Part 12
[The Book of Articles, depositions, and contracts were produced, along with Acts of the Scottish Parliament.]
And it is to be noted, that, at the time of the producing, shewing, and reading of all these foresaid writings, there was no special choice nor regard had to the order of the producing thereof, but the whole writings lying all together upon the Council table, the same were one after another showed rather by hap, as the same did lie upon the table, than with any choice made, as by the natures thereof, if time had so served, might have been.
_MARY'S PERSONAL ANSWER_
1568.--December 19. Queen Mary's own Answer to the "Eik."
_Mary to her Commissioners. Goodall_, vol. ii. p. 288, from Cott. Lib. Calig., b. ix. p. 287.
We have received the eik given in by the Earl of Murray and his complices. And where they have said thereintill, or at any time, that we knew, counselled, devised, persuaded, or commended the murther of our husband, they have falsely, traitorously, and meschantlie lied; imputing unto us the crime whereof they themselves are authors, inventors, doers, and some of them proper executors. And where they allege we stopped inquisition, and due punishment to be made on the said murther; and siclike {similarly} of the sequel of the marriage with the Earl Bothwell; it is sufficiently answered in the reply given in at York to their two points.... And where they charge us with unnatural kindness towards our son, alleging we intended to have caused him follow his father hastily: Howbeit the natural love the mother bears to her only bairn is sufficient to confound them, and misteris {requires} no other answer. Yet, considering their proceedings by-past, who did wrong him in our womb, intending to have slain him and us both, there is none of good judgment but they may easily perceive their hypocrisy, how they would fortify themselves in our son's name, till their tyranny were better established.
_DEMAND TO SEE ELIZABETH_
And to the effect our good sister may understand we are not willing to let their false invented allegations pass over with silence, adhering to your former protestations, ye shall desire the inspection and doubles of all that they have produced against us; and that we may see the alleged principal {original} writings, if they have any, produced; and with God's grace we shall make our answer thereto, that our innocence shall be known to our good sister, and to all other Princes; and similarly shall charge them as authors, inventors, and doers of the said crime they would impute to us, and prove the same sufficiently, so that we may have our good sister's presence, as our adversaries have had, and reasonable space and time to get such verification as appertains thereto. And protest that we may add thereto as time place and need shall require.
[In accordance with these instructions, Mary's Commissioners made the request before Elizabeth and her Council on 25th December, and received the following reply:--]
Which desire her Majesty thought very reasonable, and declared her to be very glad that her good sister would make answer in that manner for defence of her honour. And to the effect her Majesty might be the better advised upon their desires, and give answer thereto, desired an extract of the said writing to be given to her Highness. (Goodall, p. 282, from "Queen Mary's Register," as before.)
_HAMPTON COURT_
1569.--January 7. Proceedings at Hampton Court.
_Goodall_, vol. ii. p. 297, from _Queen Mary's Register_.
The which day the said Bishop of Ross, Lord Herries, and Abbot of Kilwinning, passed to the presence of the Queen's Majesty of England, her Highness's council being also present, and declared, that they had presently received writings from the Queen's Majesty of Scotland, their sovereign, by the which they were of new commanded to signify unto her Majesty, that she would answer to the calumnious accusation of her subjects, and also would accuse them as principal authors, inventors, and executors of that deid for the which she was falsely accused by them, conform to the writings presented of before in her name, and therefore desired the writings produced by her inobedient subjects, or, at the least, the copies thereof, to be delivered unto thame, that their mistress might fully answer thereto as was desired.
And the Queen's Majesty of England took to be advised therewith, and promised to give answer within two or three days.
_ELIZABETH'S DECISION_
1569.--January 10. At Hampton Court.
_Ibid._ (p. 305).
The which day the said Earl of Murray, and his complices, came before the Queen's Majesty of England, where Sir William Cecil, secretary, at the Queen's Majesty's command, and her Highness's council, gave them such answer in effect as follows:--
Whereas the Earl of Murray, and his adherents, come into this realm, at the desire of the Queen's Majesty of England, to answer to such things as the Queen their sovereign objected against them, and their allegiances; for so much as there has been nothing deduced against them, as yet, that may impair their honour or allegiances; and, on the other part, there had been nothing sufficiently produced nor shown by them against the Queen, their sovereign, whereby the Queen of England should conceive or take any evil opinion of the Queen, her good sister, for anything yet seen; and there being alleged by the Earl of Murray the unquiet state and disorder of the realm of Scotland, now in his absence, her Majesty thinketh meet not to restrain any farther the said Earl and his adherents' liberty; but suffer him and them, at their pleasure to depart, relinquishing them in the same estate in the which they were of before their coming within this realm, till she hear farther of their Queen of Scotland's answer, to such things as have been alleged against her.
_MARY'S PROTEST_
[Next day, Mary's Commissioners protested and again demanded "copies of the pretended writings given in." On the 13th they repeated their demand, and received a promise "that she {Elizabeth} will not refuse unto the Queen, her good sister, to give the doubles of all that was produced." (Goodall.) The copies not being forthcoming, Mary applied to the French ambassador, La Mothe Fenelon, for help. Elizabeth promised that they should be produced immediately, but, when Fenelon again approached her on the subject, he was informed that Mary had, in a letter, accused the English Queen of partiality. (Fenelon, i. 133 and 162.) The matter was forgotten in the negotiations for Mary's marriage with the Duke of Norfolk, and in the conspiracy which followed.]
SECTION VII
THE DOCUMENTS
_CONTENTS_
1. The Contents of the Casket. (_a_) The Letters. (_b_) The Sonnets. (_c_) The Contracts of Marriage.
2. The Deposition of Thomas Nelson.
3. The Deposition of Thomas Crawford.
4. Murray's Journal.
5. The Depositions of Paris.
6. The Confession of Ormiston.
7. The Confession of the Earl of Morton.
8. Letter from Mr. Archibald Douglas to the Queen of Scots.
THE CASKET LETTERS.
[The following eight letters are the principal contents of the famous Silver Casket (_cf._ pp. 125 and 132-161). A long and bitter controversy has been waged in connection with the question of their authenticity. Every recorded production of them has been the subject of debate. Their discovery is related on pp. 203-207. Their appearance at York is described in the letter to Queen Elizabeth on pp. 138-143. It is evident that, at York, they were produced in Scots, and there has been considerable controversy as to whether they were there stated to be originals or translations. At Westminster, they were shown to the Commissioners in French. Within a few years after the Westminster Conference, we lose all trace of the original documents. Translations of them into Scots, English, and Latin and French versions, which we now know (at least in the case of some of the Letters) not to have been those produced at Westminster, were published soon after the Conference closed. In 1571, Latin translations of Nos. I., II., and IV. were printed in the Latin edition of Buchanan's "Detectio," and, in the same year, a Scots translation was published in London, containing the sonnets in French and Scots (reprinted in Anderson's "Collections," Vol. II.). Prefixed to each of the Scots versions was the first sentence of each letter, in French (_see_ pp. 194-5). In 1572 another Scots version was published at St. Andrews, and, in 1573, a French translation of the "Detectio" appeared, with the imprimatur "Edinburgh." To it, French versions of all the letters, except No. III., were appended, with a version of the sonnets, varying considerably from that in the Scots "Detection." Research has revealed the existence of English translations of Nos. I. and II. and French versions of Nos. III. and V. in the Record Office; and of English translations and French versions of Nos. IV. and VI. at Hatfield. All these various versions will be found printed, in careful and scholarly fashion, in Appendix C. of Mr. T. F. Henderson's "Casket Letters and Mary Queen of Scots."
The method adopted in the present work has been to print the Scots version of all the letters, with a glossary of unusual words. It is the only complete version, and the published French and Latin letters are probably derived from it. Variations both in these and in such English and French versions of the letters as are at Hatfield or the Record Office, are indicated in notes appended to each letter. Care should be taken to distinguish between these Hatfield or Record Office French versions and the "Published French," _i.e._ the French of the edition of 1573.
References to the literature of the question will be found in an Appendix. For the guidance of the reader, it may be added that one section of the discussion turns upon the question whether French originals of Nos. I., II., VII., and VIII. ever existed; and the Scots and English have been carefully examined to discover if they bear traces of derivation from a French source.
Of the other contents of the Casket, the Sonnets, and the important clauses of the marriage contracts will be found immediately after the letters.]
The following Scots words, which appear frequently in the text of the letters, may be unknown to English readers:--
Abaschit = surprised. Aganis = against. Allanerly = only. Awin = own. Beseik = beseech. Chereis = cherish. Conqueis = conquest. Cordounis = cords. Dreddouris = fears. Eir = ear. Eis = ease. Fane = anxious (wald verray fane, wished very much). Fascherie, fascheous = trouble, troublesome. Fenze, fenzeingly = feign, feigningly. Fulische = foolish. Gangand = going. Gar = force, compel. Gude = good. Haillely = wholly. Impesche = hinder, prevent. Incontinent = immediately. Inlack = fail. Inragis = becomes angry. Irkit = tired, wearied. Irksome = troublesome, disagreeable. Journey = day's work. Luif, luifar = love, lover. Mekle, meikle = much. Playn, plenzeit = complain, complained. Quha = who. Quhair = where. Quhen = when. Quhilk = which. Quhill = while, till. Regiment = rule. Schaw = show. Schort = short. Schuillis = schools. Seik = sick. Sic, siclyke = such, similarly. Sone = son. Speik = speak. Suld = should. Travell = take pains, try. Thristit = nudged. Tuichit = touched. Tyne = lose. Unsay = contradict. Wald = would. Waryit = cured. Wod = mad, angry. Ze, zow = ye, you. Zisternicht = yesternight. Zit = yet.
Letter I.
_Goodall_, vol. ii. p. 1, _et seq._
It appeiris, that with zour absence thair is alswa joynit forzetfulnes, seand yat at zour departing ze promysit to mak me advertisement of zour newis from tyme to tyme. The waitting upon yame zisterday causit me to be almaist in sic joy as I will be at zour returning, quhilk ze have delayit langer than zour promeis was.
As to me, howbeit I have na farther newis from zow according to my commission, I bring the man with me to Craigmillar upon Monounday, quhair he will be all Wednisday; and I will gang to Edinburgh to draw blude of me, gif in the meane tyme I get na newis in ye contrary fra zow.
He is mair gay than ever ze saw him; he puttis me in remembrance of all thingis yat may mak me beleve he luifis me. Summa, ye will say yat he makis lufe to me; of ye quhilk I tak sa greit pleasure, yat I enter never where he is, bot incontinent I tak ye seiknes of my sair syde, I am sa troubillit with it. Gif Paris bringis me that quhilk I send him for, I traist it sall amend me.
I pray zow, advertise me of zour newis at lenth, and quhat I sall do in cace ze be not returnit quhen I am cum thair; for, in cace ze wirk not wysely, I se that the haill burding of this will fall upon my schoulderis. Provide for all thing, and discourse upon it first with zourself. I send this be Betoun, quha gais to ane day of law of the Laird of Balfouris.
I will say na farther, saifing that I pray zow to send me gude newis of zour voyage. From Glasgow this Setterday in the morning.
There are no important variations in the published Latin and French translations.
An English version of Letter I., preserved in the Record Office (State Papers relating to Mary Queen of Scots, vol. ii. p. 66), quoted by Mr. Henderson in his "Casket Letters," pp. 124-5:--
It seemyth that with your absence forgetfulness is joynid consydering that at your departure you promised me to send me newes from you. Nevertheless I can learn none. And yet did I yesterday looke for that that shuld make me meryer than I shall be. I think you doo the lyke for your return, prolonging it more than you have promised.
As for me, if I hear no other matter of you, according to my commission, I bring the man Monday to Craigmillar, where he shall be upon Wednisday. And I go to Edinborough to be lett blud, if I hear no word to the contrary.
He is the meryest that ever you sawe and doth remember unto me all that he can, to make me believe that he loveth me. To conclude, you wold say that he maketh love to me, wherein I take so much pleasure, that I have never com in there, but the payne of my syde doth take me. I have it sore to-day. If Paris doth bring back unto me that for which I have sent, it suld much amend me.
I pray you, send me word from you at large, and what I shall doo if you be not returned, when I shall be there. For if you be not wyse I see assuredly all the whole burden falling upon my shoulders. Provide for all and consyder well first of all. I send this present to Ledington to be delivered to you by Beton, who goeth to one day a law of Lord Balfour. I will say no more unto you, but that I pray God send me goode newes of your voyage.
From Glasco this Saturday morning.
Letter II.
Being departit from the place where I left my hart, it is esie to be judgeit quhat was my countenance, seing that[20] I was evin als mekle as ane body without ane hart; quhilk was the occasioun that quhile dennertyme I held purpois to na body: nor zit durst ony present themselves unto me, judging yat it was not gude sa to do.
Four myle or I came to the towne, ane gentilman of the Erle of Lennox came and maid his commendatiounis unto me; and excusit him that he came not to meit me, be ressoun he durst not interpryse the same, becaus of the rude wordis that I had spoken to Cuninghame; and he desyrit that he suld come to the inquisition of ye matter yat I suspectit him of. This last speiking was of his awin heid, without ony commissioun.
I answerit to him, that thair was na receipt culd serve aganis feir; and that he wald not be affrayit, in case he wer not culpabill; and that I answerit bot rudely to the doutis yat were in his letteris.[21] Summa, I maid him hald his toung. The rest were lang to wryte. Schir James Hammiltoun met me, quha schawit, that the uther tyme quhen he hard of my cumming, he departit away, and send Howstoun, to schaw him, that he wald never have belevit that he wald persewit him, nor yit accompanyit him with the Hammiltounis. He answerit, that he was only cum bot to see me, and yat he wald nouther accompany Stewart nor Hammiltoun, bot be my commandement. He desyrit[22] that he wald cum and speik with him. He refusit it.
The Laird of Lusse,[23] Howstoun, and Caldwellis sone, with xl hors or thair about, came and met me. The Laird of Lusse said, he was chargeit to ane day of law be the King's father, quhilk suld be this day, aganis his awin handwrit, quhilk he has; and zit notwithstanding, knawing of my cumming, it is delayit. He was inquyrit to come to him, whilk he refusit, and sweiris that he will indure nothing of him.
Never ane of that towne came to speik to me, quhilk causis me think that thay ar his; and nevertheless he speikis gude, at the leist his sone. I se[24] na uther gentilman but thay of my company.
The King send for Joachim zisternicht,[25] and askit at him, quhy I lodgeit not besyde him, and that he wald ryse the soner gif that wer; and quhairfoir[26] I come, gif it was for gude appointment? and gif ye wer thair in particular? and gif I had maid my estait, gif I had takin Paris[27][28] and Gilbert to wryte to me? and yat I wald send Joseph away. I am abaschit [_i.e._ I wonder] quha hes schawin him sa far; zea, he spak evin of ye marriage of Bastiane.
I inquyrit him of his letteris, quhairintil he plenzeit {complained} of the crueltie of sum; answerit, that he was astonischit,[29] and that he was sa glaid to se me, that he belevit to die for glaidness. He fand greit fault that I was pensive.
I departit to supper. This beirer will tell zow of my arryving. He prayit me to returne; the quhilk I did. He declairit unto me his seiknes, and that he wald mak na testament, but only leif all thing to me; and that I was the caus of his maladie, becaus of the regrait that he had that I was sa strange unto him. And thus he said: Ze ask me quhat I mene be the crueltie contenit in my letter? It is of zow alone that will not accept my offeris and repentance. I confes that I have failit, but not into that quhilk I ever denyit, and sicklyke hes failit to {too} sindrie of your subjectis, quhilk ze have forgevin.[30]
I am zoung.
Ye will say that ze have forgevin me oft tymes, and zit yat I returne to my faultis. May not ane man of my age, for lacke of counsell, fall twyse or thryse, or inlacke {fail} of his promeis, and at last[31] repent himself and be chastisit be experience? Gif I may obtene pardoun, I protest I sall never mak fault agane. And I crave na uther thing bot yat we may be at bed and buird togidder as husband and wyfe; and gif ze wil not consent heirunto I sall never ryse out of yis bed. I pray zow, tell me zour resolution. God knawis I am punischit for making my God of zow, and for having na uther thocht bot on zow; and gif at ony tyme I offend zow, ze ar the caus, becaus quhen ony offendis me, gif, for my refuge, I micht playne unto zow, I wald speik it unto na uther body; bot quhen I heir ony thing, not being familiar with zow, necessitie constrains me to keip it in my breist, and yat causes me to tyne {lose} my wit for verray anger.
I answerit ay unto him, bot that wald be ovir lang to wryte at lenth. I askit quhy he wald pas away in ye Inglis schip. He denyis it, and sweirs theirunto; bot he grantis that he spak with the men. Efter this I inquirit him of the inquisition of Hiegate. He denyit the same quhill I schew him the verray wordis was spokin. At quhilk tyme he said that Mynto had advertisit him, that it was said that sum of the counsell had brocht an letter to me to be subscrivit to put him in presoun, and to slay him gif he maid resistence. And he askit the same at Mynto himself, quha answerit that he belevit ye same to be trew. The morne I will speik to him upon this point. As to the rest of Willie Hiegait's,[32] he confessit it, bot it was the morne efter my cumming or {till} he did it.
He wald verray fane that I suld ludge in his ludgeing. I refusit it, and said to him that he behovit to be purgeit, and that culd not be done heir. He said to me, I heir say ze have brocht ane lyter {litter, couch} with zow; bot I had rather have passit {travelled} with zow. I trow[33] he belevit that I wald have send him away presoner. I answerit that I wald tak him with me to Craigmillar, quhais the mediciner and I micht help him, and not be far from my sone. He answerit that he was reddy when I pleisit, sa I wald assure him of his requeist.
He desyris na body to se him. He is angrie quhen I speik of Walcar, and sayis, that he sall pluk the eiris out of his heid, and that he leis {lies}. For I inquyrit him upon that, and yat he was angrie with sum of the Lordis, and wald threittin thame. He denyis that,[34] and sayis he luifis {loves} thame all, and prayis me to give traist to nathing aganis him. As to me he wald rather give his lyfe or he did ony displesure to me.
And efter yis he schew me of sa mony lytil flattereis, sa cauldly and sa wysely, that ze will abasche {marvel} thairat. I had almaist forzet that he said he could not dout of me in yis purpois of Hiegait's; for he wald never belief yat I, quha was his proper flesche, wald do him ony evill; alsweill it was schawin that I refusit to subscrive the same.[35] But as to ony utheris that wald persew him, at least he wald sell his lyfe deir eneuch; but he suspectit na body, nor yit wald not, but wald lufe all yat I lufit.
He wald not let me depart from him, bot desyrit yat I suld walk {watch} with him. I make it seme that I beleive that all is trew, and takis heid thairto, and excusit my self for this nicht that I culd not walk. He sayis, that he sleipis not weil. Ze saw him never better, nor speik mair humbler. And gif I had not ane prufe of his hart of waxe, and yat myne were not of ane dyamont quhairintill na schot can mak brek, bot that quhilk cummis furth your hand, I wald have almaist had pietie of him. But feir not, the place[36] sall hald unto the deith. Remember, in recompense thairof, that ze suffer not zouris to be wyn {won} be that fals race[37] that will travell na les with zow for the same.