BOOK VIII
I
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Formiae, Feb. 16_, B.C. _49_]
After I sent you my letter, I got one from Pompey. The rest of it was about what has happened in Picenum, as reported to him by Vibullius in a note, and about Domitius' levy. That you know already: but in this letter things were not so grand as in Philotimus' letter. I would have sent you Pompey's note itself, but my brother's man set out in a hurry, so I will send it to-morrow. Pompey added a P.S. in his own hand, "I think you should come to Luceria. You won't be safer anywhere else." I understood him to mean that he counts as lost the towns here and the coast. I don't wonder that a man who has given up the head should throw away the limbs. I sent a reply by return, by the hands of a sure messenger, that I was not concerned about where I should be safest, and that I would come to Luceria immediately, if his or the public interest demanded it. I entreated him to hold the coast, if he wanted supplies of corn from the provinces. I saw I was writing in vain: but I wanted to put on record now my opinion about not abandoning Italy, as I had done before about holding Rome. Evidently all forces are to be collected at Luceria, and not even there as a permanent base, but as a starting point for flight, if hard pressed.
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Quo minus mirere, si invitus in eam causam descendo, in qua neque pacis neque victoriae ratio quaesita sit umquam, sed semper flagitiosae et calamitosae fugae: eundum, ut, quemcumque fors tulerit casum, subeam potius cum iis, qui dicuntur esse boni, quam videar a bonis dissentire. Etsi prope diem video bonorum, id est lautorum et locupletum, urbem refertam fore, municipiis vero his relictis refertissimam. Quo ego in numero essem, si hos lictores molestissimos non haberem, nec me M'. Lepidi, L. Volcaci, Ser. Sulpici comitum paeniteret, quorum nemo nec stultior est quam L. Domitius nec inconstantior quam Ap. Claudius. Unus Pompeius me movet beneficio, non auctoritate. Quam enim ille habeat auctoritatem in hac causa? qui, cum omnes Caesarem metuebamus, ipse eum diligebat, postquam ipse metuere coepit, putat omnes hostes illi oportere esse. Ibimus tamen Luceriam. Nec eum fortasse delectabit noster adventus; dissimulare enim non potero mihi, quae adhuc acta sint, displicere. Ego, si somnum capere possem, tam longis te epistulis non obtunderem. Tu, si tibi eadem causa est, me remunerere sane velim.
II
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. Formiis XIII K. Mart. a. 705_]
Mihi vero omnia grata, et quod scripsisti ad me, quae audieras, et quod non credidisti, quae digna diligentia mea non erant, et quod monuisti, quod sentiebas. Ego ad Caesarem unas Capua litteras dedi, quibus ad ea rescripsi, quae mecum ille de gladiatoribus suis egerat, breves, sed benevolentiam significantes, non modo sine contumelia, sed etiam cum maxima
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So you need not wonder, if I am reluctant to embark on a cause, which has no policy for peace or victory, but always a policy of disastrous and disgraceful flight. I must go to face whatever fortune bring, with so-called loyalists rather than seem to disagree with real loyalists. Yet I see Rome will soon be crammed with loyalists, I mean with men of wealth and fortune, crammed full, when the towns have been abandoned. I would be among them, were it not for these tiresome lictors. I should not be ashamed of the company of M'. Lepidus, L. Volcacius, Ser. Sulpicius, not one of whom is a bigger fool than L. Domitius, nor a bigger trimmer than Ap. Claudius. Only Pompey weighs with me, for his past kindnesses, not for his public influence. For what influence has he in this case? When we were all afraid of Caesar, he cherished him. After he has begun to fear Caesar, he thinks all should be Caesar's enemies. Still I shall go to Luceria. Perhaps he will not be pleased to meet me, for I shall not be able to disguise my disgust at what he has done so far. If I could sleep, I would not bother you with such long letters. If you suffer from the same complaint, I shall be glad if you will pay me back in the same coin.
II
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Formiae, Feb. 17_, B.C. _49_]
Many thanks for everything: for writing me your news, for not believing a report, which reflected on my energy, and for the expression of your opinion. I sent Caesar one letter from Capua in answer to his inquiries about his gladiators.[58] It was short but friendly, and, so far from abusing Pompey,
[58] Cf. p. 69.
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laude Pompei. Id enim illa sententia postulabat, qua illum ad concordiam hortabar. Eas si quo ille misit, in publico proponat velim. Alteras eodem die dedi quo has ad te. Non potui non dare, cum et ipse ad me scripsisset et Balbus. Earum exemplum ad te misi. Nihil arbitror fore, quod reprehendas. Si qua erunt, doce me, quo modo μέμψιν effugere possim. "Nihil," inquies, "onmino scripseris." Qui magis effugias eos, qui volent fingere? Verum tamen ita faciam, quoad fieri poterit. Nam, quod me hortaris ad memoriam factorum, dictorum, scriptorum etiam meorum, facis amice tu quidem mihique gratissimum, sed mihi videris aliud tu honestum meque dignum in hac causa iudicare, atque ego existimem. Mihi enim nihil ulla in gente umquam ab ullo auctore rei publicae ac duce turpius factum esse videtur, quam a nostro amico factum est. Cuius ego vicem doleo; qui urbem reliquit, id est patriam, pro qua et in qua mori praeclarum fuit. Ignorare mihi videris, haec quanta sit clades. Es enim etiam nunc domi tuae, sed invitis perditissimis hominibus esse diutius non potes. Hoc miserius, hoc turpius quicquam? Vagamur egentes cum coniugibus et liberis; in unius hominis quotannis periculose aegrotantis anima positas omnes nostras spes habemus non expulsi, sed evocati ex patria; quam non servandam ad reditum nostrum, sed diripiendam et inflammandam reliquimus. Ita multi nobiscum sunt, non in suburbanis, non in hortis, non in ipsa urbe, et, si nunc sunt, non erunt. Nos interea ne Capuae quidem, sed Luceriae, et oram quidem maritimam iam relinquemus, Afranium exspectabimus et Petreium. Nam in Labieno parum est dignitatis.
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praised him highly. I had to do that, as I was an advocate of peace between them. If Caesar has passed on my letter, good: I should like him to placard it in public. I have sent him another letter on the date on which I dispatch this to you. I could not help doing so when he and Balbus wrote to me. I send you a copy of the letter. I don't think you can find any fault. If you can find any, tell me how I can escape criticism. You will say I should have sent no letter at all. What better plan to escape malicious tongues? However I will do so as long as I can. Your exhortations to remember my deeds and words and even writings are friendly and very pleasant; but you seem to have a different idea to mine as to honour and propriety in this business. To my mind, no statesman or general has ever been guilty of conduct so disgraceful as Pompey's. I am sorry for him. He left Rome, his country, for which and in which it were glorious to die. You don't seem to me to realize what a disaster that is. You yourself are still in your own house; but you cannot stay there any longer without the consent of villains and traitors. It is the depth of misery and shame. We wander in want with wives and children. Our sole hope lies in the life of one man, who falls dangerously sick every year. We are not driven, but summoned to leave our country. And our country which we have left will not be kept in safety against our return, but abandoned to fire and plunder. So many Pompeians are with us, not in their suburban villas, not in Rome, and, if some are still in Rome, they will soon go. Meantime I shall not stay at Capua, but at Luceria, and of course I shall abandon the coast at once. I shall wait for the move of Afranius and Petreius: for Labienus is a
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Hic tu in me illud desideras. Nihil de me...dico, alii viderint. Hic quidem quae est...?[59] Domi vestrae estis et eritis omnes boni. Quis tum se mihi non ostendit? quis nunc adest hoc bello? Sic enim iam appellandum est.
[59] _after_ me _and_ est _there is a space left in M, probably for some Greek words, e.g._ ἀξίωμα _and_ ἀξίωσις _as Tyrrell and Orelli suggest_.
Vibulli res gestae sunt adhuc maximae. Id ex Pompei litteris cognosces; in quibus animadvertito ilium locum, ubi erit διπλῆ. Videbis, de Gnaeo nostro ipse Vibullius quid existimet. Quo igitur haec spectat oratio? Ego pro Pompeio lubenter emori possum; facio pluris omnium hominum neminem; sed non ita, non in eo iudico spem de salute rei publicae. Significas enim aliquanto secus, quam solebas, ut etiam Italia, si ille cedat, putes cedendum. Quod ego nec rei publicae puto esse utile nec liberis meis, praeterea neque rectum neque honestum. Sed cur "Poterisne igitur videre tyrannum?" Quasi intersit, audiam an videam, aut locupletior mihi sit quaerendus auctor quam Socrates; qui, cum XXX tyranni essent, pedem porta non extulit. Est mihi praeterea praecipua causa manendi. De qua utinam aliquando tecum loquar!
Ego XIII Kalend., cum eadem lucerna hanc epistulam scripsissem, qua inflammaram tuam, Formiis ad Pompeium, si de pace ageretur, profecturus, si de bello, quid ero?
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man of little standing. You may say that I am too. I say nothing of myself: I leave that to others. Who has standing here? All you loyalists stay at home, and will continue to stay there. Who failed me in the old days? Who supports me now in this war, as I must call it.
So far Vibullius' achievements have been fine. You will see that from Pompey's letter. _Vide_ the passage marked.[60] You will see Vibullius' own opinion of Pompey. My point is that I can gladly die for Pompey's sake--there is no one I hold dearer; but not in that way. In him I see no hope for the safety of the state. You express a view different from your usual view, that I must even leave Italy, if he does. That course seems to me of no advantage to the state or to my children, and, moreover, neither right nor honourable. But why do you say, "Will you be able to see a tyrant"? As if it mattered whether I hear of him or see him, or as if I wanted a better example than Socrates, who never set foot out of gate during the reign of the Thirty tyrants. Besides I have a special reason for staying. I wish I could talk it over with you.
[60] The διπλῆ was a marginal mark of this shape =>= used in MSS. to mark a special passage or in dialogue to indicate the appearance of a new speaker.
After writing this letter on the 17th, by the same lamp as that in which I burned yours, I set out from Formiae to go to Pompey, and I may be of use, if the talk is of peace: but, if of war, of what use shall I be?
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III
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. in Caleno XII K. Mart. a. 705_]
Maximis et miserrimis rebus perturbatus, cum coram tecum mihi potestas deliberandi non esset, uti tamen tuo consilio volui. Deliberatio autem omnis haec est, si Pompeius Italia excedat, quod eum facturum esse suspicor, quid mihi agendum putes. Et quo facilius consilium dare possis, quid in utramque partem mihi in mentem veniat, explicabo brevi.
Cum merita Pompei summa erga salutem meam, familiaritasque, quae mihi cum eo est, tum ipsa rei publicae causa me adducit, ut mihi vel consilium meum cum illius consilio vel fortuna mea cum illius fortuna coniungenda esse videatur. Accedit illud. Si maneo et illum comitatum optimorum et clarissimorum civium desero, cadendum est in unius potestatem. Qui etsi multis rebus significat se nobis esse amicum (et, ut esset, a me est, tute scis, propter suspicionem huius impendentis tempestatis multo ante provisum), tamen utrumque considerandum est, et quanta fides ei sit habenda, et, si maxime exploratum sit eum nobis amicum fore, sitne viri fortis et boni civis esse in ea urbe, in qua cum summis honoribus imperiisque usus sit, res maximas gesserit, sacerdotio sit amplissimo praeditus, non futurus sit, qui fuerit, subeundumque periculum sit cum aliquo forte dedecore, si quando Pompeius rem publicam recuperarit. In hac parte haec sunt.
Vide nunc, quae sint in altera. Nihil actum est a Pompeio nostro sapienter, nihil fortiter, addo etiam nihil nisi contra consilium auctoritatemque meam. Omitto illa vetera, quod istum in rem publicam ille
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III
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Cales, Feb. 18_, B.C. _49_]
Upset by this grave and most calamitous crisis, though I have no opportunity of consulting you personally, still I wish to enjoy your advice. The whole question under debate is this. What do you think I should do, if Pompey leaves Italy, as I expect he will? To help you to a decision, I will briefly recount what occurs to me on both sides of the question.
Not only Pompey's great services in bringing about my restoration and his intimacy with me, but the public welfare, leads me to think that my policy and his or, if you will, my fortunes and his should be one. And another thing, if I remain in Italy and desert the company of loyal and distinguished citizens, I must fall into the power of one man, and, though he gives me many tokens of regard (and you know well I took good care that it should be so with this crisis in view), yet he still leaves me a twofold problem; how much trust can be put in his promises, and, if I am positive of his good will, is it proper for a man of courage and loyalty to remain in Rome and lose his position for the future where he has enjoyed the highest distinctions and commands, performed deeds of importance, been invested with the highest seat in the sacred college, and to suffer risks and perhaps some shame, if ever Pompey restore the constitution? So much for the arguments on one side.
Now look at those on the other. There is not an atom of prudence or courage in Pompey's policy--and besides nothing that is not clean contrary to my counsel and advice. I pass over the old grievance, how Caesar was Pompey's man: Pompey raised him to
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aluit, auxit, armavit, ille legibus per vim et contra auspicia ferendis auctor, ille Galliae ulterioris adiunctor, ille gener, ille in adoptando P. Clodio augur, ille restituendi mei quam retinendi studiosior, ille provinciae propagator, ille absentis in omnibus adiutor, idem etiam tertio consulatu, postquam esse defensor rei publicae coepit, contendit, ut decem tribuni pl. ferrent, ut absentis ratio haberetur, quod idem ipse sanxit lege quadam sua, Marcoque Marcello consuli finienti provincias Gallias Kalendarum Martiarum die restitit--sed, ut haec omittam, quid foedius, quid perturbatius hoc ab urbe discessu sive potius turpissima fuga? Quae condicio non accipienda fuit potius quam relinquenda patria? Malae condiciones erant, fateor, sed num quid hoc peius? At recuperabit rem publicam. Quando? aut quid ad eam spem est parati? Non ager Picenus amissus? non patefactum iter ad urbem? non pecunia omnis et publica et privata adversario tradita? Denique nulla causa, nullae vires, nulla sedes, quo concurrent, qui rem publicam defensam velint. Apulia delecta est, inanissima pars Italiae et ab impetu huius belli remotissima; fuga et maritima opportunitas visa quaeri desperatione. Invite cepi Capuam, non quo munus illud defugerem, sed in ea causa, in qua nullus
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place and military power, assisted him in passing laws by force and despite bad omens, granted him Further Gaul in addition to his province; Pompey married his daughter, Pompey was augur at the adoption of Clodius; Pompey was more active in effecting my restoration than in preventing my banishment; Pompey prolonged the tenure of Caesar's provincial government; Pompey championed his cause in absence; and again in his third consulship, when he began to be the defender of the constitution, struggled to get the ten tribunes to propose a bill admitting Caesar's candidature in absence; ratified that privilege by a law of his own; and opposed M. Marcellus the consul, when Marcellus would have concluded Caesar's government of the provinces of Gaul on the 1st of March. Putting all this on one side, is not this departure or rather this disgraceful and iniquitous flight from Rome a most shameful sign of panic? Any compromise ought to have been accepted in preference to abandoning our country. I admit the terms were bad, but could anything be worse than this? If you say he will restore the constitution, I ask you when and what preparation has been made to that end? We have lost Picenum: the road lies open to Rome: the funds of the state and of individuals have been delivered to our enemy. Finally we have no policy, no forces, no rendezvous for patriots; Apulia has been chosen, the least populous district in Italy and the most removed from the brunt of this war, and clearly chosen in despair for the opportunity of flight which the sea affords. With reluctance I took charge of Capua, not that I would shirk the duty, but with the reluctance which one would have in a
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esset ordinum, nullus apertus privatorum dolor, bonorum autem esset aliquis, sed hebes, ut solet, et, ut ipse sensissem, multitudo et infimus quisque propensus in alteram partem, multi mutationis rerum cupidi, dixi ipsi me nihil suscepturum sine praesidio et sine pecunia. Itaque habui nihil omnino negotii, quod ab initio vidi nihil quaeri praeter fugam. Eam si nunc sequor, quonam? Cum illo non; ad quem cum essem profectus, cognovi in iis locis esse Caesarem, ut tuto Luceriam venire non possem. Infero mari nobis incerto cursu hieme maxima navigandum est. Age iam, cum fratre an sine eo cum filio? at quo modo? In utraque enim re summa difficultas erit, summus animi dolor; qui autem impetus illius erit in nos absentis fortunasque nostras! Acrior quam in ceterorum, quod putabit fortasse in nobis violandis aliquid se habere populare. Age iam, has compedes, fascis, inquam, hos laureatos ecferre ex Italia quam molestum est! qui autem locus erit nobis tutus, ut iam placatis utamur fluctibus, antequam ad illum venerimus? Qua autem aut quo, nihil scimus. At, si restitero, et fuerit nobis in hac parte locus, idem fecero quod in Cinnae dominatione L. Philippus, quod L. Flaccus, quod Q. Mucius, quoquo modo ea res huic
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cause in which neither ranks nor individuals had expressed any feeling, though there was some feeling amongst the loyalists, sluggish as usual. Besides, as I felt, the crowd and the dregs of the populace were inclined to the other side, and many were merely desirous of revolution. I told Pompey himself that I could undertake nothing without a garrison and without funds. So I have had nothing at all to do, since I saw from the first, that his only object was flight. If I would share his flight, whither am I to go? With him I cannot go; for, when I set out, I learned that Caesar was so posted that I could not reach Luceria with safety. I should have to go by the Lower Sea[61] in the depth of winter and with no certain destination. Moreover am I to take my brother, or leave him and take my son? But how? Either course would cause me the greatest trouble and the greatest grief: and how he will wreak his rage on me and my property in my absence! More vindictively perhaps than in the case of others, because he will think that vengeance on me will please the people. Consider too my fetters, I mean my laurelled fasces. How awkward it will be to take them out of Italy! Suppose I enjoy a calm passage, what place will be safe for me till I join Pompey? I have no idea of how or where to go. But, if I stand my ground and find a place on Caesar's side, I shall follow the example of L. Philippus under the tyranny of Cinna, of L. Flaccus and of Q. Mucius.[62] Though it ended unfortunately
[61] I.e. the sea on the west coast of Italy as opposed to _mare superum_, the Adriatic.
[62] All these persons stayed in Rome during the Cinnan revolution. Mucius was put to death by the younger Marius in 82 B.C.
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quidem cecidit; qui tamen ita dicere solebat, se id fore videre, quod factum est, sed malle quam armatum ad patriae moenia accedere. Aliter Thrasybulus et fortasse melius. Sed est certa quaedam illa Muci ratio atque sententia, est illa etiam Philippi, et, cum sit necesse, servire tempori et non amittere tempus, cum sit datum. Sed in hoc ipso habent tamen idem fasces molestiam. Sit enim nobis amicus, quod incertum est, sed sit; deferet triumphum. Non accipere vide ne periculosum sit, accipere invidiosum ad bonos. "O rem," inquis, "difficilem et inexplicabilem!" Atqui explicanda est. Quid enim fieri potest? Ac, ne me existimaris ad manendum esse propensiorem, quod plura in eam partem verba fecerim, potest fieri, quod fit in multis quaestionibus, ut res verbosior haec fuerit, illa verior. Quam ob rem ut maxima de re aequo animo deliberanti ita mihi des consilium velim. Navis et in Caieta est parata nobis et Brundisi.
Sed ecce nuntii scribente me haec ipsa noctu in Caleno, ecce litterae Caesarem ad Corfinium, Domitium Corfini cum firmo exercitu et pugnare cupiente. Non puto etiam hoc Gnaeum nostrum commissurum, ut Domitium relinquat; etsi Brundisium Scipionem cum cohortibus duabus praemiserat, legionem Fausto conscriptam in Siciliam sibi placere a consule duci scripserat ad consules. Sed turpe Domitium deserere erit implorantem eius auxilium. Est quaedam spes mihi quidem non magna, sed in his locis firma, Afranium in Pyrenaeo cum Trebonio pugnasse, pulsum Trebonium, etiam Fabium tuum transisse cum
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in the case of Q. Mucius, yet he was wont to say he foresaw the issue, but preferred it to taking arms against his country. Thrasybulus took the other and perhaps happier course. But Mucius' decision and views were quite definite, and so were those of Philippus; that one might do some time-serving, when it was necessary, but when one's time came, one should not miss it. But, in that event, still my fasces are a nuisance. I do not know if Caesar will be friendly; but suppose he is, he will offer me a triumph. To refuse would damage my chances with Caesar, to accept would annoy the loyalists. It is a hard and insoluble question; and yet solve it I must. What else can I do? I have said most in favour of staying in Italy: but do not infer that I have any particular inclination towards so doing: it may be, as often happens, that there are more words on one side and more worth on the other. Then please give me your advice, counting me openminded on the important question. There is a boat ready for me at Caieta and at Brundisium.
But, here are messengers arriving as I write this letter at night in Cales; and here is a letter saying that Caesar has reached Corfinium and that Domitius is there with a strong force anxious to fight. I do not think that Pompey will go so far as to abandon Domitius, though he sent Scipio ahead to Brundisium with two squadrons, and has informed the consuls that he wants one of them to take the legion raised for Faustus into Sicily. But it were base to desert Domitius, when he entreats for help. There is some hope, small enough to my mind, but favoured in this district, that Afranius has fought with Trebonius in the Pyrenees and driven him back, and that your
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cohortibus, summa autem Afranium cum magnis copiis adventare. Id si est, in Italia fortasse manebitur. Ego autem, cum esset incertum iter Caesaris, quod vel ad Capuam vel ad Luceriam iturus putabatur, Leptam misi ad Pompeium et litteras; ipse, ne quo inciderem, reverti Formias.
Haec te scire volui scripsique sedatiore animo, quam proxime scripseram, nullum meum iudicium interponens, sed exquirens tuum.
IV
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano VIII K. Mart. ante lucem a. 705_]
Dionysius quidem tuus potius quam noster, cuius ego cum satis cognossem mores, tuo tamen potius stabam iudicio quam meo, ne tui quidem testimonii, quod ei saepe apud me dederas, veritus, superbum se praebuit in fortuna, quam putavit nostram fore; cuius fortunae nos, quantum humano consilio effici poterit, motum ratione quadam gubernabimus. Cui qui noster honos, quod obsequium, quae etiam ad ceteros contempti cuiusdam hominis commendatio defuit? ut meum iudicium reprehendi a Quinto fratre volgoque ab omnibus mallem quam illum non efferrem laudibus, Ciceronesque nostros meo potius labore subdoceri quam me alium iis magistrum quaerere; ad quem ego quas litteras, dei immortales, miseram, quantum honoris significantes, quantum amoris! Dicaearchum mehercule aut Aristoxenum diceres arcessi, non unum hominem omnium loquacissimum et minime aptum ad docendum. Sed est memoria bona. Me dicet esse meliore. Quibus litteris ita respondit ut ego nemini,
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friend Fabius too has gone over to Pompey with his squadrons: and high hope, that Afranius is marching hither with large forces. If that is true, we may stay in Italy. But since no one knows Caesar's route, as he was supposed to be going towards Capua or Luceria, I am sending Lepta to Pompey with a letter. Myself I return to Formiae for fear I should stumble on anyone.
I wanted you to know the news, and I write with more composure than I stated above. I advance no views of my own, but ask for yours.
IV
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Formiae, Feb. 22_, B.C. _49_]
I count Dionysius your man rather than mine: for, though I was well acquainted with his character, I held to your opinion of him rather than to my own. The fellow has paid no respect even to your frequent certificates of character, but has become arrogant in what he takes for a fall in my fortune, though so far as human wit can avail, I will steer my course onward with some skill. I never failed Dionysius in respect or service, or in a good word for the despicable cad. Nay, I preferred to have my opinion criticized by Quintus and people in general rather than omit to praise the fellow; and, sooner than seek another master for my boys, I took pains to give them private lessons myself. Good God, what a letter I sent him: how full of respect and affection! You would think that I was sending for Dicaearchus or Aristoxenus and not for an arch-chatter-box useless as a teacher. He has a good memory: he shall have reason to say that mine is better. He answered the
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cuius causam non reciperem. Semper enim: "Si potero, si ante suscepta causa non impediar." Numquam reo cuiquam tam humili, tam sordido, tam nocenti, tam alieno tam praecise negavi, quam hic mihi plane sine ulla exceptione praecidit. Nihil cognovi ingratius; in quo vitio nihil mali non inest. Sed de hoc nimis multa.
Ego navem paravi. Tuas litteras tamen exspecto, ut sciam, quid respondeant consultationi meae. Sulmone C. Atium Paelignum aperuisse Antonio portas, cum essent cohortes quinque, Q. Lucretium inde effugisse scis, Gnaeum ire Brundisium, desertum Domitium.[63] Confecta res est.
[63] Domitium _is added by Lipsius_.
V
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano VII, ut videtur, K. Mart. a. 705_]
Cum ante lucem VIII Kal. litteras ad te de Dionysio dedissem, vesperi ad nos eodem die venit ipse Dionysius, auctoritate tua permotus, ut suspicor; quid enim putem aliud? Etsi solet eum, cum aliquid furiose fecit, paenitere. Numquam autem cerritior fuit quam in hoc negotio. Nam, quod ad te non scripseram, postea audivi a tertio miliario tum eum isse
πολλὰ μάτην κεράεσσιν ἐς ἠέρα θυμήναντα,
multa, inquam, mala cum dixisset: suo capiti, ut aiunt. Sed en meam mansuetudinem! Conieceram in fasciculum una cum tua vementem ad illum epistulam. Hanc ad me referri volo nec ullam ob aliam
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letter in a tone I have never used even when I wished to decline a case. I always say, "if possible," "if no previous engagement hinders me." I have never given so curt a refusal as his curt unqualified "no" to any client however humble, however mean, however guilty, however much a stranger. It is the height of ingratitude, and ingratitude includes all sins. But enough and more than enough of this.
I have a boat ready. Still I wait for a letter from you, that I may know your answer to my problem. You know that at Sulmo C. Atius Paelignus opened the gates to Antonius, though he had five squadrons, that Q. Lucretius has escaped from the place, and that Pompey has gone to Brundisium, deserting Domitius. We are done for.
V
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Formiae, Feb. 23 (?)_, B.C. _49_]
After I sent you a letter before daybreak on the 22nd about Dionysius, on the evening of the same day came Dionysius himself. I cannot but think that it was by your influence, though he is wont to repent of his fits of temper, and this is the maddest business he has had a hand in. I did not tell you before, but I heard later, that, when he had got three miles from Rome, he took fright,
"When he had vainly butted with his horns The vacant air."[64]
[64] Author unknown.
I mean he cursed roundly. May his curses fall on his own head, as the saying goes. But look at my good nature. I enclosed in your packet a strong letter for him. I should be glad to have it returned; and
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causam Pollicem servum a pedibus meis Romam misi. Eo autem ad te scripsi, ut, si tibi forte reddita esset, mihi curares referendam, ne in illius manus perveniret.
Novi si quid esset, scripsissem. Pendeo animi exspectatione Corfiniensi, in qua de salute rei publicae decernetur. Tu fasciculum, qui est M'. Curio inscriptus, velim cures ad eum perferendum Tironemque Curio commendes et, ut det ei, si quid opus erit in sumptum, roges.
VI
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano IX K. Mart., ut videtur, a. 705_]
Obsignata iam ista epistula, quam de nocte daturus eram, sicut dedi (nam eam vesperi scripseram), C. Sosius praetor in Formianum venit ad M'. Lepidum, vicinum nostrum, cuius quaestor fuit. Pompei litterarum ad consules exemplum attulit:
"Litterae mihi a L. Domitio a. d. XIII Kalend. Mart. allatae sunt. Earum exemplum infra scripsi. Nunc, ut ego non scribam, tua sponte te intellegere scio, quanti rei publicae intersit omnes copias in unum locum primo quoque tempore convenire. Tu, si tibi videbitur, dabis operam, ut quam primum ad nos venias, praesidii Capuae quantum constitueris satis esse, relinquas."
Deinde supposuit exemplum epistulae Domiti, quod ego ad te pridie miseram. Di immortales, qui me horror perfudit! quam sum sollicitus, quidnam futurum sit! Hoc tamen spero, magnum nomen imperatoris fore, magnum in adventu terrorem. Spero etiam, quoniam adhuc nihil nobis obfuit † nihil
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only for that reason have I sent my footman Pollux to Rome. So I write to you that, if it has come into your hands, you may return it and not let it fall into his possession.
I would write any fresh news, if there were any. I am a-tiptoe with anxiety as to the business at Corfinium, which will decide the fate of the constitution. Please send the packet addressed to M'. Curius, and please recommend Tiro to Curius, and ask him to supply his wants.
VI
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Formiae, Feb. 21 (?)_, B.C. _49_]
After I had sealed that letter to you, which I wanted to dispatch last night (I wrote it in the evening and did dispatch it), C. Sosius the praetor came to Formiae to visit my neighbour, M'. Lepidus, whose quaestor he was. He brought a copy of Pompey's letter to the consuls: "I have received a dispatch from L. Domitius, dated the 17th of February. I enclose a copy. Now without a word from me, I know you realize of your own accord how important it is for the State that all our forces should concentrate at one spot at the earliest possible date. If you agree, endeavour to reach me at once, leaving Capua such garrison as you may consider necessary."
Then appended is a copy of Domitius' letter which I sent you yesterday. My God, how terrified I was and how distracted I am as to the future! I hope his nickname the Great will inspire great panic on his arrival. I hope too, since nothing has stood in our way at present [except his negligence, he is not
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mutasset neglegentia hoc quod cum fortiter et diligenter tum etiam mehercule.†
Modo enim audivi quartanam a te discessisse. Moriar, si magis gauderem, si id mihi accidisset. Piliae dic non esse aequum eam diutius habere nec id esse vestrae concordiae. Tironem nostrum ab altera relictum audio. Sed eum video in sumptum ab aliis mutuatum; ego autem Curium nostrum, si quid opus esset, rogaram. Malo Tironis verecundiam in culpa esse quam inliberalitatem Curi.
VII
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano VII K. Mart., ut videtur, a. 705_]
Unum etiam restat amico nostro ad omne dedecus, ut Domitio non subveniat. "At nemo dubitat, quin subsidio venturus sit." Ego non puto. "Deseret igitur talem civem et eos, quos una scis esse, cum habeat praesertim is ipse cohortes triginta?" Nisi me omnia fallunt, deseret. Incredibiliter pertimuit, nihil spectat nisi fugam. Cui tu (video enim, quid sentias) me comitem putas debere esse. Ego vero, quem fugiam, habeo, quem sequar, non habeo. Quod enim tu meum laudas et memorandum dicis, malle quod dixerim me cum Pompeio vinci quam cum istis vincere, ego vero malo, sed cum illo Pompeio, qui tum erat, aut qui mihi esse videbatur, cum hoc vero, qui ante fugit, quam scit, aut quem fugiat aut quo, qui nostra tradidit, qui patriam reliquit, Italiam relinquit,
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neglecting a point which ought to be carried out vigorously].[65]
[65] The words in brackets only attempt to give the probable sense of this hopelessly corrupt passage.
I have just heard that you have lost your fever. Upon my life I could not be better pleased, if I had recovered myself. Tell Pilia that such a perfect helpmeet should not be sick longer than her husband. I hear that Tiro has recovered from his second attack: but I see he has been raising money from strangers. I had commissioned Curius to supply him with funds. I hope it is Tiro's diffidence and not Curius' meanness that is to blame.
VII
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Formiae, Feb. 23 (?)_, B.C. _49_]
The one act needed to crown Pompey's disgrace is the desertion of Domitius. I don't agree with the universal opinion that he is sure to help him. "Will he desert so distinguished a citizen as Domitius and those with him, even though he has thirty cohorts at his command?" Unless I am greatly mistaken he will desert him. He is incredibly alarmed, and has no thought but flight; and you want me to go with him; for I see what you think. Yes, I have a foe to flee from, but no friend to follow. As for your praise of that remark of mine, which you quote and call so memorable, that I would rather be conquered with Pompey than conquer with Caesar, well, I would: but it must be with Pompey my old hero or ideal. As to the Pompey of to-day, who flees before he knows from whom he is running or where to run; who has betrayed us, abandoned his country and deserted
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si malui, contigit, victus sum. Quod superest, nec ista videre possum, quae numquam timui ne viderem, nec mehercule istum, propter quem mihi non modo meis, sed memet ipso carendum est.
Ad Philotimum scripsi de viatico sive a Moneta (nemo enim solvit) sive ab Oppiis, tuis contubernalibus. Cetera apposita tibi mandabo.
VIII
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano VI K. Mart. a. 705_]
O rem turpem et ea re miseram! Sic enim sentio, id demum aut potius id solum esse miserum, quod turpe sit. Aluerat Caesarem; eundem repente timere coeperat, condicionem pacis nullam probarat, nihil ad bellum pararat, urbem reliquerat, Picenum amiserat culpa, in Apuliam se compegerat, ibat in Graeciam, omnes nos ἀπροσφωνήτους, expertes sui tanti, tam inusitati consilii relinquebat. Ecce subito litterae Domiti ad illum, ipsius ad consules. Fulsisse mihi videbatur τὸ καλὸν ad oculos eius et exclamasse ille vir, qui esse debuit:
Πρὸς ταῦθ' ὅ τι χρὴ καὶ παλαμάσθων καὶ πάντ' ἐπ' ἐμοὶ τεκταινέσθων. τὸ γὰρ εὖ μετ' ἐμοῦ.
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Italy,--well, if I wanted to be conquered with him, I have got my wish; I am conquered. For the rest I cannot bear to look at Caesar's doings. I never expected to see them, nor the man himself who robs me not only of my friends, but of myself.
I have written to Philotimus about money for the journey--either from the mint,[66] for none of my debtors will pay up, or from your associates the bankers. I will give you all other requisite instructions.
[66] The Roman Mint was at the Temple of Juno Moneta. Apparently money could be obtained there by exchange for bullion.
VIII
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Formiae, Feb. 24_, B.C. _49_]
What disgrace, and therefore what misery! For I feel disgrace to be the crown of misery, or indeed the only real misery. Pompey treated Caesar as his _protégé_, began suddenly to fear him, declined terms of peace, made no preparation for war, quitted Rome, lost Picenum by his own fault, got himself blocked in Apulia, went off to Greece without a word, leaving us in ignorance of a plan so important and unusual. Then all of a sudden Domitius' letter to Pompey and Pompey's letter to the consuls. It seemed to me that the Right had flashed upon his gaze, and that he, the old heroic Pompey, cried:
"What subtle craft they will let them devise, And work their wiliest in my despite. The right is on my side."[67]
[67] A fragment of Euripides parodied by Aristophanes, _Acharnians_, 659-661.
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At ille tibi πολλὰ χαίρειν τᾷ καλᾷ dicens pergit Brundisium. Domitium autem aiunt re audita et eos, qui una essent, se tradidisse. O rem lugubrem! Itaque intercludor dolore, quo minus ad te plura scribam. Tuas litteras exspecto.
IX
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano V K. Mart. a. 705_]
Epistulam meam quod pervulgatam scribis esse, non fero moleste, quin etiam ipse multis dedi describendam. Ea enim et acciderunt iam et impendent, ut testatum esse velim, de pace quid senserim. Cum autem ad eam hortarer eum praesertim hominem, non videbar ullo modo facilius moturus, quam si id, quod eum hortarer, convenire eius sapientiae dicerem. Eam si "admirabilem" dixi, cum eum ad salutem patriae hortabar, non sum veritus, ne viderer adsentari, cui tali in re lubenter me ad pedes abiecissem. Quod autem est "aliquid inpertias temporis," non est, de pace, sed de me ipso et de meo officio ut aliquid cogitet. Nam, quod testificor me expertem belli fuisse, etsi id re perspectum est, tamen eo scripsi, quo in suadendo plus auctoritatis haberem; eodemque pertinet, quod causam eius probo.
Sed quid haec nunc? Utinam aliquid profectum esset! Ne ego istas litteras in contione recitari velim, si quidem ille ipse ad eundem scribens in publico proposuit epistulam illam, in qua est "pro tuis rebus gestis amplissimis" (amplioribusne quam suis,
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However Pompey bids a long farewell to honour and away for Brundisium. They say that Domitius and those with him surrendered on receipt of the news. What a doleful business! Grief prevents me writing more. I await a letter from you.
IX
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Formiae, Feb. 25_, B.C. _49_.]
I am not upset at the circulation of my letter, indeed I myself let many people take a copy. Considering what has happened and is likely to happen, I want my views on peace published. And when I exhorted Caesar of all men to seek peace, I had no readier argument than to say, that peace became a man of his wisdom. If I spoke of his "admirable" wisdom, seeing that I was urging him on to the salvation of our country, I was not afraid of appearing to flatter him: in such a cause I would gladly have cast myself at his feet. When I use the phrase "spare time," that does not mean for the consideration of peace, but for the consideration of myself and my obligations. As to my statement that I have taken no
## part in the war, though the facts are evidence, I wrote it to give
greater weight to my advice and it was for the same reason that I expressed approbation of his case.
But this is idle talk now: I only wish it had done some good. Why, I should not object to the recital of my letter at a public meeting, when Pompey himself, writing to Caesar, exhibited for public perusal a letter containing the words "On account of your splendid achievements," (are they more splendid
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quam Africani? Ita tempus ferebat), si quidem etiam vos duo tales ad quintum miliarium quid nunc ipsum de se recipienti, quid agenti, quid acturo? Quanto autem ferocius ille causae suae confidet, cum vos, cum vestri similes non modo frequentes, sed laeto vultu gratulantes viderit! "Num igitur peccamus?" Minime vos quidem; sed tamen signa conturbantur, quibus voluntas a simulatione distingui posset. Quae vero senatus consulta video? Sed apertius, quam proposueram.
Ego Arpini volo esse pridie Kal., deinde circum villulas nostras errare, quas visurum me postea desperavi. Εὐγενῆ tua consilia et tamen pro temporibus non incauta mihi valde probantur. Lepido quidem (nam fere συνδιημερεύομεν, quod gratissimum illi est) numquam placuit ex Italia exire, Tullo multo minus. Crebro enim illius litterae ab aliis ad nos commeant. Sed me illorum sententiae minus movebant; minus multa dederant illi rei publicae pignora. Tua mehercule auctoritas vehementer movet; adfert enim et reliqui temporis recuperandi rationem et praesentis tuendi. Sed, obsecro te, quid hoc miserius quam alterum plausus in foedissima causa quaerere, alterum offensiones in optima? alterum existimari conservatorem inimicorum, alterum desertorem amicorum? Et mehercule, quamvis amemus Gnaeum nostrum, ut et facimus et debemus, tamen hoc, quod talibus viris non subvenit, laudare non possum. Nam, sive
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than Pompey's own, or those of Africanus? Circumstances made him say so.) and when two men like you and S. Peducaeus are going to meet him at the fifth milestone,--and at this moment to what course does he pledge himself, what is he doing, what is he going to do? Surely his belief in his rights will grow more vehement, when he sees you and men like you not only in crowds, but with joy upon your faces. "What harm in that," you ask? Not a bit, as far as you are concerned: but still the outward signs of the distinction between genuine feeling and pretence are all upset. I foresee some strange decrees of the Senate. But my letter has been more frank than I intended.
I hope to be at Arpinum on the 28th, and then to visit my country estates, I fear for the last time. Your policy, gentlemanly, but not without a touch of caution suited to the times, has my sincere approval. Lepidus, who has the pleasure of my company almost every day, never liked the plan of quitting Italy: Tullus detested it: for letters from him often reach me from other hands. However their views influence me little: they have given fewer pledges to the state than I: but I am strongly swayed by the weight of your opinion, which proposes a plan for betterment in the future and security in the present. Is there a more wretched spectacle than that of Caesar earning praise in the most disgusting cause, and of Pompey earning blame in the most excellent: of Caesar being regarded as the saviour of his enemies, and Pompey as a traitor to his friends? Assuredly though I love Pompey, from inclination and duty, still I cannot praise his failure to succour such men. If it was fear,
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timuit, quid ignavius? sive, ut quidam putant, meliorem suam causam illorum caede fore putavit, quid iniustius? Sed haec omittamus; augemus enim dolorem retractando.
VI Kal. vesperi Balbus minor ad me venit occulta via currens ad Lentulum consulem missu Caesaris cum litteris, cum mandatis, cum promissione provinciae, Romam ut redeat. Cui persuaderi posse non arbitror, nisi erit conventus. Idem aiebat nihil malle Caesarem, quam ut Pompeium adsequeretur (id credo) et rediret in gratiam. Id non credo et metuo, ne omnis haec clementia ad Cinneam[68] illam crudelitatem colligatur. Balbus quidem maior ad me scribit nihil malle Caesarem quam principe Pompeio sine metu vivere. Tu, puto, haec credis. Sed, cum haec scribebam V Kalend., Pompeius iam Brundisium venisse poterat; expeditus enim antecesserat legiones XI K. Luceria. Sed hoc τέρας horribili vigilantia, celeritate, diligentia est. Plane, quid futurum sit, nescio.
[68] Cinneam _Tyrrell and Purser_: unam _MSS._: Sullanam _Orelli_.
X
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano IV K. Mart. a. 705_]
Dionysius cum ad me praeter opinionem meam venisset, locutus sum cum eo liberalissime; tempora exposui, rogavi, ut diceret, quid haberet in animo; me nihil ab ipso invito contendere. Respondit se, quod in nummis haberet, nescire quo loci esset; alios non solvere, aliorum diem nondum esse. Dixit etiam alia quaedam de servulis suis, quare nobiscum
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it was most cowardly; if, as some think, he imagined that their massacre would assist his cause, it was most iniquitous. But let us pass over this, for remembrance adds to my sorrow.
On the evening of the 24th, Balbus the younger came to me, hurrying on a secret errand to the consul Lentulus from Caesar with a letter, a commission, and the promise of a province on condition of his returning to Rome. I don't think that he can be talked over without a personal interview. Balbus said that Caesar was most anxious to meet Pompey (I believe it), and to get on good terms with him. This I do not believe and I fear all his kindness is only a preparation for cruelty like Cinna's. Balbus the elder writes to me that Caesar wants nothing better than to live in safety under Pompey. I expect you will believe that. But while I write this letter on the 25th of February, Pompey may have reached Brundisium. He set out without baggage, and before his legions, on the 19th from Luceria. But that bogy-man has terrible wariness, speed and energy. The future is a riddle to me.
X
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Formiae, Feb. 26_, B.C. _49_]
I spoke to Dionysius in the frankest way, when contrary to my expectations he arrived. I told him how matters stood; asked him his intentions, and said that I would not press him against his will. He replied that he did not know where such money as he owned was: that some creditors did not pay, that other debts were not yet due. He said something about his wretched slaves that would prevent his
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esse non posset. Morem gessi; dimisi a me ut magistrum Ciceronum non lubenter, ut hominem ingratum non invitus. Volui te scire, et quid ego de eius facto iudicarem.
XI
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano III K. Mart. a. 705_]
Quod me magno animi motu perturbatum putas, sum equidem, sed non tam magno, quam tibi fortasse videor. Levatur enim omnis cura, cum aut constitit consilium, aut cogitando nihil explicatur. Lamentari autem licet illud quidem totos dies; sed vereor, ne, nihil cum proficiam, etiam dedecori sim studiis ac litteris nostris. Consumo igitur omne tempus considerans, quanta vis sit illius viri, quem nostris libris satis diligenter, ut tibi quidem videmur, expressimus. Tenesne igitur moderatorem illum rei publicae quo referre velimus omnia? Nam sic quinto, ut opinor, in libro loquitur Scipio: "Ut enim gubernatori cursus secundus, medico salus, imperatori victoria, sic huic moderatori rei publicae beata civium vita proposita est, ut opibus firma, copiis locuples, gloria ampla, virtute honesta sit. Huius enim operis maximi inter homines atque optimi illum esse perfectorem volo." Hoc Gnaeus noster cum antea numquam tum in hac causa minime cogitavit. Dominatio quaesita ab utroque est, non id actum, beata et honesta civitas ut esset. Nec vero ille urbem reliquit, quod eam tueri non posset, nec Italiam, quod ea pelleretur, sed hoc a primo cogitavit, omnes terras, omnia maria movere, reges barbaros incitare, gentes feras armatas in Italiam
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staying with me. I acquiesced, sorry to lose a master for my boys; but glad to be rid of an ungrateful fellow. I wanted you to know what happened and my opinion of his conduct.
XI
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Formiae, Feb. 27_, B.C. _49_]
As you suppose, I am in great anxiety of mind: but it is not so great as you may imagine. I am rid of care, as soon as resolve is fixed or thought proves futile. Still I may lament my lot as I do all day long. But I fear, since lamentation is idle, I disgrace my philosophy and my works. So I spend my time considering the character of the ideal statesman, who is sketched clearly enough, you seem to think, in my books on the Republic. You remember then the standard by which our ideal governor was to weigh his acts. Here are Scipio's words, in the 5th book, I think it is: "As a safe voyage is the aim of the pilot, health of the physician, victory of the general, so the ideal statesman will aim at happiness for the citizens of the state to give them material security, copious wealth, wide-reaching distinction and untarnished honour. This, the greatest and finest of human achievements, I want him to perform." Pompey never had this notion and least of all in the present cause. Absolute power is what he and Caesar have sought; their aim has not been to secure the happiness and honour of the community. Pompey has not abandoned Rome, because it was impossible to defend, nor Italy on forced compulsion; but it was his idea from the first to plunge the world into war, to stir up barbarous princes, to bring savage tribes into
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adducere, exercitus conficere maximos. Genus illud Sullani regni iam pridem appetitur multis, qui una sunt, cupientibus. An censes nihil inter eos convenire, nullam pactionem fieri potuisse? Hodie potest. Sed neutri σκοπὸς est ille, ut nos beati simus; uterque regnare vult.
Haec a te invitatus breviter exposui. Voluisti enim me, quid, de his mails sentirem, ostendere. Προθεσπίζω igitur, noster Attice, non hariolans ut illa, cui nemo credidit, sed coniectura prospiciens:
"Iamque mari magno--"
non multo, inquam, secus possum vaticinari. Tanta malorum impendet Ἰλιάς. Atque hoc nostra gravior est causa, qui domi sumus, quam illorum, qui una transierunt, quod illi quidem alterum metuunt, nos utrumque. "Cur igitur," inquis, "remansimus?" Vel tibi paruimus vel non occurrimus, vel hoc fuit rectius. Conculcari, inquam, miseram Italiam videbis proxima aestate aut utriusque in mancipiis ex omni genere collectis, nec tam proscriptio pertimescenda, quae Luceriae multis sermonibus denuntiata esse dicitur, quam universae rei p. interitus. Tantas in confligendo utriusque vires video futuras. Habes coniecturam meam. Tu autem consolationis fortasse aliquid exspectasti. Nihil invenio, nihil fieri potest miserius, nihil perditius, nihil foedius.
Quod quaeris, quid Caesar ad me scripserit, quod saepe, gratissimum sibi esse, quod quierim, oratque, in eo ut perseverem. Balbus minor haec eadem mandata. Iter autem eius erat ad Lentulum consulem cum litteris Caesaris praemiorumque promissis, si
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Italy under arms, and to gather a huge army. A sort of Sulla's reign has long been his object, and is the desire of many of his companions. Or do you think that no agreement, no compromise between him and Caesar was possible? Why, it is possible to-day: but neither of them looks to our happiness. Both want to be kings.
[Sidenote: Ennius, _Alexander_.]
At your request I have given an outline of my views; for you wanted an expression of my opinion on these troubles. So I play the prophet, my dear Atticus, not at random like Cassandra whom no one believed, but with imaginative insight. "Now on the great sea" my prophecy runs like the old tag: such an Iliad of woe hangs over us. The case of us, who stay at home, is worse than that of those who have gone with Pompey, for they have only one to fear, while we have both. You ask then, why I stay. Well, in compliance with your request, or because I could not meet Pompey on his departure, or because it was the more honourable course. I say you will see poor Italy trodden down next summer or in the hands of their slaves drawn from every quarter of the globe. It will not be a proscription (in spite of the talk and threats we hear of at Luceria) which we shall have to dread, but general destruction. So huge are the forces that will join in the struggle. That is my prophecy. Perhaps you looked for consolation. I see none: we have reached the limit of misery, ruin and disgrace.
You inquire what Caesar said in his letter. The usual thing, that my inaction pleases him, and he begs me to maintain it. Balbus the younger brought the same message by word of mouth. Balbus was travelling to Lentulus the consul with letters from Caesar, and
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Romam revertisset. Verum, cum habeo rationem dierum, ante puto tramissurum, quam potuerit conveniri.
Epistularum Pompei duarum, quas ad me misit, neglegentiam meamque in rescribendo diligentiam volui tibi notam esse. Earum exempla ad te misi.
Caesaris hic per Apuliam ad Brundisium cursus quid efficiat, exspecto. Utinam aliquid simile Parthicis rebus! Simul aliquid audiero, scribam ad te. Tu ad me velim bonorum sermones. Romae frequentes esse dicuntur. Scio equidem te in publicum non prodire, sed tamen audire te multa necesse est. Memini librum tibi adferri a Demetrio Magnete ad te missum [scio][69] περὶ ὁμονοίας. Eum mihi velim mittas. Vides, quam causam mediter.
[69] scio _deleted by Wesenberg_.
XIa
CN. MAGNUS PROCOS. S. D. M. CICERONI IMP.
[Sidenote: _Scr. Luceriae IV Id. Febr. a. 705_]
Q. Fabius ad me venit a. d. IIII Idus Febr. Is nuntiat L. Domitium cum suis cohortibus XII et cum cohortibus XIIII, quas Vibullius adduxit, ad me iter habere; habuisse in animo proficisci Corfinio a. d. V Idus Febr.; C. Hirrum cum V cohortibus subsequi. Censeo, ad nos Luceriam venias. Nam te hic tutissime puto fore.
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promises of reward, if he would go back to Rome. Reckoning the days, however, I fancy Lepidus will cross the sea, before Balbus can meet him.
I send copies of Pompey's two dispatches to me. Please note his careless style and my careful answer.
I am waiting to see the result of this dash of Caesar's on Brundisium through Apulia. I should like a repetition of the Parthian incident.[70] As soon as I get any news, I will write. Please send me the talk of the loyalists who are said to be numerous at Rome. I know you do not go out, but talk must reach your ears. I remember a book being given to you by Demetrius of Magnesia. It was dedicated to you, and bore the title _On Concord_. I should be glad if you would let me have it. You see the