explanation, and assured me, that by the context that followed what I had read, the intention of the author of that mysterious History, could be no other than what I had described it. But I told him I was not inclined to approve, nor could I approve of the whole and every part of its content; for that I observed in it some latitudinary expressions, which seemed to reflect upon, and were derogatory of the peripatetic doctrine, so I only acknowledged to him, that in the most essential parts, the thing seemed just and right. He replied, that as I was a Spaniard, and a sectary of the peripatetic school, my objection and the reasons for it might be admitted. Upon saying this, he took his leave of me, and pursued his journey, leaving me in a disposition to meditate on the subject of our conversation, and lay before the public, such reflections as should occur to me respecting the matter of it, which may be seen in the sequel of this discourse.

SECT. III.

X. The first thing that offers itself to our consideration, is the little or no progress, which natural reason, unassisted by experience, has made in the examination of the affairs of nature in the course of so many ages. Nature is as little understood in the schools at this day, as it was in the academies of Plato, of Lyceus, and of Aristotle. What secret have these academies developed? or what diminutive portion of this most extensive country have they discovered? What utility has the labours of so many men of excellent ingenuity, as have cultivated philosophy in the reasoning and speculative way, produced to the world? What art, either liberal or mechanical, of the many that are necessary for the service of man, or the good of the public, do we owe to speculative invention; and I might even say, what small advancement in any such art, has been derived from it? What document of the schools, has conduced to instruct a husbandman in the cultivation of his lands? They there talk much of causes, effects, productions, and dispositions of matter, but all this has not yet produced any maxim that can be relied on, for the most advantageous mode of cultivating the land, in order to dispose it to the production of this or that particular plant, nor to instruct us at what time it should be sown, nor in the least to inform us with regard to many other circumstances, that should be attended to in the raising it. Schoolmen, after the example of Aristotle, treat largely of qualities, which they place in a predicament apart, or by themselves; without having by this means, discovered any qualities at all, either in the mixtures, or the elements; but on the contrary, Aristotle has rather been miserably mistaken in those he attempted to point out, by his rules of proportion and combination; I mean in those that appertain to the air, and the water, as we have proved in another part of our works; and it would not be difficult to prove the same thing, with regard to those he has assigned to the earth. If perchance he has been right in ascertaining the qualities belonging to fire, (although in our _Physical Paradoxes_ we have denied his position with respect to its being hot in the highest degree) I say, if he has been right in this particular, it was not because philosophy had penetrated the secret, but because the thing was manifested to us by our senses.

XI. These are the organs, by which all the natural truths we are able to obtain a knowledge of are conveyed to our spirits. Even in the mathematical faculties, which affect to confide every thing to theoretical demonstrations, they cannot, except in the two elemental ones, arithmetic and geometry, safely advance a step, without holding before them, the light of experience. It was this taught the geographer, the situation and position of the divers parts of the globe; the navigator, the directive virtue of the load-stone; the static philosopher, the weight, the descent, and acceleration of motion in their descent, of heavy bodies; the mechanic and engineer, the augmentation of power by machinery, or the multiplication of purchase; the astronomer, the movements and course of the stars; the musician, the consonant and dissonant intervals of music; the optician, perspective, or the effects of vision when the eye surveys distant objects; to the catoptrician, and dioptrician, the laws of reflexion, and refraction.

SECT. IV.

XII. And it is very worthy of remarking, that even after experience had made those first discoveries, on which the theory and practice of arts are founded, those primitive lights were in general found to be insufficient to enable the understanding to make further advances in them, but it was rather found to be necessary, that the same experience should continue as they proceeded on, to direct their steps, and correct their errors. I will explain what I mean, by two examples taken from navigation.

XIII. The first regards the direction, or pointing of the magnetical needle to the pole. This admirable property, which was totally unknown to the antients, was discovered in the thirteenth century, and immediately applied to the improvement of navigation. Upon its first discovery, the philosophers, according to their wonted custom of pretending to discern the causes of things, imputed this effect, as derived from an occult sympathy with the pole, contained in the very essence, form, and substance of the loadstone; and as this is supposed to be invariable, they concluded, that the direction must infallibly be invariable also. They continued in this good faith for about four hundred years, at the end of which long period, Crinon, a pilot of Dieppe as some say, or Cabot, a Venetian Navigator as others believe, was the first who observed the declinations of the magnetical needle from the true north, that is, that it did not always point directly to the pole, but declined in different places, sometimes towards the west, and at others towards the east. The philosophers heard this novelty with great disgust, because it gave the lye to some of their most established maxims, and therefore they set about to contradict it with all their force. But in the end, they were obliged to submit to repeated experiments, authorized and confirmed, by the testimonies of people of undoubted credit.

XIV. Having afterwards discovered, that under the meridian of the Azores or western islands, there was no variation of the magnetical needle at all, the astronomers and geographers, thought they had found out a fixed station, whereat to commence the first meridian, which had before been counted arbitrarily, from whatever place they chose to begin it. But this idea soon vanished, for a little while afterwards, they discovered two other meridians, where there was no variation; the one at a head-land near _the Cape of Good Hope_, to which, on this account they gave the name of _Needle Cape_; and another, at the spot where the city of Canton is situated. Upon this, they thought they had found out a certain principle, whereon to ground a compleat system for calculating or computing variations, by graduating them for the intermediate stations, in proportion to their greater or less distance from the mean space between the two places where there was no variation.

XV. But as nature frequently mocks the ideal propositions that are fabricated by the brain of man, this time of rejoicing lasted but a few years, for they discovered, that this declination of the magnetic needle, varied more or less at the same place at different times, and that this change of variation was perpetual. This discovery, not only demolished the antecedent imagined rules, but nearly took away all hope, of their ever in future, finding out any certain one for their guidance; and this, notwithstanding many men, eminent for their skill in physics and mathematics, have long, and still do, labour at accomplishing it.

XVI. In this instance, may be seen the fallibility of the most plausible reasonings unaccompanied by experiments. And we shall see the same, in the other we are about to mention, which relates to the flux and reflux of the sea.

XVII. As the flux and reflux of the sea, is evident and apparent to all those who inhabit near the sea-coasts, and the course and changes of the Moon to all mankind, it was easy and natural, to observe the correspondence there was between the movements of the one and the other; that is, that the rising and falling of the tide, keeps pace with the rising and setting of the moon; and it is probable, that the first people who remarked this, fancied that by this single observation, they had discovered the system of these admirable movements. But this delusion was but short-lived, for they soon afterwards observed, that within the space of the same lunar month, there was a great disproportion between the rising and falling of the tide, and that it flowed higher, and ebbed lower, at the new and full moon, than it did at the quarters. But when they had advanced this step, it is likely they gave themselves credit for having discovered the whole secret, and supposed, that they knew all that was to be known of the matter; and when they observed there was so exact a correspondence, between the motions of the tide, and the phases of the moon, they did not entertain the least doubt, but that they were totally influenced by this planet. But experience also undeceived mankind with respect to this error, for they found out, that there was another variation of the tides, which did not depend upon the revolutions of the moon, but upon those of the sun; that is, that supposing other things to be equal, they rise higher, at, or near the equinoxes, than they do at the solstices. This gave them to understand, that the moon did not reign so despotic over the tides, as to exclude the sun from all share in the dominion of them.

XVIII. But after all this was ascertained, they found, that by trusting the bringing of ships into barr’d or tide harbours, to the mere combination of the before-nam’d observations, they fell into very dangerous errors; for that there are two other variations, which are very considerable, and especially one of them, and which can’t be comprehended under any general rule whatsoever; the one is with respect to the time of full sea; and the other, regards the quantum of rise of the water. The time of full sea varies at different ports, even under the same meridian, and does not happen in all of them at the same hour. They vary also with respect to the magnitude of them, because there is an enormous difference in the height they flow at some ports, to what they do at others, for the water will rise more than ten fathoms upon some coasts, and not above a few feet on others, and in others again, the rise is hardly perceptible.

SECT. V.

XIX. If the rules deduced from experimental observations are so fallible, that it is absolutely necessary in order to avoid all error, to pursue the thread of them so scrupulously, that reason should not venture to advance a step, without the light of an experiment appropriated to the business it is in search of; I say, if these rules are not to be relied on, what confidence can we place in those maxims, which derive their origin from our arbitrary ideas?

XX. Nature conforms to, and is governed by the idea of its great artificer, not by that of man; and it is strange temerity in man, to presume he can comprehend the idea of such an artificer. I have sometimes thought, that if we were told, that there were numbers of those luminous bodies in the heavens which we call stars, although we could not see them, every one would imagine, such a disposition and collocation of them in the sphere, as best suited his own fancy. One would conceive them distributed into various regular sets of figures, such as triangular, hexangular, circular, &c. which formed so many different constellations; another, that they were composed of a beautiful suit, of well ranged and harmonious groups; another, that they were disposed after the manner of flowers, which he had seen growing in parterres in some garden; another, that they were formed in such a position, as resembled the shape of various images, either mystic or natural. In fact, there would be no body, that would not attribute to them some most beautiful resemblance, or imitation, of those things which he had ever seen, that seemed most pleasing to him, either in art, or nature. Notwithstanding which, they would all deceive themselves, and be greatly surprised, upon the firmament afterwards being displayed to their view, to find the stars placed and ranged in a position, quite different and distinct from all they had imagined.

SECT. VI.

XXI. Thus it frequently happens, that men think in one manner, and God operates in another. Men suppose, and they suppose right, that the works of God are all executed with order, and in proportion; but although they suppose well, they reason ill; because they think there is no other order and proportion, than that which comes within the reach of their comprehension. The works of God, it is true are wrought with proportion; but with a sublime proportion, which is much superior to our rules. It is blind temerity in man, to imagine that God in his works, is to conform himself to our human gross ideas of proportions.

XXII. It was a confidence in such proportions, that caused Pythagoras to err egregiously in his dimensions of the magnitude, and his calculation of the distance of the heavens, which he thought to compute, by the numerical series of the intervals of music. And others were not much wiser than Pythagoras, who by fancying they had found some special perfection in the number four, chose to stamp it on, and regulate all the operations of nature by it. From hence came the four elements, the four first qualities, the four cardinal points of the globe, the four quarters of the year, and the four humours of the body.

SECT. VII.

XXIII. If even in those consequences, which to all human appearance, we deduce immediately from the truths which nature herself presents to our senses, we are sometimes liable to be mistaken; what dependance can we place in those, that are founded on principles, which without consulting nature, are established by our fancy? What consequence to all appearance could seem better inferred, than that of the repugnance of nature to a vacuum, founded on the palpable experiment of the water rising in the pump? But by the light of innumerable other experiments, the mistake was discovered; and it was found out, that the true cause of that, and all such-like phænomena, was the weight of the air.

XXIV. We see with our eyes, whether we explain the cause of it as proceeding from an intrinsic quality, or from attraction, or from impulse, that gravity precipitates bodies with a swift movement towards the earth. It seems most natural to suppose, by reasoning from the famous axiom, _sicut se habet simpliciter ad simpliciter, ita magis ad magis_, that to a duplicate gravity, there would correspond a duplicate acceleration of motion. But the fact differs widely from this proportion.

XXV. It is plain, that air is much more subtle and thin than water. Who from hence, would not infer as an unavoidable consequence, that air must penetrate all bodies which water penetrates? Notwithstanding this, we see that water penetrates paper, which air does not penetrate, or it penetrates it in so small a degree, or so slowly, that we look upon it as next to no penetration at all.

XXVI. Who judging by general or common principles, would not conclude, that wet hay was much less liable to take fire than dry? But experience teaches us, that by putting together quantities of hay too moist, it will take fire of itself, which could never have happened, if the hay had been put together sufficiently dry, or more thoroughly made.

XXVII. What maxim is better established, or more generally assented to among the naturalists, than that a vivifying heat of the blood, is indispensably necessary for the preservation of life? But with all this, Father Plumier, a learned priest of the order of Minimus, in a voyage in the Pacific ocean, for want of water, found himself under a necessity of drinking the blood of turtles, and declares, he found it as cold as the common water in Europe. (Mem. de Trevoux, an. 1704, tom. 1. page 175.) Who, agreeable to the laws of ratiocination, can say otherwise, than that the third quality, resulting from the mixing three or four fœtid things together, must be fœtid also? But experience manifests to us, that this consequence is not infallible. Mr. Lemeri bought a certain quantity of the gums galbanum, sagapenum, and opopanax, and also some bitumen of Judæa, which he put all together into a retort, and found that there resulted from the mixtures, a strongly scented oil, greatly resembling musk; now the bitumen in smell, does not in the least resemble musk, and the other three drugs are absolutely fœtid. (Hist. de l’Academ. Royal, ann. 1706.)

XXVIII. If a philosopher, destitute of all other information, except that which he had acquired in the schools, should be told that two liquids, which to the touch appear cold, should upon being mixed together, not only heat and boil, but also emit a flame; he would be in a terrible agitation, and armed with his infallible conclusive principle, _that nothing can communicate a quality which it does not possess_, would exclaim against the proposition. But let him exclaim as much as he will, it is a certain fact, that from mixing a pure acid, with the essential oil of an aromatic plant, there will result that commotion.

XXIX. We know that water, is much heavier than air; and we also know, that the vapours which arise from the earth, are nothing else but particles of water, very minutely divided, and consequently, that they must be much heavier than particles of air of the same size. We know also, that a liquid cannot ascend above another, when they are put together, except when it’s particles of equal size are lighter than those of the other. From these premises, it should follow as an infallible consequence, that these vapours cannot rise superior to the air we breathe. But let this consequence appear ever so infallible, experience convinces us that the fact is otherwise.

XXX. Nobody is ignorant, that the aromatic species, such as the clove, the pimienta, and the cinnamon, are hot or heating, and that the regions nearest the poles are cold, and those nearest the equinoctial hot. From these premises, what naturalist would not infer, that the use of these species would be less pernicious to the inhabitants of the cold regions, than to those of the hot? But experience is ever demonstrating to us the contrary. For a scruple of clove is more offensive to, and has a greater effect on the first, than a drachm has on the last.

XXXI. And similar to this, has been the experience of the Hollanders, in some of their voyages to the East Indies. It happened once, that upon passing the line, the greatest part of the people belonging to a ship were taken sick, and that more than half of them died, and that those only recovered, to whom in their sickness they gave great quantities of brandy. The medical men found great difficulty in believing, that these people could owe the preservation of their lives to drinking to excess of a liquor, which if not taken sparingly and with moderation, is found to be very pernicious to health. But in the end, they found themselves obliged to yield to experience; and admit of the liberal use of brandy, which afterwards delivered with equal success, all the afflicted from their illness.

XXXII. It is then absolutely necessary to submit to experience, and if we are not disposed to abandon the real road of truth, to seek for nature in herself, and not in the deceitful image which our fancy forms of her.

SECT. VIII.

XXXIII. I am not ignorant that there are some schoolmen, who represent the application to experiments, as disgraceful to, and beneath the dignity of philosophy. But this is a most absurd error, for at this rate, studying the imaginations of men, would be a more honourable occupation, than ruminating on the works of God. In books of theory, we contemplate human ideas; in natural entities, divine ones. Let reason now determine, which is the most noble study.

XXXIV. The prince of philosophers, Aristotle, thought differently in this respect to the present school ones, for he said, we should not disdain to examine with our senses, the most trifling works of nature, for that we should find in them all, marks of sublime wisdom, and just and beautiful ingenuity: _Aggredi enim quæque sine ullo pudore debemus, cum in omnibus naturæ numen, et honesium, pulchrumque insit ingenium._ For so it is, that in the most humble plant, in the most vile insect, and in the most rude rock, we see the traces of an omnipotent hand, and the marks of infinite wisdom.