Part 6
This court of long time hath been very quiet, small resort of any, and many of those that come but slenderly welcome for the great and importunate suit made by them for my Lord of Murray and the rest, who by no means can find any favour at her Grace's hands, in so much that Robert Melville hath received for resolute answer that let the Queen of England do for them what she will, they shall never live in Scotland and she together....
_MATRIMONIAL MISLIKINGS_
I cannot tell what mislikings of late there hath been between her Grace and her husband; he presses earnestly for the matrimonial crown, which she is loth hastily to grant, but willing to keep somewhat in store until she know how well he is worthy to enjoy such a sovereignty, and therefore it is thought that the Parliament for a time shall be deferred, but hereof I can write no certainty.
_THE HOLY LEAGUE_
_Randolph to Cecil, from Edinburgh_, February 7, 1565. _Wright's Elizabeth_, vol. i. p. 219.
There was a bond lately devised in which the late Pope, the Emperor, the King of Spain, the Duke of Savoy, with divers Princes of Italy and the Queen mother {of France} suspected to be of the same confederacy, to maintain papistry throughout Christendom. This bond was sent out of France by Thornton, and is subscribed by this Queen. The copy whereof, remaining with her and the principal, to be returned very shortly, as I hear, by Mr. Steven Wilson, a fit minister for such devilish devices. If the copy hereof can be gotten, it shall be sent as conveniently I may....
[The bond referred to is the Holy League. Cf. _infra._]
In this court divers contentions, quarrels, and debates; nothing so much sought as to maintain mischief and disorder. David {Rizzio} yet retaineth his place, not without heart grief to many that see their sovereign guided chiefly by such a fellow.
_Randolph to Cecil, from Berwick_, February 14, 1566. _Stevenson's Selections._
There is a league concluded between the King of Spain, the Duke of Savoy, and divers other Papist princes, for the overthrow of religion, as you shall hear more by others, which is come to this Queen's hands, but not yet confirmed.
_CECIL INFORMED OF THE RIZZIO PLOT_
_Bedford and Randolph to Cecil, from Berwick_, March 6, 1566. _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. vii. p. 30.
Somewhat we are sure you have heard of divers discord and jars between this Queen and her husband, partly for that she hath refused him the crown matrimonial, partly for that he hath assured knowledge of such, usage of herself as altogether is intolerable to be borne, which, if it were not over well known, we would both be very loath to think that it could be true. To take away this occasion of slander, he is himself determined to be at the apprehension and execution of him, whom he is able manifestly to charge with the crime, and to have done him the most dishonour that can be to any man, much more being as he is. We need not more plainly to describe the person {Rizzio}. You have heard of the man whom we mean of.
To come by the other thing which he desireth, which is the crown matrimonial, what is devised and concluded upon by him and the noblemen, you shall see by copies of the conditions between them and him, of which Mr. Randolph assureth me to have seen the principals, and taken the copies written with his own hand.
The time of execution and performance of these matters is before the Parliament, as near as it is. To this determination of theirs, there are privy in Scotland; these--Argyll, Morton, Boyd, Ruthven, and Lethington. In England these--Murray, Rothes, Grange, myself, and the writer hereof. If persuasions to cause the Queen to yield to these matters do no good, they purpose to proceed we know not in what sort. If she be able to make any power at home, she shall be withstood, and herself kept from all other counsel than her own nobility. If she seek any foreign support, the Queen's Majesty, our sovereign, shall be sought, and sued unto to accept his and their defence, with offers reasonable to her Majesty's contentment.
_OBLIGATIONS OF THE LORDS_
Agreement between Darnley and the Earls of Murray, Argyll, Glencairn, and Rothes, and Lords Boyd and Ochiltree.
_Ruthven's Relation_, Ed. of 1815.
_Articles to be fulfilled by the lords._
1. The said earls, lords, and their complices, shall become, and by the tenor hereof become true subjects, men and servants to the noble and mighty Prince Henry, by the grace of God, King of Scotland, and husband to our sovereign lady; that they and all others that will do for them shall take a loyal and true part with the said noble Prince in all his
## actions, causes, and quarrels, against whomsoever, to the uttermost of
their power....
2. The said earls, lords, and their complices shall ... by themselves and others that have voice in Parliament, consent, and by these presents do consent now as then, and then as now, to grant and give the crown matrimonial to the said noble Prince for all the days of his life. And if any person or persons withstand or gainsay the same, the said earls, lords, and their complices shall take such part as the said noble Prince taketh, in whatsoever sort, for the obtaining of the said crown against all....
3. The said earls, lords, and their complices shall fortify and maintain the said noble Prince in his just title to the crown of Scotland, failing of succession of our sovereign lady....
4. As to the religion which was established by the Queen's Majesty, our sovereign, shortly after her arrival in this realm ... they and every one of them shall maintain and fortify the same at their uttermost powers, by the help, supply, and maintenance of the said noble Prince.
* * * * *
_DARNLEY'S PROMISES_
_Articles to be fulfilled by Darnley._
1. The said noble Prince shall do his good-will to obtain them one remission, if they require the same, for all faults and crimes by-past, of whatsoever quality or condition they be....
2. We shall not suffer, by our good-wills, the foresaid lords and their complices to be called or accused in Parliament, nor suffer any forfeiture to be laid against them....
3. That the said earls, lords, and their complices, returning within the realm of Scotland, we shall suffer or permit them to use and enjoy all their lands, tacks, steadings, and benefices, that they or any of them had before their passage into England....
4. As to the said earls, lords, and their complices' religion, we are contented and consent that they use the same, conform to the Queen's Majesty's act and proclamation made thereupon, shortly after her Highness's return out of France....
* * * * *
_THE BOND FOR THE MURDER_
_THE WORD OF A PRINCE_
Bond for Rizzio's Murder--Ruthven's Relation.
Be it kend {known} to all men by these present letters: We, Henry, by the grace of God, King of Scotland, and husband to the Queen's Majesty, for so much we having consideration of the gentle and good nature, with many other good qualities in her Majesty, we have thought pity, and also think it great conscience to us that are her husband, to suffer her to be abused or seduced by certain privy persons, wicked and ungodly ... especially a stranger Italian called Davie ... we have devised to take these privy persons, enemies to her Majesty, us, the nobility and commonwealth, to punish them according to their demerits, and in case of any difficulty, to cut them off immediately, and to take and slay them wherever it happeneth. And because we cannot accomplish the same without the assistance of others, therefore have we drawn certain of our nobility, earls, lords, barons, freeholders, gentlemen, merchants, and craftsmen, to assist us in our enterprise, which cannot be finished without great hazard.... We bind and oblige us, our heirs and successors, to the said earls, lords, barons, gentlemen, freeholders, merchants, and craftsmen, their heirs and successors, that we shall accept the same feud upon us, and fortify and maintain them at the uttermost of our power, and shall be friend to their friend, and enemy to their enemies, and shall neither suffer them nor theirs to be molested nor troubled in their bodies, lands, goods, nor possessions so far as lieth in us. And if any person would take any of the said earls, lords, barons, gentlemen, freeholders, merchants, or craftsmen, for enterprising and assisting with us for the achieving of our purpose, because it may chance to be done in presence of the Queen's majesty, or within her palace of Holyrood-house, we, by the word of a prince, shall accept and take the same on us now as then and then as now.... In witness whereof we have subscribed this with our own hand at Edinburgh, the 1st of March 1565.
_A ROYAL SUPPER-PARTY_
_THE MURDER_
1566.--April 2. Mary's Description of the Murder of Rizzio, in a letter to the Archbishop of Glasgow, her Ambassador in Paris.
_Keith's History_, vol. ii. p. 411.
Most Reverend Father, we greet you well.... It is not unknown to you how our Parliament was appointed to the 12th of this instant month of March, to which these that were our rebels and fugitives in England were summoned to have heard themselves forfeited. The day thereof approaching, we required the King our husband to assist us in passing thereto, who, as we are assured, being persuaded by our rebels that were fugitive, with the advice and fortification of the Earl of Morton, Lords Ruthven and Lindsay, their assisters and complices, who were with us in company, by their suggestion refused to pass with us thereto, as we suppose because of his facility, and subtle means of the Lords foresaid, he condescended to advance the pretended religion published here, to put the rebels in their rooms and possessions which they had of before, and but {without} our knowledge grant to them a remit of all their trespasses.... Upon the 9th day of March instant, we being, at even about seven hours, in our cabinet at our supper, sociated with our sister the Countess of Argyll, our brother the Commendator {lay Abbot} of Holyrood-house, Laird of Criech, Arthur Erskine, and certain others our domestic servitors, in quiet manner, especially by reason of our evil disposition, being counselled to sustain ourselves with flesh {in Lent}, having also then passed almost to the end of seven months in our birth; the King our husband came to us in our cabinet, placed him beside us at our supper. The Earl of Morton and Lord Lindsay, with their assisters, clothed in warlike manner, to the number of eight score persons or thereby, kept and occupied the whole entry to our Palace of Holyrood-house.... In that meantime, the Lord Ruthven, clothed in like manner, with his complices, took entry perforce in our cabinet, and there seeing our secretary, David Riccio, among others our servants, declared he had to speak with him. In this instant we inquired the King our husband if he knew anything of that enterprise? who denyed the same. Also we commanded the Lord Ruthven, under the pain of treason, to avoid him forth of our presence, declaring we should exhibit the said David before the Lords of Parliament to be punished, if in any sort he had offended. Notwithstanding, the said Lord Ruthven perforce invaded him in our presence (he then for refuge took safe-guard, having retired him behind our back), and with his complices cast down our table upon ourself, put violent hands in him, struck him over our shoulders with whingers {hangers}, one part of them standing before our face with bended daggs {pistols}, most cruelly took him forth of our cabinet, and at the entry of our chamber give him fifty-six strokes with whingers and swords, in doing whereof we were not only struck with great dread, but also by sundry considerations, were most justly induced to take extreme fear of our life. After this deed immediately the said Lord Ruthven, coming again in our presence, declared how they and their complices foresaid were highly offended with our proceedings and tyranny, which was not to them tolerable; how we were abused by the said David whom they had actually put to death, namely, in taking his counsel for maintenance of the ancient religion, debarring of the Lords which were fugitive, and entertaining of amity with foreign princes and nations with whom we were confederate; putting also upon Council the Lords Bothwell and Huntly, who were traitors, and with whom he associated himself, that the Lords banished in England were the morn to resort toward us, and would take plain part with them in our contrary; and that the King was willing to remit them their offences. We all this time took no less care of ourselves than for our Council and nobility, maintainers of our authority, being with us in our Palace for the time; to wit, the Earls of Huntly, Bothwell, Athole, Lords Fleming and Livingstone, Sir James Balfour, and certain others our familiar servitors, against whom the enterprise was conspired as well as for David; and namely to have hanged the said Sir James in cords. Yet, by the providence of God, the Earls of Huntly and Bothwell escaped forth of their chambers in our Palace at a back window by some cords.... The Earl of Athole and Sir James Balfour by some other means, with the Lords Fleming and Livingstone, obtained deliverance of their invasion. The Provost and town of Edinburgh having understood this tumult in our Palace, caused ring their common bell, came to us in great number and desired to have seen our presence, intercommuned with us, and to have known our welfare; to whom we were not permitted to give answer, being extremely threatened by these Lords, who in our face declared, if we desired to have spoken them, they should cut us in collops, and cast us over the wall. So this community being commanded by our husband, retired them to quietness.
_TREATMENT OF THE QUEEN_
All that night we were detained in captivity within our chamber, not permitting us to have intercommuned scarcely with our servant-women nor domestic servitors. Upon the morn hereafter proclamation was made in our husband's name, by {without} our advice, commanding all Prelates and other Lords convened to Parliament to retire themselves of our burgh of Edinburgh. That whole day we were kept in that firmance {custody}, our familiar servitors and guard being debarred from our service, and we watched by the committers of these crimes, to whom a part of the community of Edinburgh, to the number of four score persons, assisted.
The Earl of Murray that same day at even, accompanied with the Earl of Rothes, Pitarrow, Grange, tutor of Pitcur, and others who were with him in England, came to them, and seeing our state and entertainment, was moved with natural affection toward us. Upon the morn he assembled the enterprisers of their late crime, and such of our rebels as came with him. In their Council they thought it most expedient we should be warded in our castle of Stirling, there to remain while {till} we had approved in Parliament all their wicked enterprises, established their religion, and given the King the crown matrimonial and the whole government of our realm; or else, by all appearance, firmly prepared to have put us to death, or detained us in perpetual captivity. To avoid them of our Palace, with their guard and assisters, the King promised to keep us that night in sure guard, and that but {without} compulsion he should cause us in Parliament approve all their conspiracies. By this means he caused them to retire them of our Palace.
_MARY WINS DARNLEY TO HER SIDE_
_DARNLEY PROTESTS INNOCENCE_
This being granted, ... we declared our state to the King our husband, certifying him how miserably he would be handled, in case he permitted these Lords to prevail in our contrare {against us}, and how unacceptable it would be to other Princes, our confederates, in case he altered the religion. By this persuasion he was induced to condescend to the purpose taken by us, and to retire in our company to Dunbar, which we did under night, accompanied with the captain of our guard, Arthur Erskine, and two others only.... Soon after our coming to Dunbar, sundry of our nobility, zealous of our weal, such as the Earls of Huntly, Bothwell, Marshal, Athole, Caithness; Bishop of St. Andrews, with his kin and friends; Lords Hume, Sempill, and infinite others assembled to us.... The Earl of Moray and Argyll sent diverse messages to procure our favour, to whom in likewise, for certain respects, by advice of our Nobility and Council being with us, we have granted remission, under condition they nowise apply themselves to these last conspirators, and retire themselves in Argyle during our will.... We remained in Dunbar five days, and after returned to Edinburgh well accompanied with our subjects. The last conspirators, with their assisters, have removed themselves forth of the same before, and being presently fugitive from our laws, we have caused by our charges their whole fortunes, strength, and houses to be rendered to us; have caused make inventory of their goods and gear, and intend further to pursue them with all vigour. Whereunto we are assured to have the assistance of our husband, who hath declared to us, and in presence of the Lords of our Privy Council, his innocence of this last conspiracy, how he never counselled, commanded, consented, assisted, nor approved the same. Thus far only he ever saw himself, that at the enticement and persuasion of the late conspirators he, without our advice or knowledge, consented to the bringing home forth of England of the Earls of Moray, Glencairn, Rothes, and other persons with whom we were offended. This ye will consider by his declaration made hereupon, which at his desire hath been published at the market crosses of this our Realm ... of Edinburgh, the second day of April 1566.
SECTION IV
MURDER OF RIZZIO TO MURDER OF DARNLEY
_CONTENTS_
1. Murray's plea for the Rizzio rebels.
2. The relations between Mary and Darnley. (_a_) Mary's Will. (_b_) The Birth of Prince James.
3. Mary to Elizabeth anent her support of the rebels.
4. Mary's treatment of Darnley, and Darnley's conduct towards Mary. (_a_) As reported by M. le Croc, the French Ambassador. (_b_) As reported by Buchanan, with the Alloa story. (_c_) Nau's account of the Alloa story, and a letter of Mary's from Alloa.
5. The Ride to Hermitage. (_a_) As reported in the Diurnal of Occurrents. (_b_) As reported by Nau. (_c_) As reported by Buchanan.
6. The Queen's illness at Jedburgh.
7. The Craigmillar Conference. (_a_) As reported by Buchanan. (_b_) In the Protestation of Huntly and Argyll.
8. The events immediately before the Darnley murder. (_a_) Letter from Du Croc. (_b_) The Baptism of the Prince. (_c_) Restoration of the consistorial jurisdiction. (_d_) Mary on Darnley's conduct. (_e_) Beaton's warning.
9. The visit to Glasgow and the murder. (_a_) As reported by Buchanan in the _Detection_. (_b_) As described by Mary. (_c_) As described by Nau. (_d_) As described by Buchanan in his _History_.
Relations between Mary and Darnley.
_Bedford and Randolph to Cecil, from Berwick_, March 27, 1566. _Wright's Elizabeth_, vol. i. p. 235.
My Lord of Murray by a special servant sent unto us desireth your Honour's favour to these noblemen {the fugitives}, as his dear friends, and such as for his sake hath given this adventure.
"_TO THE KING WHO GAVE IT ME_"
Bequests to the King.
_Robertson's Inventories._
Before the birth of her son, Mary made a will, of which no copy is extant. But Mr. Joseph Robertson found an inventory of her jewels, made at the same time, with marginal notes, in the Queen's own handwriting, indicating their disposition. There are fifteen entries "Au Roy," from which we quote the most interesting marginal note:--
It was with this that I was married, to the King, who A diamond ring enamelled gave it me. in red.
There are also bequests to the Crown of Scotland, the Earl and Countess of Lennox, and the Earl of Murray, also a jewel with the marginal note:--
"To Joseph {Riccio}, which his brother gave me."
At the end of the first section of the inventory, there is the following note in Mary's hand:--
"I wish that these provisions be carried out in case that the child does not survive me, but if it live, it is to inherit everything. MARIE R."
Illustration: QUEEN MARY'S SIGNET-RING AND MONOGRAM.
Mary's Will as described in the "Book of Articles" (cf. p. 144).
_Hosack's Mary_, vol. i. p. 525.
This her rooted disdain still continuing a little before her deliverance of her birth in May or June 1566, in making of her latter will and testament, she named and appointed Bothwell among others to the tutele {guardianship} of her birth {child} and issue, and government of the realm in case of her decease, and unnaturally excluded the father from all kind of cure and regiment over his own child, advancing Bothwell above all others to be lieutenant-general.... She disponit also her whole moveables to others beside her husband.
_ELIZABETH'S RECEPTION OF THE NEWS_
The Birth of Prince James.
_Melville's Memoirs_, p. 158.