Part II

., p. 328.

[91] Elliot, V. 361.

[92] There were twelve mashas in a tola; the six cups, then, of 6 tolas and a quarter came to 37 1/2 tolas.

[93] Jahangir visited his father's tomb in the following year (the 14th). The passage describing the renunciation of shooting (not of hunting) is translated in Elliot, VI. 362.

[94] The version of the last two lines is by Sir William Jones, and is given by him in his Tenth Anniversary Discourse, delivered on February 28, 1793. As my friend Mr Whinfield has pointed out to me, the quotation comes from the story of Shibli and the ant in the second chapter of the Bustan. It occurs in the sixth story of the second book and p. 161 of Graf's edition. Sir William Jones's remark is: "Nor shall I ever forget the couplet of Firdausi, for which Sadi, who cites it with applause, pours blessings on his departed spirit." The quotation from Firdusi occurs on p. 67 of Vol. I. in Macan's edition of the Shah-nama.

[95] Urvasi is the name of a celestial nymph. It is also stated by Forbes to be the name of an ornament worn on the breast.

[96] Text ba naqsh by mistake for banafsha.

[97] I.O. MS. 181 has "thirty surkh."

[98] Perhaps the Moondah of Bayley's map, east of Mahmudabad.

[99] The text has khAdA khada, "an oar," but the word is perhaps kharwa, "a sailor." I.O. MS. 181, has kharwa.

[100] The I.O. MSS. have Albatta.

[101] The youth who was afterwards drowned in the Jhelam.

[102] I.O., No. 181, has Ghairat K.

[103] gam sometimes means a step, but here it seems to mean one foot-length. The distance mentioned by Jarrett appears to be 90 feet.

[104] No. 181 has "in three days."

[105] Compare account in Akbar-nama, II. 150. Akbar was then twenty years old. There is a picture of the two elephants crossing the bridge with Akbar on the elephant Hawa'i in the Clarke MS. in the Victoria and Albert Museum, South Kensington.

[106] Presumably the other side of the tank; it was the wild male saras that Jahangir put rings upon.

[107] The hunting of deer with decoys is described in Blochmann's Ayin, 291.

[108] Apparently a metaphorical expression, "fought with fire and water."

[109] su'u-l-qinya, "Bad state of the body, cachexy" (Steingass).

[110] I do not know of any poet with the takhallus Ustad. Possibly Jami is referred to. The lines are obscure, and I am not certain of the meaning. The I.O. MSS. omit the negatives in the first two lines.

[111] Not identified. I.O. MS. 305, seems to have Panib. Can it be the Manchan or Majham? Possibly we should read Banas.

[112] The I.O. MSS. have not the words Nau Ruz, "New Year," and I am not sure what New Year's day is meant. The time was October. Perhaps it was the first day of Zi-l-Qa`da that was celebrated, or it may be what is described in Richardson as the New Year's day of the Balance--viz., the entry of the Sun into the Sign of the Balance. Jahangir may have had special regard to that Sign as he was born under it. Perhaps all that is meant is that the feast of 1 Aban was celebrated. Aban was a sacred month because Akbar was born in it, and it may be that the feast was celebrated on Thursday the 2nd because the previous day, Wednesday, was regarded by Jahangir as unlucky, and was always spoken of as Kam-shamba. But most probably Nau Ruz is simply a mistake of the text.

[113] I.O. MS. has 600.

[114] The name of the stage is not given.

[115] Literally the mother of children, but explained as meaning a female demon (larva) who torments children. See Lane's Dictionary, 1650, where it is described as "flatulence."

[116] See above, p. 243 of text.

[117] Apparently the vow applied only to shooting. Jahangir was not at that time fifty-one years of age by solar computation.

[118] The natural term of life, which some Orientals regarded as being 120 years.

[119] The name `Ali is omitted in text.

[120] qand-i-siyah (? treacle).

[121] We are not told what was the result of this experiment.

[122] MSS., as before, have Ghairat instead of `Izzat.

[123] This son was Aurangzib. See Khafi K., I. 296. Khafi K. has 11th instead of 15th Zi-l-Qa`da. The 11th Zi-l-Qa`da corresponds to 20th October, 1618.

[124] Text has Sunday, but Wednesday must be the correct day, for immediately after Friday is spoken of as the 17th (Aban).

[125] Perhaps the Samarni of Jarrett, II. 207. The I.O. MSS. have Tamarna.

[126] I have been assisted by the translation in Elliot, VI. 363. See also Iqbal-nama, 117. The author there expatiates on the calamities which followed these celestial appearances. Elliot, loc. cit., p. 364, has eight years, but the text of the Tuzuk and all the MSS. have "eight nights." The Iqbal-nama has Dai instead of Aban, but probably Dai is a mistake for Zi-l-(qa`da). Perhaps the first phenomenon was the Zodiacal Light.

[127] The MSS. have Sambhalkhera.

[128] MSS. have Badhnur. Perhaps it is the Badhnawar of Jarrett, II.

[129] Pargana Nula'i in MSS., and this seems right as Nola'i, is mentioned in Jarrett, II. 198, as having a brick fort and as being on the Chambal.

[130] It seems to be Gambhir in the MSS.

[131] There seems to be an omission in the recital. We are not told of the first half, but evidently the meaning is that the mice (or rats) ate half the crop on the field, and half of what was brought into the threshing floor. See also Iqbal-nama, p. 118.

[132] Elliot, VI. 364.

[133] The word ma`ni, "spiritual," does not occur in the I.O. MSS., and does not appear to be wanted.

[134] Also a weight = two barley-grains. Blochmann, 36.

[135] The line is wanting in some MSS. In I.O. MS. 181, the conjunction wa is omitted (p. 145b).

[136] So in text, but Sunday was either the 10th or the 17th. Apparently Sunday is a mistake for Wednesday, as, later on, Thursday is mentioned as the 14th.

[137] Iqbal-nama, 119, "Three sons."

[138] Apparently the meaning is that he carried them off as prisoners.

[139] Text jada-dusti by mistake for jan-dusti.

[140] Namak, "salt." See for a similar expression, p. 149, in the account of Chin Qilij. Perhaps the phrase is a reminiscence of the answer given by Muhammad Husain M. when asked who had captured him. "The king's salt," was his reply.

[141] The Sind is mentioned in Tieffenthaler, I. 184. See also I.G., new ed., XXII., p. 432. It is one of the chief rivers of Central India.

[142] The word is shikar. Either the ducks were caught in nets and not shot, or the shooting was done by others, for Jahangir had vowed to give up shooting from the time of Shuja`'s illness.

[143] Akbar really took it in the 14th year of his reign (March, 1569). The siege lasted a month, according to Abu-l-Fazl. Akbar-nama, II. 339.

[144] Elliot, VI. 366.

[145] For notes about the meaning of the word chaukandi, "four-cornered," see Elliot, V. 347 and 503.

[146] Text Rustam, but it is Dastam in MS. 181, and it appears from Blochmann that Dastam or Dostam is the proper spelling. See pp. 398 and 620.

[147] Apparently Jahangir spent the night in this summer-house.

[148] Khila`at, surely used here on account of the alliteration kharji u Khila`at. At p. 10 of Price's "Jahangir" it is stated that he released 7,000 prisoners from Gwalior Fort!

[149] durna, or turna, a crane. It is a Turki word.

[150] The words diwan-i-buyutat are repeated. It looks as if the word buyutat in the second place was a mistake, or if some word implying that Lashkar K. had been appointed director of buildings (diwan-i-buyutat) had been omitted. Apparently `Abid K. went to the Deccan as Diwan, and not as Diwan-i-buyutat. Compare Iqbal-nama, 122.

[151] No. 181 has no conjunction, and makes the meaning "porcelain from Tartary."

[152] See Blochmann, 140 and 233. Abu-l-Fazl says the mujannas horses resemble Persian horses, and are mostly Turki or Persian geldings.

[153] So in text, but evidently Mandu, or at least Mandu in Malwa cannot be correct. The MSS. seem to have Hindaun, and possibly this is the place meant. Or it may be the place called Mandawar or Hindaun Road (see I.G., new ed., XIII. 135). The position of Hindaun agrees fairly well with Jahangir's itinerary, for Tieffenthaler, I., 172, says that Hindaun is 12 leagues--i.e., koss--S.S.-W. from Biana, and Jahangir gives the distance from Mandu or Hindaun to the neighbourhood of Bayana as 8 1/4 koss. Bayana is in the Bhartpur State, and apparently about 21 miles from Hindaun.

[154] The quatrain which Jahangir describes as that of someone (shakhsi) is included in `Umar Khayyam's poems, and is thus translated by Whinfield:

"My comrades all are gone, Death, deadly foe, Hath caught them one by one, and trampled low; They shared life's feast, and drank its wine with me, But lost their heads and dropped a while ago."

(Quatrain 219, p. 148.)

FitzGerald has it as Quatrain XXII., and his version is:

"For some we loved, the loveliest and the best That from his Vintage rolling Time hath prest, Have drunk their Cup a Round or two before, And one by one crept silently to rest."

The quatrain is also quoted by Badayuni, Lowe's translation, p. 192. The phrase tang-sharab in the third line means "poor drinkers." Whinfield has ba-yak sharab. But tang-sharab is given in Johnson's dictionary with the meaning of being easily made drunk, unable to carry much liquor.

[155] Bayana (Biana) is described in I.G., new ed., VII. 137. It is stated there that it used to have a fort with a very high tower. Bahlul's tomb still exists. It was his brother, M. Ghaus, who was most known for his skill in incantations, and who wrote a book on the subject.

[156] The story is told in the Akbar-nama, Vol. I. Jahangir is not correct in saying that Humayun had ordered Hindal to remain in Agra. Hindal went there without permission, and doubtless in order to rebel. See also Gul-badan Begam's "Memoirs," who, naturally, tries to excuse her brother.

[157] This must be the Barmadh Mata mentioned by Beale (see Proceedings A.S.B. for August, 1873, p. 159). Beale says there is a place of worship of the Hindus about 1 1/2 koss from Biana in the district of Bhartpur called Barmadh Mata. In the 7th year of Jahangir, 1022, 1613, Jahangir's mother Maryam-zamani made a garden and a ba'oli (step-well) here at a cost of Rs. 20,000. The garden has disappeared, but the building which is over the ba'oli still exists. Beale gives the inscription. William Finch (Hakluyt Society) speaks of a place called Menhapur, near Biana, where there was a garden made by the Queen-Mother. It was a great saray. The pargana Jusat of the text is no doubt the Chausath of Jarrett, II. 183, and of Elliot's Supp. Gloss., II., p. 83. Barah may be the Parath or Berath of Jarrett, II. 181.

[158] Apparently this is the Da'ir or Dabar of Badayuni, II. 171, and Akbar-nama, III. 145. It is described by Badayuni as being 4 koss from Fathpur. Da'ir may also be read Dabar in MSS., and it is Dabar in the map. It is in the Bhartpur State.

[159] So in the MSS. and the text, but must be a mistake for Ahmadabad, which Jahangir left on 21 Shahriwar or 22 Ramazan. See also Iqbal-nama, 117. He arrived at the environs of Fathpur on 19 Dai, or about 22 Muharram, 1028 (end of December, 1618). Apparently he considered that he arrived at Fathpur on 20 Dai. He remained on the outskirts and did not enter the town till the 28th (apparently should be 26th or 27th). The Iqbal-nama 122 makes Jahangir arrive at the outskirts of Fathpur on 20 Dai, and it gives the date of his entering the town as 26 Dai or 1 Safar, 1028 (January 8, 1619). See p. 123.

[160] Viz., the propitious hour of the 28th Dai, which had been fixed for the entry into Agra, but was now made the time for entering Fathpur.

[161] The lake was to the north of the city, and is now dried up. It had been made by damming up a stream.

[162] Apparently this lady was relating what had occurred in Agra, for Jahangir has just told us that the plague did not come to Fathpur. Her father was the Asaf K., known also as Ja`far K. The ladies seem to have come out from Agra to welcome Jahangir. His mother came later from Agra, see infra.

[163] Tiryaq-i-Faruq. See Lane's Dict., p. 304, col. 3.

[164] I.O. MSS. have az bala radd u az payan itlaq shud, "there was vomiting from above and evacuations from below." The text misses out the words az bala radd.

[165] 4,000 in No. 181.

[166] Certainly Thursday was the 27th according to Jahangir. The 28th must be a copyist's mistake here and previously.

[167] Jahangir says four ghari are nearly equal to two sidereal hours. According to Abu-l-Fazl, a ghari is the sixteenth part of a nychthemeron, or 360 out of the 21,600 breathings which make up a nychthemeron--i.e., 24 hours. See Jarrett, III. 16 and 17, and II. 16, n. 4. According to the Bahar-i-`ajam, 2 1/2 ghari = one sidereal hour, so that, correctly speaking, five ghari = two sidereal hours. Each ghari is 24 minutes (Jarrett, II. 16, n. 4). Here it should be noted that there is a mistake in the translation at p. 17, line 2, of Jarrett, vol. III., due to a faulty reading in the Bib. Ind. edition of the text. Instead of yaki we should read pali, as in two MSS. in my possession. Abu-l-Fazl's meaning then becomes clear. What he says is, a ghari is 360 breathings, consequently (pas) every pal (already defined as the sixtieth part of a ghari) is 360 divided by 60, and equal to six breathings (nafas). Jahangir's line, however, is obscure. In two I.O. MSS. we have ba-tala`i instead of ba-sa`ati. I think the meaning probably is that the same day which marked Jahangir's arrival at Fathpur also marked Shah-Jahan's birthday.

Tawalla is defined in the Bahar-i-`ajam as meaning to have friendship with anyone. It also says that it is used in the sense of taqarrub--i.e., nearness. It may be therefore that Jahangir's line means "At a moment which nearly corresponded to two (hours)." Taqwim would then mean established or fixed, and not a calendar. Taqwim kardan is a phrase which means "to adjust, to arrange."

[168] Shah-Jahan was born on January 5, 1592, so that in January, 1619, he began to be in his 28th year--i.e., he was 27 complete.

[169] That is, 120 according to Muhammadan idea.

[170] Afterwards drowned in the Jhelam.

[171] Text dar`a, MSS. zira`. See text 298, account of fifteenth year, where a dar`a is defined. The Ilahi gaz or dara` consisted of 40 digits (fingerbreadths), according to Jahangir. If the Kapur tank be the one described in the Archæological Survey Reports, Vol. XVIII., for 1894, yards seem to be required here, for the tank is mentioned in the Report as being 95 feet 7 inches square. According to Jahangir, 34 krors odd of dams--i.e., I presume, fulus, in copper money, and 16 lakhs and 80,000 rupees in silver were poured into the tank, making a total of 1 kror and 3 lakhs of rupees, or 3 lakhs 43,000 tumans. Apparently the tuman, which was a gold coin, was, in Jahangir's time, reckoned as worth 30 rupees, and Wollaston, in his Dictionary, says it was worth £3 in Shah `Abbas I.'s time. Jahangir's account of the tank should be compared with that given in the Akbar-nama, III. 246 and 257, where the tank is called the Anup-talao, or the "Unequalled Tank."

In the text, difficulty has, I think, been made by the introduction of the word kih in p. 260, six lines from foot, and bashad in the fifth line from the foot. These words make the sense to be that 34 krors odd of dams were only equal to 16 lakhs odd of rupees. But this cannot be, for the dam was the fortieth part of a rupee, and so 34 krors of dams would be not far short of one kror--i.e., 100 lakhs of rupees. The MSS. have not the kih and bashad in question, and have only a conjunction after the word dam. Thirty-four krors odd of copper and 16 lakhs of silver were poured into the tank, making a total, in round numbers, of 1 kror, 3 lakhs of rupees. According to Abu-l-Fazl gold was also thrown in.

[172] Text Yad `Ali, but the MSS. have Nad. See also Blochmann, 508.

[173] This name is Bairam or Siram in MSS. Chikani may be a trade designation, and mean embroiderer, or worker in gold thread.

[174] Kuh-daman, "hill-subduing."

[175] dibacha. Here meaning the early part of the Memoirs.

[176] The text has ba by mistake for ya.

[177] `aurat-i-mustahaqqa. Perhaps "pensioned women."

[178] These are the opening lines of Jami's Yusuf and Zulaikha (note by Mr. Rogers).

[179] Salim Chishti died on 29 Ramazan 979, or February 15, 1572. Jahangir was born on 17 Rabi` 1st, 977; and so he would be about two years and seven months old at the time of Salim's death. See Beale and Khazinatu-l-asfiya, I. p. 435.

[180] The conjunction wa in text, p. 262, line 16, is a mistake.

[181] This is the Buland Darwaza. It was built many years after the mosque. For an account of it, see Mr. Edmund Smith's Fathpur Sikri. The gateway is there said to be 134 feet high from the pavement and 176 feet from the roadway. The thirty-two steps mentioned in text must be those from the roadway to the gate. There are two flights of steps, and the total number, up to the top, is 123. The quadrangle or court is stated by Keene to be 433 feet by 366. Another statement (in the Archæological Report) is 438-9 by 359-10 feet. Salim's tomb was erected in 1581 (988). It is 47 feet 11 inches each way.

[182] 4 1/2, Iqbal-nama, 124.

[183] Text aiwan, but should be alwan, "coloured." See Iqbal-nama, 124.

[184] Finch says: "Under the courtyard is a good tank of excellent water." He also speaks of the lake and of its being covered with the singara (Trapa bicornis).

[185] That is, Bayazid, a grandson of the saint. Ikram K. is another name for Hushang. His mother was Abu-l-Fazl's sister. According to the Ma'asir, I. 120, he was a tyrant. According to local tradition, Qutbu-d-din is buried in Bardwan near Shir-afgan.

[186] So in text, but ought to be the 17th.

[187] Mau was a Himalayan fort. Blochmann, 345. The text has Mau u shahri, and so have the MSS. The Iqbal-nama has Maud u Mahri, p. 124, and so has the Ma'asir U., II. 178. Evidently from what follows there were two places, unless one was the fort and the other the city. See also Tuzuk, 304, l. 10, which has pargana Maud Mahri. In the Ayin, Jarrett, II. 319, we have Mau and Nabah, and the next name in the list is Mahror. Gladwin has Mowd, and possibly we should translate "Mowd, a city on which he relied."

[188] The Iqbal-nama, 125, says Rs. 20,000 which would be 40,000 darbs.

[189] Jagat Singh afterwards became a rebel, joining Shah-Jahan, as also did Raja Bikramajit, or Sundar. He rebelled also in Shah-Jahan's reign, but was pardoned, and did good service in Kabul and Badakhshan. He died in Peshawar in 1055 (1645). See Ma'asir U., II. 238, and Padishah-nama, II. 481.

[190] It is hasr in text, but surely this is a mistake for hafr, and the meaning is that a new pit or well should be made in the middle of the garden. It appears to be hafr in MSS. The Nur-manzil garden is the same as the Bagh Dahra, and was near Agra. Blochmann, 499.

[191] Egyptian. Hitherto this has been read Qutbi, but it really is, I think, Qibti, "Egyptian." Chardin, IV. 70, ed. 1723, says that the Persians state that the ruby of the East comes from Egypt. The etymology, however, is doubtful.

[192] Possibly the praise of Shah-Jahan's inventive powers refers to his arrangements for the orchestra. The kuwarga is defined in the Ain, Blochmann, 50, as a damama--i.e., a large drum. See illustration in Plate VIII. to Blochmann's Ain. The karana and surna are wind-instruments, and are also represented in Plate VIII. With regard to the mursal, Blochmann, p. 51, has: "The mursali, which is the name of a tune played by the mursil." Apparently the mursal is the overture, or some introductory strain, and played only by a portion of the band.

[193] MS. No. 181 has ten instead of two as the number of elephants presented by Qutbu-l-mulk, and this seems likely to be correct, else where do the six now mentioned come from? But six should probably be eight.

[194] Kurkaraqs. See Blochmann, 87, n. 2, and p. 616. Kurk means fur, and kurkaraqan may be translated furriers.

[195] So in text, but it should be Tatta--i.e., Sind. See Blochmann, 378, n. 2, and also the Tuzuk, infra, p. 275.

[196] Suwaran-i-khud-mahalla. I do not know the exact force of the last two words. Possibly they are pleonastic. The word mahalla is explained in Irvine A. of M. 46.

[197] The Iqbal-nama, 127, mentions that Parwiz came from Allahabad to pay his respects. See infra, Tuzuk, 268, and 273.

[198] Probably this is the friend of Father Jerome Xavier and the abridger of the Zafar-nama. See Rieu, 177b and 1077a.

[199] He was of the royal house of Khandesh.

[200] See Blochmann, 252, and n. 1. Jahangir himself saw 700 antelope taken, and Ray Man afterwards made a drive of 800 more.

[201] This was Jodh Ba'i, d. the Mota (fat) Raja. See Blochmann, 619.

[202] Qulba, ploughs. Here apparently used as a measure of land. But the expression is obscure. In Wilson's Glossary kulba is stated to be a measure of land in Sylhet, and equal to 1,008 cubits by 144. The corresponding Sanskrit word Sir ("a plough") is used to mean land held by the landholder in his own possession.

[203] Mahalla. Here used apparently for musters.

[204] Mr. Rogers corrects this to Miran on the authority of R.A.S., MS. It is, however, Bizhan in I.O. MS., 181, and as Blochmann points out, Bizan or Bizhan is twice referred to in the Tuzuk, pp. 307, 309. He was son of Nad `Ali Maidani.

[205] I.O. MS. has "by favour of my rearing" (tarbiyat) and probably the words in text rather mean that he was promoted by virtue of Jahangir's liking for him, than that he was of good disposition. His real name was `Abdu-r-Rahim. He was the son of Qa'im K., and his sister Saliha Banu was one of Jahangir's wives, and had the title of Padishah-Mahall. Blochmann, 371. Before Nur-Jahan she was the chief wife.

[206] Mihtar K. was a very old servant, and died in the third year of Jahangir. Blochmann, 417.

[207] Text wrongly has Shah Nur.

[208] This is the ancient Dhafur or Dofar on the south coast of Arabia now known as Mirbat. The proper spelling was Zafr. See Redhouse's Annotations to the History of Yemen, published by the Gibb Trust, Nos. 349, 578, and 836. See also d'Herbelot, 269, and Jarrett, III, 51.

[209] The description is rather obscure. Apparently Jahangir regards bamand (dun- or bay-coloured) as equal to red (surkh).

[210] Text has Mushrif.

[211] Du manzil kishti must surely mean "tray" here; or perhaps they were models. Kosha is a well-known Bengali name for a swift boat.

[212] Apparently Khwaja Hasan died in Badakhshan. Ma'asir, III., 459.

[213] This S. Ahmad is a well-known man. He is mentioned in Beale as Ahmad Sirhindi (Shaikh), and as having had the title of Mujaddid-i-Alf-i-Sani, because he believed that he was the man of the second millenium. In other words, he claimed to be a Mahdi. He was s. `Abdu-l-Wahid Faruqi, and born in 1503. He died 29 November, 1624, and is buried at Sirhind. The I.G. new edition, XXIII. 21., says there are two tombs in Sirhind known as those of the Master and the Disciple, and it may be that one of them is S. Ahmad's, although the Gazetteer says they probably belong to the fourteenth century. There is also a reference to him in Rieu's Catalogue, III. 1058a., fol. 16. He belonged to the Naqshbandi order, and one of his writings is called Majmu`atu-t-tasawwuf. There is a very long account of him, and of his interviews with Jahangir in the Khazinatu-l-Auliya, I. 607, etc. It is said there that he was imprisoned for two years, and then released, and that he died on the last day of Safar, 1035, November 20, 1625, at the age of sixty-three. Jahangir afterwards pardoned S. Ahmad. See Tuzuk, 308, account of fifteenth year.

[214] Dandan-i-mahi, explained in dictionary as the canine tooth of the Walrus (Trichechus rosmarus). But there is nothing black or piebald about walrus-teeth, and Jahangir would surely not admire greatly a kind of ivory which was inferior to that of the elephant. I incline to think that what is here meant is tortoise-shell. Jauhar-dar has two meanings--it may mean jewelled and also "striated." See Vullers, 542a.

[215] Apparently Miran is a mistake for Bizhan. See ante and Blochmann, 508, and Tuzuk, 307. It is Bizan in I.O. MS., 181.

[216] The buildings referred to are the garden-houses made by Khwaja Jahan in the Nur-manzil garden.

[217] See Jarrett, II. 323; it was near the Jhelam. See also I.G., new edition, XV. 297. It is in the Shahpur district. The land-revenue of it was 24 lakhs of rupees in 1903-1904. 30 lakhs of dams would be equal to Rs. 75,000. Khan Dauran's name was Shah Beg K. The Ma'asir says his resignation was not altogether voluntary. See Blochmann, 378.

[218] In the MSS. the name is written Nardani.

[219] The route from the South. See Jarrett, II. 347, n. 3.

[220] I.O. MSS. have Monday.

[221] The word in text is shashsat. Shast is a thumbstall, but it may also mean a ring. See Blochmann, 166 and n. 1.

[222] Khatam-bandi. It also means "inlaying."

[223] Bandu ban. In I.O. MSS. it is bandu baran. Perhaps "skilful painter" should be "the Painter of Creation."

[224] Should be Kara. See Herklots Qanun-i-Islam, Appendix XXIV.

[225] Nabira here cannot mean grandson, for Suraj Singh, commonly called Sur Singh, was fifth in descent from Maldeo (Blochmann, 359). Suraj or Sur was s. Ray Ray Singh of Bikaner. See Tod, who says Sur Singh passed nearly all his life as an alien.

[226] Tod has much to say about Gaj Singh, but the account seems hardly trustworthy.

[227] The text, p. 277, has a representation of one of these milestones which was outside Delhi.

[228] Perhaps sib-i-khub is the name of a kind of apple.

[229] I.O. MS. 181 has Shukr-dara and the name of the village as Shin-waran. The printed text has Siwaran.

[230] Mr. Rogers here refers to the R.A.S. MS. The I.O. MSS. are not clear. Apparently what Jahangir says is: "On this occasion fresh items of expenditure occurred to me, and the former outlay was greatly increased." The word tasarrufat ("expenditure") is omitted in the printed copy.

[231] The village must be Hilalabad, near Rankatta (Blochmann, 332).

[232] Jahangir says nothing about the permission that he gave to Bir Singh Deo--as a reward for murdering Abu-l-Fazl--to build a very splendid temple at Mathura. It was destroyed by Aurangzib. See Growse's "Mathura."

[233] Text halal, which means "weakness," or hulal ("striped garments"). But according to the MSS., the true reading is khalal, which means "a crack" and also "corruption."

[234] The Iqbal-nama, 128, calls him Achadrup, and says that the Khan A`zam went privately to him and begged him to use his influence with Jahangir for the release of Khusrau. Achadrup spoke accordingly, and Khusrau was released and allowed to pay his respects. See infra for account of his release. After Jadrup removed to Mathura, he was cruelly beaten by Hakim Beg. See Ma'asiru-l-Umara, I. 576.

[235] Elliot, VI. 367.

[236] Luqman is the Eastern Æsop, and there is much about him in D'Herbelot. In the second line the word translated "hollow" is gulugah, literally "throat place," and the word for bosom is sina, the whole expression being sina-i-chang. Chang is a harp or lyre, and apparently the expression refers to the narrowness of the space between the horns of a lyre (chang, which appears to be the Jew's harp), or the sides of a harp. The fourth line is obscure, and the version in text seems corrupt. The words shash bidast du pay seem unintelligible. They, however, occur in I.O. MS. 181, f. 161a, and in I.O. MS. 305, f. 225a. The only difference is that they have a conjunction after bidast. On the other hand, the Iqbal-nama, which inserts the lines into the record of the eleventh year, has, at p. 95, a different reading for the fourth line. The words there are khana yak bidast u sih pay. Bidast is given in Richardson, and the Farhang-i-Rashidi as meaning a span, so the line as given in the Iqbal-nama may mean 3 feet and 1 span. The author of the Iqbal-nama was so struck with the verse of Hakim Sana'i and the appearance of Jadrup's dwelling, that he composed a masnavi on the subject, which he gives at pp. 95, 96. There is a third version in Daulat Shah's anthology, p. 97 of Professor Browne's edition. There, in the second line we have halqa ("ring"), or perhaps "plectrum" instead of sina. We have also two lines not given in the Tuzuk or the Iqbal-nama, and the line containing the noodle's question is given thus: "Kin chih jayast yak pust u du pay."

"What place is this, one skin (?) and two feet."

As if the meaning was that Luqman lived in a tent propped up by two sticks. In the first line, also, we have wisaqi instead of kurichi.

The lines may be versified thus:

"Luqman's cell was small and narrow to boot, Like the throat of a pipe, or the breast of a lute. A foolish one said to the grand old man-- 'What house is this--three feet and six span?' With tears and emotion the sage made reply-- 'Ample for him whose task is to die.'"

In the Nawalkishor edition of Hakim Sana'i's poem the lines are entered as in the seventh book of the Hadiqa, but in two B.M. MSS. (Add. 25,329, f. 145a, and Or. 358, f. 172b), they are placed in the fifth book. Both of these MSS. have bidast, apparently, and Add. 25,329, has shash ("six"), but Or. 358 has shass. There is such a word, meaning hard ground. Both MSS. have sih ("three"). Bidast may properly be bad-pusht ("bad-backed"), or it may be bad-past ("bad and mean"). The reference in verse may be rather to the curvature of the chang (Arabic, sanj) than to its narrowness, for Jami speaks of the back "being bent like a harp."

[237] Compare Price, 123.

[238] Ba dusturi kih dar Bangala dasht.

I think this must mean that his men were allowed the Bengal batta, or exceptional allowance, which used to be 50 p.c. of pay elsewhere. See A.N., III. 293, the eighth reason for the rebellion.

[239] This passage has been translated by Colonel Phillott in the A.S.B.J. for February, 1907, p. 113. There is something wrong in the text. Khan `Alam certainly did not die on the road (see Blochmann, 513), for he waited upon Jahangir at Kalan ur (Tuzuk, 284); nor did the Mir Shikar, for Jahangir says he gave him a present and dismissed him. I presume, therefore, that the word "aforesaid" refers to Khan `Alam's hawk.

[240] Nigah-darad. Perhaps this means that the painter was afterwards to stuff the bird.

[241] This is an obscure passage, and Jadrup's reference to the mention of dams in the Vedas is curious, for dam is said to be derived from the Greek drachma. However, it appears from the Ayin (Blochmann, 31), that the dam, though in value only the fortieth part of a rupee, weighed 5 tanks or 1 tola, 8 mashas, 7 surkhs. The rupee, we are told there, weighed 11 1/2 mashas--i.e., half a masha less than a tola. Consequently the dam weighed over 20 mashas, and so was not far from being equal in weight to 2 rupees. The weight of a seer varied, and it may be 30 or 36 copper dams were reckoned as equal to a seer. By dam Jahangir probably meant paisa, or double paisa. According to Gladwin, 3 1/2 tanks are by jeweller's weights = one tola, and a tank is 70·112 grs. Troy.

[242] As stated below, the antelope which were caught all eventually died.

[243] Text gul-rang, which seems unintelligible. No. 181 MS. has kalanak ("somewhat grown-up"). The child was presumably the Sultan Dur-andish, born at the end of the ninth year (Tuzuk, 137), and so was now about five years old. Gul-rang occurs in B.M. MS., and may mean "ruddy."

[244] Text has Agha-i-Aghaman. The MSS. have Aqa Aqayan ("Agha of Aghas").

[245] Akbar was born in October, 1542, so she was now seventy-seven years old.

[246] Sayyid Bahwa is commonly known as Din-dar K. Bukhari, and is described under that name in the Ma'asir, II. 23.

[247] Elliot, VI. 366, and Rieu, I. 14 and 355. The book is called Akhbaru-l-Akhyar, id.

[248] In Sarkar Saharanpur. Elliot, Supp. Gloss., II. 129. I.G. new edition, XIV. 287.

[249] The child was born at Sirhind on Wednesday, 11 Muharram, 1029 (December 8, 1619), and died at Burhanpur in Rabi`u-s-sani, 1031 (February-March), 1622. Padishah-nama, I. 392.

[250] See Erskine's Babur, p. 321.

[251] Perhaps this is Biru'i in Sambhal, Jarrett, II. 200. Or it may be the Miyani Nuriya of Jarrett, II. 317.

[252] To clear the roots? Or is it to let the sap flow? Or is `iraq-bandi right, meaning footpaths? Jahangir's order then would be to clear out the brick footpaths.

[253] Yak-awiz. Defined in Vullers as a short, broad sword, and also as a two-edged knife. See Vullers, 1519a. The weapon is described in text as shamshir-i-nimcha-i-yak-awiz.

[254] Az nilam-i-farang-tarash. It is difficult to suppose that the hilt was a sapphire. Possibly "nilam" is the European artist's name, or nilam-i-farang may be some kind of European work or material. Query niello?

[255] Buy-i-khwish ("my own scent"). The scent (otto of roses) was invented by Jahangir's mother-in-law (the mother of Nur-Jahan). She called it after Jahangir's name.

[256] The meaning of the clause is obscure.

[257] The first line is obscure and the MSS. do not help. Possibly the meaning is Spring thanks thee for robbing his garden, or it may be, Spring is exhorted to rob thy garden. The quatrain is also given in the Iqbal-nama, 132.

[258] Meaning that the lips were so closed that the mouth looked like a thin scar.

[259] The collyrium of Solomon was something which enabled one to see hidden treasures.

[260] This quatrain is stated in the Iqbal-nama, 133, to be by Baba Talib Isfahani. He is a quite different person from Talib Amuli. The same quatrain is given by Abu-l-Fazl, and I am indebted to Mr. Blochmann, p. 607, for being able to understand it. Baba Talib Isfahani is not mentioned by Dr. Rieu. At Vol. II., 679b, of his Catalogue, there is an account of Talib Amuli, who, it is said, died young. Baba Talib died somewhat later, and at the age of over 100. See Iqbal-nama, loc. cit., and Badayuni, III. 265.

[261] A Muhammad Shaikh is mentioned in Beale as the author of two books (see p. 273, col. 2). One of them was the Jam-i-Jahan-numa, and is perhaps the work mentioned in Rieu, II. 866a, V.

[262] Some unnecessary details have been omitted here.

[263] Khwaja Jahan's real name was Dust Muh., and he was from Kabul. See Blochmann, 424. Jahangir's characterization of him is rather obscure, and I am not sure if my translation is correct. Jahangir had married his daughter. Blochmann, 477, n. 2.

[264] This is the seesee partridge or Ammoperdrix Bonhami of Jerdon, p. 567 of first edition. Jerdon states that in Afghanistan it is called the teehoo, and that its flesh is said to be delicious.

[265] Apparently this is the Hibiscus mutabilis, for which the Bengali name is thal padma ("land lotus").

[266] The word for twenty is omitted in text, and also in Elliot, VI. 367.

[267] "On the southern bank of the Harroh River," Elliot, VI. 367.

[268] Bhim was the younger brother of Karan (Tod). The passage is translated in Elliot, VI. 367.

[269] Elliot, VI. 368 and n. 1.

[270] Elliot, VI. 368, and note.

[271] Elliot has Hazara Farigh.

[272] On the eastern bank of the Dhor. Elliot, loc. cit.

[273] Elliot has: "As far as the eye could reach, the blossoms of the thal kanwal, and other flowers were glowing between the green foliage. It was a beautiful scene."

[274] Salhar in text, but Salhar in Elliot.

[275] Marsh-mallow of Steingass and Elliot. Query Hollyhock?

[276] The word violets occurs in MS. 181 and also in Elliot.

[277] The Bib. Ind. edition, Iqbal-nama, p. 135, changes this into Pakli. MS. 181 has Bankli (?) apparently. Pakli is probably not right, for the entrance to it is mentioned lower down.

[278] Tasadduq shud. This is how Mr. Rogers has translated the passage, and this seems to me to be right. Elliot has "lost," but surely Jahangir would not pass over so lightly the loss of 25 elephants. Tasadduq is often used in the sense of almsgiving, or of granting a favour. The text 290, line 2, has aksar-i-rah basta bud. The word basta seems unintelligible, and in the corresponding passage of the Iqbal-nama, 135, the words are aksar-i-rah ajama bud. This word perhaps means "muddy," and this would fit the sense.

[279] Elliot has Tawadkar.

[280] Achamba. But MS. 305 has ajamat, and this may mean forest, or woods. Perhaps Elliot's "mud" is a clerical error for wood, but ajamat means pools as well as woods. Perhaps this is the same word as occurs in the Iqbal-nama, 135, and means "muddy."

[281] So in text, but the MSS. ba garaz basta ("loosely tied"), so that they could be thrown off if any game appeared.

[282] Elliot has sir.

[283] Now known as the Kunhar. It rises in Lake Lohusur at the head of the Kagan glen. See I.G., old edition, VIII. 365, and ditto new edition, XIV. 272, for Kagan Valley.

[284] Text Waru. Iqbal-nama 136 has Kuh-i-Wazuh. MS. 181 seems to have Dard.

[285] Text shakhdar ("with branches"), but the true reading seems to be naj ("pine"). Elliot has "sal."

[286] This is a fanciful derivation. The word is not darang, but drang, which means a watch-station. See Stein, A.S.B.J., for 1899, p. 84. The Pamba-drang, however, was near the Kishan Ganga, and so is not the drang mentioned by Stein.

[287] A mistake. See Elliot, VI. 373, note.

[288] Each sidereal hour being equal to 2 1/2 gharis.

[289] Sag-i-abi. Probably otters are meant, as a name for them is pani kutta ("water-dogs"). But in the dictionaries sag-i-abi is given as meaning the beaver. The otter occurs in Kashmir, and is known as wudar. Lawrence, Valley of Kashmir, 111.

[290] Properly Buliyasa. See Stein, A.S.B.J., for 1899, p. 85. It is the Peliasa of the maps. Later on, Jahangir indicates its position by saying that it is 11 koss on the Kashmir side of the Kishan Ganga.

[291] That is, I presume, he did not really utter the words, but his appearance represented them. The Iqbal-nama has, p. 138, mihman chu Biga ("a guest such as a Begam"). MS. 181 has nagah chu Sultan. I.O. MS. 305 has nagah chu mihman. The reading Bega or Begam certainly seems preferable. The text is wrong as usual, and has mihan ("the great"), unless it is to be read mahan, and taken in the sense of Moons--i.e., ladies.

[292] The Iqbal-nama, 139, has Kahta'i.

[293] The Iqbal-nama, 139, has 500 horse.

[294] The name of M. Rustam's son, who was drowned.

[295] Kushtigir, which means a wrestler. But Jahangir puns on the word as if it were kishtigir ("a boatman"). Perhaps kushtigir was his name. I presume that the person meant is the other servant. There was no boat there. The Iqbal-nama has either kishtigir, or kushtigir.

[296] There is an extraordinary account of the Mirza's death in Price's "Jahangir" which quite differs from the story told here. See Price, p. 138. It is also stated there that he had been married six months before to a daughter of I`timadu-d-daula. There is also an account of the accident in the Iqbal-nama, p. 139.

[297] Or Kuwarmast.

[298] Perhaps we should read Buniyar. See Stein, loc. cit., p. 87. Jahangir seems to have crossed over to the left bank of the Jhelam in the course ot his march. Perhaps he did so at Ooriu of the map (Uri). Buniyar seems to be the Bhaniar of the map. I.O. MS. 181 has Butiyar.

[299] The allusion may be to the tuft of leaves at the top of a pineapple.

[300] Perhaps bula nik.

[301] Push means flower in Kashmiri. Does the name mean "flower of `Ali the Perfect"?

[302] Baramula is on the left bank of the Jhelam according to the I.G., new edition. But maps and travellers seem to place it on the right bank.

[303] Fourteen koss seem too little. The distance to Srinagar seems to be 31 miles by the road. The old city Varamula was on the right bank. Stein, 201. It is 32 miles from Srinagar.

[304] There is an omission in the text here. The MSS. have: "As Monday had been fixed for entering Srinagar, I did not think it advisable to halt at this stage, but immediately entered boats with the ladies and proceeded on with blessings towards the goal. On Sunday, the 10th, when two watches of the day had passed, I arrived at Shihabu-d-din-pur."

[305] See Jarrett, II. 310, n. 7.

[306] The MSS. have La? Apparently the kah of text is a relative pronoun and not part of the name. Perhaps Lah in Ladakh is the place meant.

[307] Dar kull ("in general, in bulk") (?).

[308] The MSS. have also Mandal Badr. They have not Mulk after Badr as in text.

[309] Sister in MSS.

[310] Zar here does not, I think, mean gold.

[311] The silver sasnu of Jarrett, II. 354, and n. 2.

[312] Jahangir went part of the way by water.

[313] Perhaps he is the Raja Bhagwan Singh mentioned by Drew in his book on Kashmir, p. 119.

[314] Abu-l-Fazl, Jarrett, II. 347, puts Kashmir into the third and fourth climates, but at Vol. III., p. 89, he puts Kashmir into the fourth climate. Probably both he and Jahangir mean by Kashmir Srinagar. The appellation "White Islands" is probably a mistake for "The Fortunate Islands," safid (white) being written instead of sa`ada, which is the word in the Iqbal-nama. Jaza'ir-i-Sa`ada ("The Fortunate Isles") is also the expression used in the Zafar-nama, II. 178, which is probably the source of the Ayin and the Tuzuk. In the extract from the Zafar-nama given in the T. Rashidi translation, 430, the longitude is given as 105° from the "Fortunate Islands." The text of the Ayin, Bib. Ind. edition, II. 42, gives 105.40° as the longitude.

[315] See Rieu, I. 296. The translator was Mulla Shah Muh. of Shahabad. See also Blochmann, 106.

[316] The Peliasa of the maps and the Bolvasaka of Stein. Qambarbar is Farutar in text. The Iqbal-nama, 147, has Qambarbar. It is evidently the Qambarber of Jarrett, II. 347 and 361. It lies in the south-east of Kashmir. Measured by the compass, Jahangir's 67 is much more correct than Abu-l-Fazl's 120. The I.G. new edition gives the area of Kashmir and Jammu as 80,900 square miles. Lawrence states the approximate length of the valley as 84 miles, and the breadth as from 20 to 25 miles.

[317] The word used by Jahangir is dara`, which is given by Steingass as Arabic, and as meaning a yard. Zara` again, is given as equal to a cubit. Clearly Jahangir uses the word here as equivalent to a gaz or yard, for he says that there are 5,000 dara` in the koss adopted by himself and his father, and Abu-l-Fazl in the Ayin (Jarrett, II. 414) says the koss is 5,000 gaz. The word dara` is also rendered gaz in the Hindustani translation of the Memoirs. There is an important discrepancy between the two I.O. MSS. and the printed text of the Memoirs. The former, instead of saying that the dara` or yard is = 2 shar`i dara`, say that 1 1/4 dara` are = 2 shar`i dara`. In the Ayin (Jarrett, II. 417) the gaz is given as equal to 24 digits. See later on, p. 303 of text, where, in describing Shah Shuja's accident, 7 dara` are said to be equal to 10 shar`i, or ordinary, gaz.

[318] See text (thirteenth year), p. 234, where it is stated that the Ilahi gaz is 40 finger-breadths.

[319] Vir is willow, so Vir-nag means Willow-fountain.

[320] Jarrett, II. 387. The I.G., XXIII. 100, says it was built by Zainu-l-`abidin. The inscription shows that Zainu-l-`abidin built it (Lawrence, 290). It is stated there that it was also burnt in 1029. A.H.--i.e., in the year of Jahangir's visit.

[321] Khanaqahi. Lawrence, 292.

[322] So in text and MSS., but perhaps du is a mistake for Dal. However, the I.G. speaks of two lakes, the Dal and the Anchar (north of Srinagar). See also Lawrence, 20 and 36.

[323] Probably the meaning is that the water never causes indigestion. Abu-l-Fazl speaks of the streams being khush-guwar--i.e., their water is digestible.

[324] The number of boatmen, when compared with the number of boats, seems very small, but the figures are the same in the I.O. MSS. and in the Iqbal-nama, 149. Perhaps the word bist, 20, has been omitted, and we should read 27,400 boatmen. Lawrence states the number of boatmen at 33,870, and the boats, exclusive of private ones, at 2,417. The revenue of Kashmir, as stated by Jahangir, is that mentioned in the Ayin, Jarrett, II. 366, and is according to the assessment of Qazi 'Ali. In the two I.O. MSS. the corresponding number of dams is given as 7,46,70,400 (Rs. 1,866,760), being only 11 less than that given in Jarrett, II. 367, line 3. The figures given in Lawrence, 234, are taken apparently from the Persian text (compare Bib. Ind. edition, I. 571), corresponding to Jarrett, II. 368. The pargana Der, which Lawrence failed to trace, is a mistake for the well-known Ver, dal having been written or read by mistake for wa.

[325] Compare Jarrett, II. 366. "Some part of the Sair Jihat cesses are taken in cash."

[326] Jarrett, II. 347.

[327] Compare Jarrett, II. 348, where we have "the country is enchanting, and might be fittingly called a garden of perpetual spring surrounding a citadel terraced to the skies."

[328] That is, the flowers.

[329] Text jawaniha, but I.O. MSS. have khubiha.

[330] Apparently the proper spelling is jughashi. See Vullers' s. v. and Bahar-i-`ajam, 368, col. a. It is a black tulip. Sir George King thought it might be the Fritillaria imperialis. See Jarrett, 349, and n. 1.

[331] Nur-afza garden. See infra.

[332] Tagetes patula. The genda of Bengal?

[333] Compare text, p. 235.

[334] Compare Jarrett, II. 349, where the words "Besides plums and mulberries" should be "except cherries (shah-alu) and shah-tut" (a large mulberry).

[335] Blochmann, 411. Abu-l-Fazl, Ayin, Blochmann, 65, speaks of cherries coming from Kabul. But cherries both sweet and sour are mentioned in the T. Rashidi as growing in Kashmir (Translation, p. 425).

[336] Zard-alu-i-paiwandi.

[337] Shikananda, query, melting. The word occurs also in Iqbal-nama, 152. Possibly it means "with good markings."

[338] But see I.G., XV. 124, where shah-tut is mentioned. See also Lawrence, 348.

[339] Compare Jarrett, II. 349.

[340] Mushang or mushanj, a small pea ("pisum arvense").

[341] Text khushka-tar. MSS. have khushka narm. Perhaps we should translate "it is inferior and dry. They boil till it is soft, etc." The Iqbal-nama has khushka narm mi-pazand.

[342] The sentence about wheat is omitted in the text.

[343] Text kuhi ("hill"); but this is opposed to the MSS. and also to the Ayin-i-Akbari which Jahangir is evidently copying. See Jarrett II. 350, and n. 3, and Persian text, I. 563. The I.O. MSS. of Tuzuk have kaddi or gaddi. Gaddi is the name of a pastoral tribe (see Lawrence, 12), and there is a Turkish word kedi meaning a cat, and a word gaddi which means "horned." The Iqbal-nama, 153, has "kadi-i-Hindustan." Jarrett, loc. cit. states that handu in Kashmiri means a domestic ram. The word for tailless is bi-dumba, and perhaps means that the sheep have not the enormously thick tails of some kinds of hill sheep.

[344] Possibly nahrma ("like a river"), is right, for the garment is said to be mauj-dar ("having waves"). The word mauj-dar occurs in the Iqbal-nama, 153, and in the two I.O. MSS.

[345] Jul is a coverlet, and khirsak means a little bear, but is applied to a rough woollen coverlet--a drugget. Darma is a name in Bengal for a reed mat.

[346] Perhaps "tie it at the waist." But see Lawrence, 252: "The Panditana wears a girdle, but no drawers."

[347] The MSS. have tattu. Both they and the text have also the words chahar shana ba-zamin nazdik. Chahar shana means a dwarf. Literally it means "four shoulders," and Vullers following, the Bahar-i-`Ajam, defines it as a man of small stature with thick shoulders. Evidently the words ba-zamin nazdik are meant as an explanation or addition to Chahar-shana, and signify that the yabu or tattu has his withers near the ground. The words also occur in the Iqbal-nama, 154.

[348] Jangrah u shakh-jilau. Jangrah, however, may refer to their gait, and may mean that they don't go straight, and very likely we should read changrah "going crookedly." Shakh-jilau is not in the dictionaries, and I only guess at the meaning. The phrase is also in the Iqbal-nama, 154.

[349] Text ilchi-i-saman. The real word is ilkhi, which is also spelt ilqi and ilghi, and is a Turki word meaning a horse, and also a troop of horses. See Pavet de Courteille Dictionary, p. 132, and Vullers I. 149b, who refers to the Burhan-i-qati`, Appendix. See also Zenker, p. 152. The Iqbal-nama, p. 155, top line, wrongly has balkhha (from Balkh?).

[350] Jarrett, II. 352, and n. 1, also T. Rashidi, translation, 435. But perhaps all that is meant is the followers of the national saint Shaikh Nuru-d-din. Lawrence, 287.

[351] Taken from the Ayin, see Jarrett, II. 353. There they are called brahmans, but this seems to be an error of the Bib. Ind. text. Gladwin has "Rishi." The Rishis were Muhammadans. See Jarrett, II. 359, where mention is made of Baba Zainu-d-din Rishi. See also Colonel Newall's paper on the Rishis or Hermits of Kashmir, A.S.B.J., 1870, p. 265.

[352] Text Baran. MSS. have Maran, and Eastwick has Koh-i-Mahran. He calls it an isolated hill 250 feet high. It is on the north outskirts of the city. See also Lawrence, 184, and n. 2, and Stein, 147-48.

[353] The Dal Lake is 3.87 miles long and 2.58 broad, the Anchar Dal is 3.51 miles long and 2.15 broad. Lawrence, 20.

[354] MSS. have kil, and so has the Iqbal-nama. Kil is given in Lawrence, 114, as the Kashmir name for the ibex.

[355] Jarrett, II. 360.

[356] This is the Ilahi gaz.

[357] Blochmann, 252, and note.

[358] So called because in Shuja`'s horoscope.

[359] A village called `Aish-maqam is mentioned in Jarrett, II. 359, n. 1, but it is probably not the `Aishabad here mentioned, for `Aish-maqam was on the Lidar and a long way S.S.E. Srinagar.

[360] Shigufa-i-sad-barg ("the blossoms of the hundred-leaved rose"?).

[361] Allah-dad was s. Jalalu-d-din Tariki, also called Raushani, and he became a distinguished officer of Shah-Jahan under the title of Rashid K. See Ma'asir, II. 248, and Dabistan, 390.

[362] There are different readings. No. 181 has Maud and Mihri. Apparently it is the Mau and Nabah of Jarrett, II. 319, where also there are various readings. See also Tuzuk, 263, where the text has Mau u shahra.

[363] Or Charvara. See Rieu Catalogue, I. 297. Haidar Malik wrote a history of Kashmir. It was he who protected Nur-Jahan after her first husband's murder. Stein has Cadura, recte Isadur p. 43; it is 10 miles south of Srinagar.

[364] An allusion to Nur-Jahan and to Nuru-d-din Jahangir.

[365] See Akbar-nama, III. 542, and Tabaqat-i-Akbari extract in Appendix, translation of Tarikh-i-Rashidi, p. 490. The place was Khanpur or near it. Perhaps the tree is the Adansonia. See also Jarrett, II. 363. According to Stein, 191, Halthal is the name of the village, and is a corruption of Salasthala. This agrees with the Ayin I. 569, but not with Akbar-nama III. 542, where halthal is given as the name of the tree.

[366] I have not found this passage in the Akbar-nama. The Iqbal-nama, 159, says that 70 people stood erect inside of the trunk. Rawal-pur is marked on the map of Kashmir, a little to the south of Srinagar. Nizamu-d-din, in his chapter on Kashmir in the Tabaqat-i-Akbari, speaks of a tree under the shade of which 200 horsemen could stand.

[367] Possibly bi-sarfa only means "unsuccessful." But it is used lower down (text 308, line 8), in the sense of immoderate or unprofitable.

[368] Text has Turks (Turkiyan).

[369] Apparently the Rohankhed of I.G., XXI. 304.

[370] Literally, "raised the foot of ignorance."

[371] Perhaps Sukh Nag is the Shakar Nag of Jarrett, II. 361. The Sukh Nag River is mentioned in Lawrence, 16. It may also be the waterfall mentioned by Bernier, which he says Jahangir visited and levelled a rock in order to see properly.

[372] From Dr. Scully's list it appears that this is the sach, the rose-coloured starling, Pastor roseus. See also Vullers, Dictionary, s. v. The bird seen by Jahangir may have been a dipper, Lawrence, 153.

[373] The MSS. have kulhai.

[374] According to the two I.O. MSS.--which are corroborated by the Iqbal-nama--the text has here omitted an important part of the report--presumably a written one--submitted by the Qazi and the Mir `Adl. After the words "denied it," there comes in the MSS. the statement: "The Hakim-zada (Hakim's son) produced two witnesses in court. The Sayyids invalidated (or impeached) the testimony of one of them, and the Hakim-zada brought a third witness and proved his case according to law." The Iqbal-nama, p. 161, has not the whole of this, and it has kharij instead of jarih, but it has the words guwah-i-salis ("a third witness").

[375] The meaning seems to be that he would in corroboration and ex cautela take the oath. He had already proved his claim in the ordinary way by witnesses and the production of the bond. See the account in the Iqbal-nama, 160-63, which is fuller than that in text.

[376] Mu`amala-i-kulli ast. "The case was involved" (like a bud?), or perhaps "the case was important."

[377] The text wrongly omits the negative. See Iqbal-nama, I. 62.

[378] Apparently this was Saliha Banu d. Qa'im K. Blochmann, 371, and 477, n. 2. She had the name of Padshah-mahall. See Hawkins' account in Purchas, IV. 31, and Khafi K. I. 259. He calls the father Qasim.

[379] It is Ghairat K. in I.O. MS., 181.

[380] For Jalal K., see Blochmann, 455 and 486. He was grandson of Sultan Adam.

[381] Rasid. See lower down text 308, where it is noted that the cherries came to an end.

[382] This represents A.H. 1029, or 1620.

[383] Mat-treading or beating = house-warming. This was in honour of the new picture-gallery.

[384] Danaha-kish. See Vullers, s.v. Kesh. The kish is a marten of whose skin neckcloths, etc., are made. This note corrects the one at p. 321 of translation, as also the text there.

[385] It is Busi-marg in the I.O. MSS. But perhaps the text is right, and the place is the Tosh Maidan of Lawrence, 16.

[386] The gun is now at Bijapur, I.G., VIII. 186.

[387] Compare Iqbal-nama, 163-64. The text has ran ("thigh") instead of zaban.

[388] Blochmann, 382. The name of the son is given in the MSS. as Mir `Ali Asghar.

[389] Perhaps this is the Gurais Valley of Lawrence, 16, for Kuri may be read Guri.

[390] See Jarrett, III. 121 and n. 5. The bird is either the common hawk-cuckoo of Jerdon (Hierococcyx varius) or his Coccystes melanoleucos--i.e., the pied-crested cuckoo, for both birds seem to have the native name of Papiha. The Hierococcyx varius is the "brain-fever" bird of the Anglo-Indian, I.G., I. 250. The pied-crested cuckoo occurs in Kashmir, and so also apparently does a bird of the genus Hierococcyx. Lawrence, pp. 138, 139.

[391] I am not sure what bird this is. Ghaugha'i means a turtle dove in Bengal, but I doubt if this be the bird meant by Jahangir. Ghaugha'i would mean a noisy bird, and perhaps is the Bengal Babbler of Jerdon, or the Sat Bha'i (seven brothers) of the Indians. It belongs to the Malacocircus genus, and Jerdon, I. 340, states that the pied-crested cuckoo generally lays her egg in the nest of the Malacocirci. The babbling thrushes occur in Kashmir. In Blochmann, 296, there is an account of how ghaugha'is are caught.

[392] MS. 305 has Ghairat K., but No. 181 has `Arab K., and this agrees with Stanley Lane Poole's Muhammadan dynasties (p. 279), which has 'Arab Muhammad as ruling down to 1623. Urganj is in Khiva.

[393] Jahangir called Khan-Jahan his farzand (son).

[394] Not the famous `Ali Mardan, but `Ali Mardan, who was killed in the Deccan. Blochmann, 496.

[395] Dandan-i-ablaq-i-jauhar-dar. Jauhar-dar here does not mean "jewelled," but veined or striped. See Vullers, I. 542a. Walrus-teeth may be meant by Jahangir, but tortoise-shell is more likely.

[396] Sundar is another name for Raja Bikramajit, and the reference must be to the Siege of Kangra. Jauhar Mal was a son of Raja Baso, and appears to be the same person as Suraj Mal. It is Jauhar in I.O. MS., 181.

[397] Deotani in No. 181. Blochmann has the name Dutani, apparently as a tribal name (p. 504), and Elphinstone speaks in vol. II., p. 82, of a small tribe called Dumtauny.

[398] Veth is the Kashmiri name for the Jhelam (Lawrence, 18). It is contracted from Vitasta. It is curious that the date of the festival should be given according to a Muhammadan month (Shawwal), which must recur at different seasons. Apparently the meaning is that the birth of the Jhelam took place on that day.

Apparently the festival is not much celebrated nowadays, for it is not mentioned by Lawrence (264-266), except that in a note to p. 266 the Vathtrwah is mentioned as a day on which daughters receive presents. The 19th Shahriwar, the corresponding date mentioned by Jahangir, would answer to the end of August or beginning of September, and to the Hindu month of Asin. 13 Shawwal, 1029, would correspond to 1 September, 1620. Possibly the Shawwal of text is a mistake for the Hindu month Sawan--i.e., Sravan. The legend of the birth of the Jhelam is told in Stein, 97. Possibly Shawwal does not here mean the month, and we should read shaghal-i-chiraghan, "the business of lamps."

[399] The crane visits Kashmir in winter, but Jahangir was never there in that season.

[400] The text wrongly gives this as a list of birds which are found in Kashmir. The Iqbal-nama 159 and the MSS. show that the text has omitted a negative, and that the list consists of Indian birds which are not met with in Kashmir. Several of the names do not occur in the dictionaries. No 2 (the saras) is described in Babur's Memoirs, 321. No. 4 is the florikan, or Otis Bengalensis. For Nos. 5-7 see Babur's Memoirs, 321. Karawan is a crane in Arabic, apparently, and so Karwanak should be a little crane. It is also described as a kind of partridge. Perhaps the Karwanak is the demoiselle crane. No. 9 may be the oriole, or mango-bird, but that, too, is common in Kashmir. For No. 12, which may be the ibis, see Babur's Memoirs, 322. For No. 14 see Babur's Memoirs, p. 321, and for No. 18 Babur's Memoirs, 320. For the Sharak (No. 19), see Babur's Memoirs, 319. No 22 may possibly be the bee-eater (Merops viridis). For No. 23 see Babur's Memoirs, 267 and 321. No. 25 may be one of the parrots, as Hafiz called the Indian parrots and poets tutiyan-i-shakar-shikan. See Ayin-i-Akbari, Persian text, I. 415, and Jarrett, II. 150. The tatiri, No. 30, is apparently the black partridge Francolinus vulgaris. The names of the birds seem to be often wrong in the text, and so I have followed the I.O. MSS.

[401] Kurg, but perhaps Gurg, "the wolf," is meant. The wolf is very rare in Kashmir (Lawrence, 109).

[402] Query, mushak-i-kur--i.e., mole.

[403] According to Wilson's Glossary, the tola is = 180 grains Troy, and the misqal = 63 1/2 grains Troy.

[404] Elliot, VI. 373, and Iqbal-nama 165.

[405] Vernag of Lawrence, 23.

[406] Text u an; in MSS. u.

[407] Lawrence, 67.

[408] Jarrett, II. 356, where it is written Vej Brára.

[409] Iqbal-nama, 164.

[410] This must be the Nandimarg of Jarrett II. 357 and of Akbar-nama III. 551. In the Ayin (Jarrett II. 356), mention is made of a place where there are seven fountains. Stein, 182, speaks of a spring sacred to the seven Rishis. Is it possible that chashma in the A.N. (Persian text, I. 565) is a mistake for chinar?

[411] Satha phuli? Seven fountains?

[412] Khan Dauran is the Shah-Beg K. Arghun of Blochmann, 377.

[413] See Ma'asir, II. 155, and Blochmann, 483, for an account of Ram Das. Inch is mentioned in Jarrett, II. 356. Perhaps Inch is the Yech pargana of Stein, 190-191.

[414] Ram Das had died eight years before this.

[415] Akbar-nama, III. 725, last line; Lawrence, 298; Stein, loc. cit., 176, 177.

[416] The Achh Dal of Jarrett, II. 358, and the Achabal of Lawrence, 22.

[417] Jarrett, II. 361. The Dir Nag of Iqbal-nama, 165. See also Jarrett, II. 361. The Vernag of Lawrence, 23. Jahangir interpolates an account of Virnag into the annals of the second year. See p. 92 of translation.

[418] So in text, but a few lines lower down the depth is spoken of as four gaz. The Ibqal-nama has "fourteen yards."

[419] The Iqbal-nama has "to the end of the garden."

[420] Iqbal-nama, 165, has "186 yards."

[421] Compare Iqbal-nama, 166.

[422] The meaning is that the Maraj (or Marraj), the upper part of Kashmir, is superior to the lower part, or Kamraj. See Tuzuk, 298.

[423] Iqbal-nama, 166. Perhaps the Bawan Send of Jarrett, II. 361. Loka Bhavan (bhavan means "abode") is mentioned in Stein, 180. It is the Lokapunya of the Rajatarangini. It is five miles south of Achbal.

[424] Is this a corruption of Anantanag--i.e., Islamabad?

[425] Author of Iqbal-nama, 166. The appointment was that of examiner of petitions.

[426] I presume that the ends laid hold of by the boatmen were the disengaged ends--i.e., the ends 14 or 15 yards apart. But see Iqbal-nama, 166-167.

[427] Text Panj Hazara. The MSS. are not clear. It may be the Sendbrary of Bernier.

[428] The word is shikar, but, as he had renounced shooting, netting is probably what is meant.

[429] Iqbal-nama, 169.

[430] Or Pampar, the ancient Padmapura. See Stein, J.A.S.B. for 1899, p. 167; Elliot, VI. 375. But the passage, as in Elliot, does not come directly from the Tuzuk or the Iqbal-nama.

[431] MSS. have 3,200.

[432] I.e., hawks taken from the nest, and not born in captivity.

[433] Iqbal-nama, 169.

[434] This is Mir Jamalu-d-din, the dictionary-maker and friend of Sir Thomas Roe.

[435] The sentence appears obscure, but probably it was an order to the authorities at Lahore to supply Husamu-d-din with the cost of entertaining the ambassador up to the amount of Rs. 5,000.

[436] Perhaps the waterfall described by Bernier in his ninth letter, and mentioned as having been admired by Jahangir.

[437] Hirapur is Hurapur and the ancient Surapura.

[438] Mari or Nari Brara in the MSS.

[439] Bi-badal K. is the name given by Jahangir to Sa`ida or Shaida who was chief goldsmith. See end of 15th year, p. 326 of text. For Shaida, who died in Kashmir in 1080 (A.D. 1669-70), see Rieu, III. 1083a, and I. 251, and Supp. Catalogue, p. 207, and Sprenger's Catalogue 124.

[440] Text calls them brothers, but the MSS. show that biradar is a mistake for barabar, "equally."

[441] The MSS. add: "He was a good youth (jawan) and without guile."

[442] Ab-i-hayat, "water of life," a name given by Akbar to his ab-dar-khana, or supply of drinking-water, etc. See Blochmann, 51.

[443] Text wrongly has Thatta.

[444] Elliott, VI. 376. Apparently Sati was not practised by burning, but by burying.

[445] Bisyar bihtar, MS., 181.

[446] Girjhak is said to be the Hindu name for Jalalpur, and the probable site of Bukephala, Jarrett, II. 324. Makhiyala is also mentioned there. It seems that Mukhyala is the famous Manikiyala, where the Buddhist tope is which was first described by Elphinstone. Abu-l-Fazl says in the Ayin that it was a place of worship. See I.G., new ed., XVII. 182.

[447] Mountain-sheep. Apparently three rings were made.

[448] The I.O. MSS. add here 76 head of markhwur, etc., were taken.

[449] Perhaps the reference is to the tomb he formerly put up over a favourite deer.

[450] MSS. have "is very noble."

[451] Pigeon-fancier. He belonged to Herat, and is mentioned in Blochmann, 302.

[452] Text wrongly has 1031. It should be 1030, as in the Iqbal-nama, 171.

[453] The couplet is given in Iqbal-nama, 171, with some verbal differences.

[454] Elliott, VI. 374.

[455] Jauhar Mal is mentioned at p. 310. Perhaps he was not Suraj Mal, but it looks as if he was the same person. Cf. corresponding passage in Iqbal-nama, 173, where he is called Suraj Mal.

[456] P. 310 of text.

[457] Raja Bikramajit. See ante, p. 310.

[458] Text wrongly has ghalla grain, instead of `alafha fodder, grasses, etc. See MSS. and Iqbal-nama, 174.

[459] Text wrongly has 1031, but it is 1031 in the MSS. and in Elliot, VI., 375. See, however, Elliot, VI. 378, and text, 326, which shew that the 16th year began in 1030.

[460] The `Abbasi is also the name of a dress. The MSS. have fourteen, instead of four, horses. Apparently the presents were Zambil's own offering, not that of his master. See below.

[461] Mansab-i-kabak. Perhaps we should read katak, and regard the increase as made to the office of guarding the palace. It is katak, apparently, in I.O. MSS. It may, however, be Kang or Gang and a man's name.

[462] Apparently the translator of the Rajatarangini.

[463] Doubtless the Gwalior in the Panjab.

[464] Nur Jahan's daughter by Shir-afgan. The date of the asking is given in the text as the third, but should be the 30th, as in the I.O. MSS.

[465] Elliot, VI. 376.

[466] The Iqbal-nama, 176, has "ten crores."

[467] The MSS. have 5,000. The word for "gunners" is tupchi.

[468] The MSS., instead of Naushahr, have sawad-i-shahr, "the environs of the city" (cf. Lahore?).

[469] It was in the vicinity of Lahore. Akbar-nama, III. 569.

[470] But the next page of text records another feast of the lunar weighment. Can it be that the lunar weighment refers to Nur Jahan's birthday, not to Jahangir's? The 17th here mentioned is the 17th of the solar month of Dai, and corresponded to about December 28, 1620. In the following page (324) we are told that the lunar weighment took place on 30 Bahman, corresponding to 25 Rabi`u-l-awwal--i.e., February 8, 1621: Jahangir's birthday was on Rabi`u-l-awwal 17, so the anniversary fell this year on 22 Bahman. Consequently, if he celebrated it, as stated on p. 323, on 17 Dai, he did so more than a month too soon! Evidently there is a mistake somewhere.

[471] This place is mentioned again in the account of the 16th year, p. 338. It evidently received its name from Nur Jahan.

[472] Akbarpur, twelve miles N.W. Mathura. J. Sarkar's India of Aurangzeb, 171.

[473] That is, of Chach in Transoxiana, but according to I.O. MS. 181, the word is Khafi--i.e., from Khaf or Khwaf.

[474] Ninety-one rubies is surely a mistake. The Iqbal-nama, 177, only speaks of one. It is, however, 91 yaqut in I.O. MS., 181.

[475] This is the Armenian of whom so much is said by Father Botelho and other missionaries. It is mentioned in M. Waris's continuation of the Padishah-nama, p. 392, of B.M. MS., that Zu-l-Qarnain Farangi came from Bengal and presented poems which he had composed on Shah Jahan's name, and got a present of Rs. 4,000. He it was, probably, who entertained Coryat. The passage in the text seems to show that Akbar had an Armenian wife.

[476] He is mentioned in some MSS. of the Akbar-nama, vol. III., as taking part in the religious discussions.

[477] Probably this is the La`l Beg who wrote a book about the Naqshbandi order. See Ma'asiru-l-Umara, II., 382.

[478] The Iqbal-nama has "42 eunuchs."

[479] The MSS. have 40 cocks, 12 buffaloes, and 7 buffalo-horns. The text also has shakh, horns, but this has been taken as a pleonasm.

[480] But there was such a ceremony a few days before (see p. 323 of text).

[481] For tank see Blochmann, 16 n. The Iqbal-nama, 178, has "twelve misqals."

[482] For the Naskh character see Blochmann, 99-100, and for the Nasta`liq, 101. See also the elaborate article on Writing in Hughes' Dictionary of Islam.

[483] By Shah-i-Wilayat is meant the Caliph `Ali b. Abi Talib.

[484] The Houshabarchan of Hawkins.

[485] Mahaban, five or six miles from Mathura.

[486] They had made an istiqbal, or visit of welcome, from Agra.

[487] This was Babar's garden. It was on the opposite side of the Jumna to Agra.

[488] So in text, but two (du) must be a mistake for "ten," as 2 months, 2 days = 62, and the marches and halts 49 + 21 amount to 70, or 8 more. It is 10 in I.O. MSS.

[489] The budna, or bodna, is a species of quail. See Babar's Memoirs, Erskine, p. 320, where it is spelt budinah. There is a description in the Ayin, Blochmann, 296, of the mode of catching them.

[490] The word "village" is omitted in both the I.O. MSS.

[491] This gives an average of Rs. 6,342 for each animal.

[492] The I.O. MSS. have "Saturday." But Monday seems right, as Thursday was 4 Farwardin.

[493] In the Ayin, which was composed in the 40th year of Akbar's reign, Salim's rank is given as 10,000, Murad's as 8,000, and Daniyal's as 7,000 (p. 308).

[494] In celebration of the commencement of the 16th year of the reign.

[495] Yaqut-i-kabud, "a blue ruby."

[496] The I.O. MSS. have Mirza Muhammad.

[497] Jamalu-d-din Husain Inju.

[498] See Vullers, s.v. It is a smelling-bottle or case containing ambergris.

[499] Blochmann, 55.

[500] Apparently a zebra. See Iqbal-nama, 179, where it is stated that it was brought by sea. The text of the Tuzuk is wrong, as usual. What we should read is: "It was like a tiger (MS. 181 and Iqbal-nama have shir, not babar), but the markings on a tiger are black and yellow, and these were black and white."

[501] Perhaps this is the muhar now in Germany.

[502] Husain K. Tukriya.

[503] Nafs mi-suzad.

[504] Thursday night or Friday eve is what is meant.

[505] Elliot, VI. 378.

[506] King David was said to be a maker of cuirasses.

[507] Yamani. Elliot has almasi (adamant-like).

[508] See Blochmann's translation and remarks in Proceedings A.S.B. for 1869, p. 167. It is there stated that the date of the fall of the meteorite was Friday, April 10, 1621, O.S., and that the weight would be nearly 5.271 pounds troy.

[509] A widow of Baqi Muhammad.

[510] Elliot, VI. 379.

[511] Elliot, VI. 379, has "in sight of the fort." Perhaps the meaning is that the villages were in the jurisdiction of the fort.

[512] The Iqbal-nama, 181, has "fourteen."

[513] The account of Shah Jahan's spirited attack on the Deccanis is in some places rather obscurely worded, and the printed edition is not always correct. Help can be obtained from the Iqbal-nama, 181, etc., and from Elliot, VI. 379. The text has firar, "flight," and this has been followed by Elliot, who has "on their approach the rebels took to flight, and removed to a distance from Burhanpur." But the true reading, as shown by the Iqbal-nama, is qarar, "firmness," not firar, and the words are bar daur-i-shahr, "round the city," not bar dur, "far from." The rebels were, as the Iqbal-nama states, "in the environs of the city," "dar sawad-i-shahr," but apparently not in such force as to prevent Shah Jahan's sazawuls--i.e., his apparitors and summoners--from going into the city and bringing out recruits.

[514] In the I.O. MSS. the word looks like bi-jagari (want of settled home or residence?).

[515] Text has chasa. The word may be jushsha, given in Vullers, 516b, as meaning robes or garments, and this is the meaning given to it by Elliot, but the Iqbal-nama has jubba, "cuirasses," and this I have adopted. It is jubba in I.O. No. 181.

[516] Text, chihla u khamcha. The last word should, I think, be jamjama. Chihla in Hindustani means a "slimy place." It is jamjama in I.O. MS., No. 181.

[517] Text has ghair instead of `Ambar.

[518] Text wrongly has Rup-ratan.

[519] Padishah-nama, I.,