Part 9
The King's body was blown into the garden by the violence of the explosion, and a poor English valet of his, who slept in his room, was there killed.... Earl Bothwell was much suspected of this villainous and detestable murder.... If we may judge by the plots, deeds, and contrivances of his associates, it would seem that after having used him to rid themselves of the King, they designed to make Bothwell their instrument to ruin the Queen, their true and lawful sovereign.
Their plan was this, to persuade her to marry the Earl of Bothwell, so that they might charge her with being in the plot against her late husband, and a consenting party to his death. This they did shortly after, appealing to the fact that she had married the murderer.
_ANOTHER ACCOUNT BY BUCHANAN_
Buchanan (_Translated from History_, xx. 35).
The Archbishop of St. Andrews, who lived nearest, willingly undertook the task of killing the King, when it was offered to him, both on account of old enmities, and in the hope of bringing the succession nearer his own family. He chose, accordingly, six or eight of the most abandoned of his retainers, and entrusted the matter to them, giving them the keys of the King's lodging. They entered very quietly into his chamber, strangled him as he lay sleeping, and carried his body through the postern into a garden beside the walls. Then, at a given signal, fire was applied to the house.
[The question as to the manner of Darnley's death has given rise to considerable discussion. The depositions of Hay, Hepburn, and Paris (vide pp. 144, 215-218) agree in representing that the King was killed by the explosion. On the other hand, Drury, who wrote to Cecil on 24th April {Foreign Calendar}, and Count Moretta, the agent of the Duke of Savoy, who was in Edinburgh {Labanoff, vii. 108}, state that he was strangled. The facts that the bodies of Darnley and his servant, Taylor, were found together, in the garden, at some little distance from the house, without violent injury; that Darnley's pelisse and slippers were found beside him; and that the other bodies were found among the ruins, must be taken into account in forming a judgment on the question.]
SECTION V
FROM THE MURDER OF DARNLEY TO THE FLIGHT INTO ENGLAND
_CONTENTS_
1. Introductory Note.
2. Mary's seizure by Bothwell. (_a_) The Ainslie Bond. (_b_) Mary's description. (_c_) Description in the Diurnal of Occurrents. (_d_) Guzman de Silva to Philip II.
3. The Bothwell Marriage. (_a_) The Divorce. (_b_) The Dukedom of Orkney. (_c_) The Marriage. (_d_) Mary's demeanour, as described by Du Croc and Drury.
4. Carberry Hill.
5. Mary in Lochleven. (_a_) Guzman de Silva on the nature of the Rebellion. (_b_) Elizabeth's intervention. (_c_) De Silva's conversation with Murray--the first suggestion of the Casket Letters.
6. The escape from Lochleven.
_LENNOX AND THE QUEEN_
1567.--April 19. Mary's Capture by Bothwell.
[The Register of the Privy Council tells that, on February 12th, the Queen offered to the first revealer of the crime, "although he be one culpable and participant of the said crime," a reward of two thousand pounds and "ane honest yeirlie rent." Public opinion pointed to Bothwell as the murderer, and anonymous placards appeared in the streets of Edinburgh accusing him. Lennox approached the Queen demanding a trial. On March 1st (in reply to his letter of February 26th) Mary wrote asking a list of names. He sent, on the 17th, the names of Bothwell, Sir James Balfour, David Chalmers, John Spens, Francis Bastian, John de Bourdeaux, and Joseph Riccio,--the last four were attendants on the Queen. On March 28th the Privy Council fixed the trial for April 12th. On the 11th, Lennox wrote asking a postponement of the trial and the imprisonment of the persons he had named, or whom he might suspect. The request was not granted, and the trial took place on the 12th. The Earl of Argyll, hereditary Lord-Justice, took his place as President of the Court, and the Earl of Caithness was Chancellor of the jury. Lennox put forward his demand for a postponement, which was refused, Bothwell urging that the Privy Council had fixed an early date in accordance with Lennox's own request. No witnesses were produced by the prosecution, and Bothwell was acquitted. He then challenged to single combat any one who might accuse him, and the challenge was not accepted. In the Parliament which met on the 16th, various confirmations of grants were made--the Castle of Dunbar to Bothwell, the Earldom of Angus to Bothwell's nephew, and various lands to Sir Richard Maitland of Lethington. No Parliament had assembled since Mary's marriage to Darnley, and, accordingly, the restoration of Murray and Morton to their titles and estates was confirmed by statute. Although Parliament thus put its seal on Bothwell's acquittal, by securing Dunbar to him, the popular impression of his guilt was in no way lessened.]
_THE AINSLIE BOND_
A Bond by a Number of the Nobility to promote Bothwell's Marrying of Queen Mary.
_Anderson's Collections_, vol. i. pp. 107-112, from Cott. Lib. Calig., C. i. fol. 1.
We undersubscribing, understanding that although the noble and mighty Lord James, Earl Bothwell, ... being not only bruitit {reported} and calumniated by placards, privily affixed on the public places of the Kirk of Edinburgh, and otherwise slandered by his evil willers, as art and part of the heinous murther of the King, ... but also by special letters sent to her Highness by the Earl of Lennox, and debated {accused} of the same crime ... he by condign inquest and assize of certain noblemen his peers and other barons of good reputation is found guiltless and innocent of the odious crime objected to him ... and we considering the anciency and nobleness of his house, the honourable and good service of his predecessors, and specially himself to our Sovereign, and for the defence of this her Highness' Realm against the enemies thereof, and the amity and friendship which so long has preserved betwix his House and every one of us.... Therefore obliges us, and every one of us, upon our Faith and Honours, and Truth in our bodies, as we are noblemen, and will answer to God, that in case hereafter any manner of person or persons ... shall happen to insist farther to the slander and calumniation of the said Earl of Bothwell, as
## participant, act or part, of the said heinous murther, ... we ... shall
take ... plain and upright part with him, to the defence and maintenance of his quarrel.... Moreover, weighing and considering the time present, and how our Sovereign the Queen's Majesty is now destitute of a husband, in the which solitary state the Commonwealth of this Realm may not permit her Highness to continue and endure; ... and, therefore, in case the former affectionate and hearty service of the said Earl ... may move her Majesty so far to humble herself, as preferring one of her native born subjects unto all foreign princes, to take to Husband the said Earl, we, and every one of us undersubscribing, upon our Honours and Fidelity, obliges us, and promises, not only to further, advance, and set forward the marriage to be solemnised and completed betwix her Highness and the said noble Lord ... but in case any would presume directly or indirectly, openly, or under whatsoever colour or pretence, to hinder, hold back, or disturb the said marriage, we shall in that behalf, esteem, hold and repute the hinderers, adversaries or disturbers thereof as our common enemies and evil willers.... In witness of the which we have subscriyved these presents, as follows, at Edinburgh, the 19 Day of April, the year of God, 1567 years.
_SIGNATORIES TO THE BOND_
The names of such of the nobility as subscribed the bond, so far as John Read {a dependent of Murray} might remember, of whom I had this copy, being in his own hand, being commonly termed in Scotland, Ainslie's Supper.
The Earls--Murray, Huntly, Cassilis, Morton, Sutherland, Rothes, Glencairn, Caithness.
Lords--Boyd, Seton, Sinclair, Semple, Oliphant, Ogilvie, Rosse-Hacat, Carlisle, Herries, Hume, and Innermeith.
[This note is appended to Cecil's copy of the bond. It should be noted that Murray was not in Scotland at the time, and that his name does not appear in a copy of the bond in the Scots College at Paris, for which we have the authority of Sir James Balfour.]
_THE QUEEN CAPTURED_
1567.--May. Mary on her Capture. Instructions to the Bishop of Dunblane for the French Court.
_Keith's History_, vol. ii. p. 592.
In our returning he awaited us by the way, accompanied with a great force, and led us with all diligence to Dunbar.... And when he saw us like to reject all his suit and offers, in the end he showed us how far he was proceeded with our whole nobility and principals of our estates, and what they had promised him under their handwrites.... In the end, when we saw no esperance to be rid of him, never man in Scotland once making an attempt to procure our deliverance, ... so ceased he never till by persuasions and importune suit, accompanied not the less with force, he has finally driven us to end the work begun at such time and in such form as he thought might best serve his turn, wherein we cannot dissemble that he has used us otherwise than we would have wished, or yet have deserved at his hand.
_Diurnal of Occurrents in Scotland._
And upon the twenty-fourth day of April, which was Saint Mark's even, our sovereign lady being riding from Stirling, whereto she passed a little of before to visit her son, as said is, to Edinburgh, James, Earl of Bothwell, accompanied with seven or eight hundred men and friends, whom he caused believe that he would ride upon the thieves of Liddesdale, met our sovereign lady betwix Kirkliston and Edinburgh, at a place called the Bridges, accompanied with a few number, and there took her person to the castle of Dunbar.
_BOTHWELL AND MARY AT DUNBAR_
_Guzman de Silva to the King, from London._ May 3, 1567. _Spanish State Papers._
On arriving six miles from Edinburgh, Bothwell met her with four hundred horsemen. As they arrived near the Queen with their swords drawn they showed an intention of taking her with them, whereupon some of those who were with her were about to defend her, but the Queen stopped them, saying she was ready to go with the Earl of Bothwell wherever he wished rather than bloodshed and death should result. She was taken to Dunbar, where she arrived at midnight, and still remains. Some say she will marry him, and they are so informed direct by some of the highest men in the country who follow Bothwell. They are convinced of this, both because of the favour the Queen has shown him, and because he has the national forces in his hands. Although the Queen sent secretly to the governor of the town of Dunbar to sally out with his troops and release her, it is believed that the whole thing has been arranged, so that if anything comes of the marriage, the Queen may make out that she was forced into it.
_A FATAL MARRIAGE_
The Bothwell Marriage.
_Diurnal of Occurrents in Scotland._
Upon the third day of May 1567, the sentence of divorce was pronounced by the comissaries of Edinburgh, decerning and ordaining ... Jean Gordon {Countess of Bothwell} to be free to marry when she pleased, and the said Earl Bothwell to be an adulterer. This divorcement was made to the effect that the said Earl should marry the Queen's Majesty.
_Ibid._
Upon the twelfth day thairof {of May}, betwix seven and eight hours at even, James, Earl Bothwell, was made Duke of Orkney and Zetland, with great magnificence, ... and there were few or none of the nobility thereat.
_Ibid._
Upon the fifteenth day of May 1567, Mary, by the grace of God, Queen of Scots, was married on James, Duke of Orkney, Earl Bothwell, ... in the palace of Holyrood-house, within the old chapel, by Adam, Bishop of Orkney, not with the mass but with preaching, at ten hours afore noon. There were not many of the nobility of this realm thereat, except the Earl Crawford, the Earl Huntly, the Earl Sutherland, my Lords Arbroath, Oliphant, Fleming, Livingston, Glamis, and Boyd, John, Archbishop of St. Andrews, the Bishop of Dunblane, the Bishop of Ross, Orkney, with certain other small gentlemen, who waited upon the said Duke of Orkney. At this marriage there was neither pleasure nor pastime used, as use was wont to be used when princes were married.
_NEITHER PLEASURE NOR PASTIME_
1567.--May. Mary's Demeanour.
_Du Croc to Catherine de Medici. Von Raumer's Elizabeth and Mary_, p. 99.
It {the Bothwell marriage} is too unhappy, and begins already to be repented of. On Thursday the Queen sent for me, when I perceived something strange in the mutual behaviour of her and her husband. She attempted to excuse it, and said, "If you see me melancholy, it is because I do not choose to be cheerful; because I never will be so, and wish for nothing but death." Yesterday, when they were both in a room, with the Earl d'Aumale, she called aloud for a knife to kill herself; the persons in the ante-chamber heard it. I believe that if God does not support her, she will fall entirely into despair.
_Sir William Drury to Cecil, from Berwick_, May 25. _Foreign Calendar._
The Queen uses often with the Duke {Bothwell} to ride abroad, and they now make outward show of great content, but the company at Court increases not of one nobleman more than were at the marriage.
_Ibid., May 27._
The Duke openly uses great reverence to the Queen, ordinarily bareheaded, which she seems she would have otherwise, and will sometimes take his cap and put it on.
"_NO HEARTS TO FIGHT IN THAT QUARREL_"
1567.--June 15. Carberry Hill.
_Melville's Memoirs_, p. 181.
All Scotland cried out upon the foul murther of the King.... Whereupon the lords that had the enterprise in their heads were hasted forward to take arms.... The Earl of Bothwell again, having the Queen in his company, convened a greater number out of the Merse and Lothians, and out of all parts where he had means of friendship, at over her Majesty's proclamation, which was not well obeyed for the time; and so many as came had no hearts to fight in that quarrel. Yet the Earl Bothwell marched forward out of Dunbar {which was threatened by the lords}, taking the Queen with him, towards Edinburgh. The lords again, with their companies, passed out of Edinburgh upon foot, with a great energy and fierceness to fight; both the armies not far from Carberry. The Earl Bothwell's men camped upon the hill head, in a strength very advantageous; the lords camped at the foot of the hill.
Albeit her Majesty was there, I cannot name it to be her army, for many of them that were with her had opinion that she had intelligence with the lords; chiefly such as understood of the Earl Bothwell's mishandling of her, and many indignities that he had both said and done unto her, since their marriage was made. He was so beastly and suspicious, that he suffered her not to pass over a day in patience, not making her cause to shed abundance of salt tears. So part of his own company detested him; other part believed that her Majesty would fain have been quit of him, but thought shame to be the doer thereof directly herself.
_BOTHWELL'S COWARDICE_
In the meantime the laird of Grange rode about the brae.... When the Queen understood that the laird of Grange was chief of that company of horsemen, she sent the laird of Ormiston to desire him to come and speak with her under surety, which he did, after he had sent and obtained leave of the lords. As he was speaking with her Majesty, the Earl Bothwell had appointed a soldier to shoot him, until the Queen gave a cry, and said that he should not do her that shame, who had promised that he should come and return safely. For he was declaring unto the Queen how that all they would honour and serve her so that she would abandon the Earl Bothwell, who was the murderer of her own husband....
_MARY'S LAST DAY IN EDINBURGH_
The Earl Bothwell hearkened, and heard part of this language, and offered the singular combat to any man that would maintain that he had done it. The laird of Grange promised to send him an answer shortly thereanent.... He offered himself first.... The Earl Bothwell answered that he was neither lord nor earl, but a baron, and so could not be his peer. The like answer he made to Tullibardine. Then my Lord Lindsay offered to fight him, which he could not plainly refuse, but his heart cooled aye the longer the more. Then the Queen sent again for the laird of Grange, and said to him, that if the lords would do as he had spoken to her, she should put away the Earl Bothwell and come unto them. Whereupon he asked at them, if he might promise it to her Majesty in their name; which they willed him to do.... Her Majesty was that night conveyed to Edinburgh, and lodged in the middle of the town, in the provost's lodging. As she came through the town, the common people cried out against her Majesty at the windows and stairs, which it was a pity to hear. Her Majesty again cried out, to all gentlemen and others that passed up and down the causeway, declaring how that she was their native princess, and doubted not but all honest subjects would respect her as they ought to do, and not suffer her to be mishandled. Others again showed their malice, in setting up a banner or ensign, whereupon the King was painted lying dead under a tree, and the young prince sitting upon his knees, praying, "Judge, and revenge my cause, O Lord!"[19]
That same night it was alleged that her Majesty wrote a letter unto the Earl Bothwell.... Upon the which letter the lords took occasion to send her to Lochleven to be kept, against promise as she alleged.
------------------------------------------------------------------------ [19] Ps. xliii. 1. ------------------------------------------------------------------------
1567.--July 12. Lochleven Castle.
_Guzman de Silva to the King. Spanish State Papers._
[Mary was a prisoner in Lochleven from 17th June 1567 to 2nd May 1568. The chief events of her captivity were her compulsory abdication on 24th July, the coronation of her infant son on the 29th of the same month, and the proclamation of the Earl of Murray as Regent on August 22nd. Her escape was preceded by at least one unsuccessful attempt. Murray visited Mary in Lochleven, and was by her asked to undertake the Regency, according to a letter from Throgmorton to Elizabeth, 20th August 1567 (in "Foreign Calendar," and in Keith's "History," vol. ii. p. 737).]
Illustration: LOCHLEVEN CASTLE.
... Croc, who was French Ambassador in Scotland, has passed here on his way to France, and there is nobody now representing his King.
_THE CASKET LETTERS_
The Ambassador here assures me that the King (of France) has in his favour both those who have assembled to detain the Queen (of Scots) and those who are against them, and has their signatures promising to keep up the friendship and alliance that the country has had with his predecessors. For this reason the King had proceeded in such a way as not to lose the support of the one side by taking up the cause of the other, but he could not avoid giving his aid to the Queen, whose adversaries assert positively that she knew she had been concerned in the murder of her husband, which was proved by letters under her own hand, copies of which were in his possession.
[This is the earliest known reference to the Casket Letters.]
_Guzman de Silva to the King, from London_, July 26. _Spanish State Papers._
Four days ago the preacher and confessor of the Queen of Scotland arrived here. He is a Dominican Friar, a Frenchman named Roche Mameret, and was at the Council of Trent.... He is much grieved at events in Scotland, and the imprisonment of the Queen, but more than all at the marriage with Bothwell, since he already has a wife.... He assured me that those who had risen against the Queen had not been moved by zeal to punish the King's murder, as they had been enemies rather than friends of his; nor in consequence of the marriage, as they had been all in favour of it, and had signed their names to that effect without exception, either lay or clerical, apart from the Earl of Murray, but their sole object had been a religious one, as they thought the Queen, being a Catholic, might settle religion in a way not to their liking.
_ELIZABETH'S INTERVENTION_
_Queen Elizabeth to Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, in Scotland_, July 27, 1567. _Keith's History_, p. 702.
You shall plainly declare unto them {the lords}, that if they shall determine anything to the deprivation of the Queen their sovereign lady of her royal estate, we are well assured of our own determination, and we have some just and probable cause to think the like of other Princes of Christendom, that we will make ourselves a plain party against them, for example to all posterity.
[This intervention by Elizabeth on Mary's behalf was the result of reports which reached London that Mary's life was in danger. Her death was demanded by certain of the Protestant clergy, and the more ardent of their following.]
_OPINION OF MARY'S CONFESSOR_
_Guzman de Silva to the King, from London_, August 2. _Spanish State Papers._