CHAPTER XIII

SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS

In this chapter various ceremonies will be described which may all be regarded as examples of propitiation of the higher powers by sacrifices or offerings. We shall see later that in the funeral ceremonies buffaloes are killed, but it is clear that there is no idea of propitiation or atonement connected with this slaughter, the animals being killed so that they may go to the next world for the service of the dead.

THE ERKUMPTTHPIMI CEREMONY

In this ceremony a young male calf is killed and eaten. The ordinary name is erkumptthpimi (“male buffalo we kill”) or erkumptthiti, but at the ti the ceremony is called ernudrtipimi. I met with great obstacles in obtaining a satisfactory account, the men who had told me all the details of the dairy ceremonial denying at first all knowledge of any ceremony among the Todas in which a calf was killed or eaten. As soon as they found that I knew positively of the existence of the ceremony, they acknowledged that they killed a calf, but said they could not tell me anything about it. I succeeded at last in obtaining a record of the ceremony from Teitnir, and when I was endeavouring to identify the various parts into which the sacrificial animal is divided, we met with such difficulties [96] that Teitnir agreed to allow me to see the ceremony on the condition that I would provide the cost of the calf.

Owing to the general reluctance to talk about this ceremony, I was not able to obtain such independent accounts from other people as I should have liked, but the details of the sacrifice as given me by Teitnir agreed with those of the ceremony I witnessed, and I have no doubt as to its essential accuracy. I had hoped to have obtained independent evidence on some doubtful features at the end of my visit, but these hopes were entirely frustrated by the death of Teitnir’s wife a few days after the ceremony which had been performed for my benefit, her death being generally ascribed to the anger of the gods because the secrets of erkumptthpimi had been revealed. After I had left the hills, however, Samuel succeeded in obtaining information on several doubtful points, and was given an independent account which entirely confirmed the accuracy of the proceedings which he had witnessed at the same time as myself.

The ceremony is performed both at the ordinary village and at the ti dairy. At the ti there is no doubt that it is performed three times a year, but there was much discrepancy in the accounts of its frequency at the village. According to some, the sacrifice only takes place once a year at each village in October, soon after the ceremony of teutütusthchi, to be described later in this chapter. According to others, the ceremony is performed whenever the people have a suitable male calf to sacrifice. During the ten years that my interpreter, Samuel, had been living among the Todas, he had come to the conclusion that the ceremony is performed fairly often, his opinion being based on chance remarks made by the children. I think there is very little doubt that a calf is now killed in each village more often than once a year, and the ceremony at which I was present was almost certainly one of the occasional performances, though the time of year at which it took place makes it possible that it was the chief annual occasion of that village.

There was also some doubt whether there is an annual ceremony in every village for the people living in that village, or whether the annual ceremony is only performed in the etudmad, or chief village of each clan, for all the people of the clan. The true state of affairs at the present time is probably that the ceremony is performed at the Nòdrs ti in October. Fifteen days later it is performed at the other ti mad and at the chief village of each clan. In addition to these annual celebrations the sacrifice is performed on two other occasions at the ti, while at a village it may be performed whenever the people of the village have a suitable animal.

The place at which the sacrifice is performed is called the ernkar, and at Karia, where I witnessed the ceremony, the ernkar is in a wood nearly half a mile from the village at a spot where it is very unlikely that the proceedings would be disturbed by chance visitors. It seems that there is not only a special ernkar for each ti and for each clan, but that each village has also its appointed place.

The ceremony is performed on appointed days, different for each ti and clan. In the case of the Kuudrol, these are Sunday, Wednesday, and Thursday, and the ceremony which I witnessed at Karia, a village of this clan, took place on a Sunday. The chief officiator at the sacrifice at an ordinary village is the palikartmokh of the village, who must, however, for this occasion be of the same clan as those who are celebrating the sacrifice.

On the day arranged for the ceremony at Karia the palikartmokh was ill, and as none of the other inhabitants of Karia was able to undertake the office, an elderly man, Punatvan (53), had to be fetched from another village. On his arrival he had first to go through the ordination ceremonies for the office of palikartmokh, a lucky chance which gave me the only opportunity I had during my visit of observing these proceedings.

At the ernkar wood for the fire is collected, and over small firewood the people place several logs about three feet in length, so that the fire is of an oblong form. The firewood must be of one or both of the kinds called main and kiül. While some of those present are making the fire, others will be fashioning sharply pointed stakes of wood on which the parts of the calf are to be impaled. These sticks are called ko, and must be made of one of the following four kinds of wood: avelashki, karkekoi, kwadiki, or pohvet. It was said that exactly fifty of these ko must be provided.

The first stage of the ceremonial is to make fire by friction, which should be done by the palikartmokh. The only occasion on which I saw fire made by friction during an actual ceremony was when I witnessed the sacrifice at Karia, and on this occasion both Punatvan and his chief assistant, Pichievan (69) of Keadr, twirled the fire-sticks alternately, but though they soon produced some smoke, they failed to light the rag used as tinder. My constant attendant, Kòdrner, was called in, and with his more powerful manipulations was almost immediately successful, and the lighted rag was carried by Punatvan to the heap of firewood, which was soon in a good blaze.

As soon as the fire is alight the calf is brought to the ernkar, and the palikartmokh goes to cut a log of tudr wood and three small branches of tudr leaves. The calf should be fifteen days old and must be without blemish. Its ears must not be split, its tail must not be cut, and its eyes must be clear.

The log of tudr wood is for the killing of the calf and is about four feet in length and about three inches in thickness. Such a log is usually called tudrkud, but on this occasion is named erkumptthkud. The three branches of tudr must consist of perfect leaves. Such branches are usually called tudrkwunak, but on the occasion of this ceremony they receive the name toashtitudr.

The palikartmokh then stands in front of the calf, holding the log and leaves in his right hand. He raises the log and leaves to his forehead as a salutation, and then recites the appointed prayer. This prayer is different for each clan and consists of clauses in each of which the kwarzam of one of the villages of the clan is followed by “——k per mâ.” Thus the first clause of the Kuudr prayer is atthkârk per mâ; atthkâr is the kwarzam of Kuudr, k is the suffix, meaning “to,” and per mâ is “may increase” or “may there be increase.” All the clauses of the prayer are of this form except the last two, which are karsêram parsêram; Nòtîrzk êr usht mâ; the first of which is a kwarzam of Kulinkars, êram probably meaning buffaloes, while the second means, “may the buffalo appear to Nòtirzi.” The calf is supposed to appear to Nòtirzi and then to go from the hill of this goddess to the hill of Kulinkars. The complete prayers of Kuudr and Kars are given on pp. 288, 289.

The palikartmokh touches the head of the calf with the erkumptthkud (Fig. 38) as he utters each kwarzam till he comes to the penultimate clause of the prayer, at which point he begins the following series of

## actions. He draws the three branches of tudr leaves along the back of

the calf from head to tail and then drops one of the three toashtitudr on the ground behind the calf. The two remaining branches are drawn along the back of the calf from tail to head in the reverse direction to the first, and on reaching the head one of the two branches is dropped on the ground at the head of the animal. The remaining branch is drawn from head to tail and dropped on the ground by the side of the first (see Fig. 39).

The animal is then killed by striking it on the head with the erkumptthkud. The palikartmokh then takes up the three toashtitudr, and, taking them in his right hand with the log, passes them round the calf three times. In doing this, the body of the calf rests on its side, while the log and leaves are passed between the two fore-legs, then between the two hind-legs, round the hind-quarters, and forward over the back and head, so that they make a complete circuit of the animal, and this circuit is twice repeated, so that the log and leaves are passed completely round the calf three times.

The palikartmokh then proceeds to cut up the calf (Fig. 40), beginning with a complete incision round the neck. The knife used is of the ordinary kind called turi, but on this occasion it is called ab, or “arrow.” On the occasion on which I saw the ceremony, the calf seemed to have only been stunned by the blow on the head and began to kick as soon as this incision was made. The animal was, in consequence, vigorously belaboured over the testicles with the log of tudr wood, and this was repeated till the movements of the animal ceased.

The next incision is down the mid-ventral line; incisions are made through the skin above each hoof, and the palikartmokh then removes the skin of the whole animal except the head and feet, beginning at the right fore-limb.

When the skin (tars) is removed, it is laid on the ground with its outer surface downwards a few yards from the spot at which the animal is being cut up, and the palikartmokh proceeds to cut the animal into the following parts:—

Kwelthkh, hoof and attached skin and bones.

Mogâl, lower segment of fore-limb (metacarpus).

Kemal, or kemalth, upper segment of fore-limb corresponding to fore-arm.

Kanòdri, shoulder.

Mêdrkwelv, trachea and larynx.

Tòdrthars, lower segment of hind-limb (metatarsus).

Pevutth, upper segment of hind-limb (leg).

Ûrûf, liver.

Putth, gall-bladder.

Pushk, kidneys.

Kwur, small intestine.

Tütkwur, large intestine.

Mulikudri, urinary bladder.

Agelv, pelvis, including thigh bones.

Mudri, sternum and part of ribs attached.

Nüdz, heart.

Püth, lungs.

Kwotinerûf (kwotinûrûf?), spleen.

Pâlvîr, stomach full of milk, called pâlvetâr when emptied of milk.

Mutelf, lower part of backbone with parts of lower ribs attached.

Nòdi, upper half of backbone with parts of upper ribs attached.

Mad, head.

The parts of the calf are removed approximately in the order in which they are given above. The palikartmokh first cuts off the four feet of the animal, beginning with that of the right fore-limb and the four kwelthkh are placed under the skin, one at each corner.

The next part to be removed is the right mogâl, and then the three other corresponding parts. Up to this point, everything must be done by the palikartmokh himself, but after the mogâl have been removed any one may help, and on the occasion when I witnessed the ceremony, several operations were going on simultaneously after this point of the proceedings, and it became difficult to ascertain exactly what was being done and the exact order in which the parts were being removed. The cutting up of the calf was performed chiefly by Pichievan, while the palikartmokh, Punatvan, occupied himself with other operations.

After the removal of the mogâl, the remaining parts of the two fore-limbs are removed and placed on the skin. The larynx and windpipe are taken out together, and in doing this the large vessels of the neck are divided. The body of the animal is then taken up and held over the skin, so that the blood runs out over the parts placed on the skin, and these parts are then moved about, so that they become smeared with blood, and are then placed on the stakes (ko), and each ko with its part of the animal is stuck in the ground on one side of the skin. Some of the other parts when removed are rubbed in the blood on the skin.

When the different parts have been impaled in this manner, the palikartmokh cuts from each part a small piece of flesh called mîis and puts the pieces on a stake. From the ribs and sternum, he cuts a part called the tütmîis, much larger than the other fragments, and puts this on a stake. I could not ascertain exactly of what the tütmîis consisted, but it seemed to be the lower end of the sternum with some of the diaphragm attached to it. [98]

After cutting off the mîis, the palikartmokh begins to put the parts round the fire (Fig. 41), beginning with the mogâl, which are placed, one on each side, about the middle of the fire, but rather nearer that end at which the head is to be placed later. The mogâl must be put in this position by the palikartmokh himself, but the other parts may be arranged in any order. While the palikartmokh is manipulating the parts first cut off and placing them round the fire, his assistants will be continuing the division of the animal. When the liver is taken out, the gall-bladder is cut from it and thrown on one side. The intestines are removed and put on stakes by transfixing every few inches of their length.

The small intestine is placed on more than one ko, while, so far as I could see, the large intestine is put on one stake. The urinary bladder is thrown on one side. The ribs are cut through nearer the back than the front, and the sternum and anterior parts of the ribs form one part, the mudri. It was from this part that the tütmîis was taken. The spleen is put on one side in order that it may be given to a cat, and its name is derived from this fact. The stomach when taken out of the body is filled with milk and in this state is called pâlvîr. Its contents are poured out and it then receives the name pâlvetâr.

As soon as the cutting up is completed and all the other parts have been placed round the fire, the head is put on a ko, and this is stuck in the ground at one end of the fire and about half a yard from it, and the four kwelthkh are placed on the ground round the head. Some of the parts placed round the fire may by this time have charred, and they are turned round so as to expose the opposite side to the flames.

The next step is to take up the head on its ko and place it in the middle of the fire for about a minute, after which it is replaced. The object of this is to singe the ears, which the palikartmokh then pulls off. He also takes certain fragments (mîis) from some of the other parts and throws them, together with the ears, into the fire, standing at one end, the opposite end to that at which the head is placed. He then takes three charred pieces of wood from the fire, and throws them over the fire and over the head, so that they fall beyond the latter, saying as he throws each time, “Nòtîrzk per mâ, mañ!” the last exclamation being the sound which is ordinarily uttered when calling a calf.

When the flesh is sufficiently roasted the palikartmokh eats the tütmîis, while the others present may eat any portion. When enough has been eaten, the remainder of the cooked flesh is carried to the village. The mogâl, agelv, mad, and kwelthkh are carried to the dairy by the palikartmokh and kept there. The flesh of these parts is eaten by the dairyman or by other men, but may on no account be eaten by a woman. The other parts are taken to the hut and given into the keeping of the women, and the flesh of these parts can be eaten by any one—man, woman, or child. Butter is often put on the flesh before it is eaten.

THE SACRIFICE AT THE TI

The sacrifice at the ti is called ernudrtipimi, and is performed at every ti three times in the year. The first occasion is about fifteen days after the ceremony of teutütusthchi in October. The second occasion is about January, when the buffaloes of the ti migrate to the Kundahs or elsewhere for the dry season. The third occasion is after the ceremony of giving salt, which is known as kòrup (see p. 175). The ceremony may take place at any ti mad except Anto.

The appointed days are Sunday and Wednesday. On the day before the ceremony wood is taken by the palol and kaltmokh to the sacrificial spot, called ernkar as at the village. At Mòdr the wood in which the sacrifice takes place is called Turikipül.

The sacrifice may be performed either in the morning or evening, and takes place, in either case, before kaizhvatiti, the ceremonial pouring of buttermilk. This means that the sacrifice takes place during and not after the dairy ceremonial, and thus forms part of the dairy ritual. Each palol wears the pòdrshtuni, while the kaltmokh is naked throughout except for the kuvn. The kaltmokh arranges the firewood and the chief palol (at the Nòdrs ti, the ti palol) lights the wood with fire brought from his dairy. The calf is then killed and cut up with exactly the same ritual as in the village ceremony.

After the flesh has been placed round the fire both the palol return to their dairies, leaving the kaltmokh at the ernkar to look after the roasting flesh. Each palol prays as usual and takes buttermilk without the aid of the kaltmokh, and then returns to the ernkar, the chief palol taking butter with him. At the place of the sacrifice the palol eats the tütmîis only, first putting it, together with butter, on leaves of kakud, from which he eats. The kaltmokh eats part of the liver at the ernkar, and is not allowed to touch any other part of the animal unless given to him by the palol. The mogâl, agelv, mad, and kwelthkh are then carried by the palol to the dairy where they are kept. They are eaten only by the palol and kaltmokh. Some parts are carried by the kaltmokh to the sleeping-hut, and are eaten by the kaltmokh and mòrol; other parts are taken to the outskirts of the ti mad and given to any Todas who may visit the dairy.

In connexion with the erkumptthpimi ceremony, I was told of a device employed to induce the mother of the sacrificed calf to continue suckling after her offspring has been killed. Several days before the sacrifice the calf to be sacrificed and a female calf of about the same age are shut up together in the kush, or small structure in which young calves are kept. On the floor of the kush are spread some of the grass called nark [99] and some leaves of the kiars [100] tree. When these have been broken up and mixed with earth by the trampling of the calves, a handful of the mixture, together with milk, is rubbed on the backs of both calves, and this is repeated for three or four days. The object is that the mother shall not know which is her own calf, and shall suckle both, and continue to suckle the female calf when her own has been taken away. During the days on which the calves are shut up together the dairyman should keep pon, i.e., he should not sell or give away any of the produce of the dairy.

If this device is not employed or is unsuccessful the skin of the sacrificed calf is placed on the back of a female calf, and in this way the mother may be induced to suckle the latter. When Teitnir performed the erkumptthpimi ceremony for my benefit, he did not succeed in getting the mother to suckle another calf and demanded 60 rupees [101] as compensation for the loss of milk which he would suffer till the buffalo had another calf. When he found that I had no intention of paying this sum, he adopted the second device just described, and this expedient was successful.

The erkumptthpimi ceremony was first mentioned by Harkness (p. 139), who witnessed the sacrifice. The details of the ceremony which he gives agree in general with those observed by myself. He calls the sacrifice “yerr-gompts.” A still more complete account which agrees closely with my own was given by Muzzy in 1844. Breeks mentions the ceremony, as is usual with him, under its Badaga name of kona shastra, and his account contains several features which disagree with those of Harkness, Muzzy, and myself.

I could obtain no satisfactory account of the origin of the sacrifice. Teitnir gave me a circumstantial story of the way in which Kwoto or Meilitars induced the gods to eat the flesh of a male calf. Teitnir stated that when Kwoto was visiting the gods in the form of a kite, and before he had tied down the sun (see p. 206), he killed a male calf with exactly the same ceremonial as that practised since, and taking some of the flesh threw it into the midst of the gods, saying, “I have brought the flesh; it is sacred flesh; I have partaken of it, and if your counsel is to be right, you must partake of it.” At this the gods were very angry and blamed Kwoto, whereupon he said, “I am not blameworthy; if you blame a man who should not be blamed, why do you not eat flesh which should not be eaten?” Kwoto was then given the task of tying down the sun, and when he succeeded in doing this and had been acknowledged by the gods as their superior, the gods agreed to eat the flesh, and since that time the Todas have sacrificed a male calf, just as Kwoto did, and have eaten the flesh of the calf.

The truth of this account, given by Teitnir, was denied by every other Toda whom I questioned, and I have not therefore included it in the story of Kwoto given in Chap. IX, but I think it is possible that Teitnir was right, and that the denial of the other Todas was due to their reluctance that I should know the real belief about this ceremony. Even if not correct, Teitnir’s account is valuable as a record of an ingenious example of Toda reasoning.

At the ceremony I witnessed there was one feature of some interest. When it was found that the calf had not been killed by the blow with the log of tudr wood, the animal was belaboured over the testicles. This procedure had not been included in the account given to me before the ceremony, and I could not discover how far it is an established custom to kill the animal in this way if it is not killed by the blow. The interest arises from the fact that in the ancient Vedic sacrifices, the animal was killed by stopping its mouth and beating it severely ten or twelve times on the testicles till it was suffocated. [102] I have not been able to discover whether this method of killing an animal is still practised in India. If so, it has probably been borrowed by the Todas; but if not, this ancient Indian method may have been preserved by the Todas. I did not observe that the mouth of the calf was stopped at the sacrifice which I witnessed, but this was probably done.

THE ERKUMPTTHPIMI PRAYER OF KUUDR

This consists of clauses of the form Atthkark per ma in which the following kwarzam of villages are mentioned: Atthkâr and Òners (Kuudr), Kidnârs and Toarsòdri (Ars), Moskar and Manêthi (Òdr), Keikòdr and Karsülh (Melkòdr), Kwoteiners and Kwelpushol (Kiudr), Tashtakhkush (Pirsush), Kwotirkwirg (Kwirg), Toarskâria (Karia), Pârners and Tîindeuk (Miuni). These are followed by the final two clauses, karsêram parsêram, Nòtîrzk êr usht mâ.

The chief features of this prayer are that the chief villages of the Kuudrol have each two kwarzam and that two kwarzam of Òdr, a Nòdrs village, are included (see p. 647).

THE KARS PRAYER

This consists of the kwarzam of the villages of the Karsol followed by -k per mâ, as in Mutashkitik per mâ, but in this case only one kwarzam is mentioned for each village. The following are the kwarzam with the corresponding villages in brackets: Mutashkiti (Kars), Karadrners (Kuzhu), Kiugners (Keshker), Külnkars (Taradrkirsi), Nersmi (Nasmiòdr), Eḍstârs (Tashtars), Keiikârs (Kerkars), Kuzhârmûdri (Isharadr), Pòḍshners (Pòdzkwar), Peleiners (Peletkwur), Tarskidt, Tüli, Sing, Keitaz. In the last four cases the kwarzam and ordinary name of each village are the same. These kwarzam are followed by ekîrzam meidjam, Nòtîrzk êr usht mâ. The place of karsêram parsêram in the Kuudr prayer is taken by ekîrzam meidjam, the kwarzam of Teikirzi, but I do not know how far this is a special feature of the Kars prayer. It may be that the Tartharol have the latter formula. It is remarkable that the Karsol should omit karsêram parsêram, for it is the kwarzam of their nòdrodchi, Kulinkars.

Several of the kwarzam of this prayer are those of villages which no longer exist. The prayer thus preserves a record of Toda institutions which have entirely disappeared.

These prayers are also interesting as records of a number of village kwarzam. It will be noticed that in many cases there is a considerable degree of resemblance between the ordinary name and the kwarzam; in other cases the words are wholly different.

In villages on the west side of the Paikara River the palikartmokh says, “Teikhârsk êr usht mâ,” may the buffalo appear to Teikhars, instead of Nòtîrzk êr usht mâ as the last clause. Teikhars is merely another name for Kulinkars. The reason for the modification is probably connected with the fact that the calf would have to cross the sacred Paikara River in order to go to Nòtirzi (Snowdon) on its way to Kulinkars.

I was unable, as usual, to obtain any information from the Todas on the significance of the erkumptthpimi ceremony, but the prayer offered before the calf is killed seems to make it clear that the idea underlying the ceremony is that of promoting the general welfare of the buffaloes. The actual words of the prayer are directed to bring about an increase to the various villages of the clan, but there is, I think, no doubt that in this prayer, all have the buffaloes especially in mind and that the meaning of the prayer is, “may the buffaloes of ... increase!” The sacrifice of the calf would seem to be of that kind in which one is killed that the rest may prosper.

There is one feature of the sacrifice which might be held to be out of harmony with this suggestion—viz., that the sacrificed calf is a young male, and hence a comparatively worthless animal. The name of the ceremony means strictly “we kill a male buffalo,” [103] and it is possible that at one time an adult male was sacrificed, but even then the sacrifice would be of an animal comparatively little valued by the Todas. As we shall see, the animals killed at funerals are always female, but there is an obvious reason for this, as the buffaloes are to be of use to the dead person in the other world. Formerly large numbers of buffaloes were killed at funerals, and it is possible that it was found impracticable to use female buffaloes also for the erkumptthpimi sacrifice.

There is another possible reason for the use of male buffaloes. The flesh of the sacrificed animal is eaten, and it is possible that the Todas may have preferred to use for this purpose the less sacred male buffaloes, and not to risk any possible evil effects which might follow the consumption of the flesh of the females. It is probable that utilitarian motives have played the chief part in the choice of a male, but other more religious motives may have had some influence.

THE TEUTÜTUSTHCHI CEREMONY

This is an annual ceremony in which a fire is lighted at the foot of a hill by the palol and kaltmokh. The name teutütusthchi or teutütusthtiti means “god fire he lights.” It is performed in the month which the Todas call Tai, beginning with the new moon in October.

The two palol and the kaltmokh of the Nòdrs ti perform the ceremony on the first or second Sunday after the new moon, and make the fire in alternate years at the hills called Kòti and Puthi. The two palol of the Kars and Pan ti set fire together at the hill Kònto on the following Tuesday. This ceremony is not performed by the palol of either the Kwòdrdoni or the Nidrsi ti. In 1902 the Nòdrs palol went to the hill Kòti on the second Sunday after the new moon (October 12th).

The hills of Kòti, Puthi, and Kònto are said to be chosen because they are very high, and have the highest teu, who are spoken of as elder brothers.

The palol and kaltmokh set out when they have taken buttermilk after the morning work, abstaining from other food till the ceremony is over. They take with them the nirsi or fire-sticks, some leaves of kakud, a piece of tuni, and some dried grass from the thatch of the dairy. Each palol wears both the pòdrshtuni and the kubuntuni.

When they reach the foot of the hill they make a heap of firewood. They then spread the kakud leaves on a stone and powder the thatch of the dairy on the leaves, and each palol makes fire with the fire-sticks and lights the powdered thatch. Then the kaltmokh says, “Teutütusthtkina?”—“Shall I light the god (or sacred) fire?”—and both palol answer “Teutütustht!” Then the kaltmokh takes the lighted thatch and applies it to the heap of firewood. As soon as the fire burns well, each palol takes off his kubuntuni and, standing some little distance from the fire, the two dairymen pray, using the usual prayer of the ti with the following additions:

Kòr pûv mâ; tein pûv mâ; pom Young grass flower may; honey flourish may; fruit

purzh mâ. ripen may.

After the prayer the dairymen and their attendant return to their dairies so as to be in time for the afternoon work.

The object of the ceremony is to make the grass and honey plentiful, as the additions to the prayer indicate. The Todas told me that in ancient times they lived largely on wild fruits, nuts, and honey, and that then the ceremony was of great importance. At the present time the Todas in general seem to take but little interest in the occasion, but its former importance is still shown by the fact that the Sunday and Tuesday on which the ceremony is performed are among the chief Toda feast days, when the people of every village eat the special kind of food which they call ashkkartpimi.

OFFERINGS

The ceremonies which have been described are sacrifices or offerings which occur at regulated intervals. Teutütusthchi is certainly an annual ceremony, and it is probable that erkumptthpimi was also originally an annual ceremony, though now it may be performed several times in the year. Even now, however, there seems to be little doubt that on one occasion in the year this ceremony is regarded as of special importance.

The ceremonies which remain to be described are of a different nature. They are mostly occasions on which offerings are made to avert or remove misfortune. Some are distinctly of the nature of sin offerings, but are only made when an offence which has been committed has brought some misfortune on the offender. In these cases the object of the offering seems to be propitiatory and to bring about the removal of the misfortune.

In other cases the offering may be made with the object of removing a misfortune which is not due to any fault on the part of the sufferer.

The simplest kind of offering is usually spoken of as kwadr kwadrthpimi—i.e., we give kwadr. The word kwadr probably means gift, but seems now to be often used in the sense of ‘fine.’ The kwadr takes the form of a buffalo. When a man gives a buffalo in this way it means that he undertakes not to give or sell the buffalo to anyone and not to kill it at a funeral. The buffalo is to be allowed to die a natural death, but so long as it is alive the owner has the full use of the milk given by the animal. The idea of this offering is that the buffalo is given to the gods, according to some, or to the Amatol or people of Amnòdr, according to others. I also heard it spoken of as if the buffalo were given to the man’s father or grandfather (pia)—i.e., as if it was not given to the Amatol in general, but only to the spirit of the giver’s father or grandfather. It is possible that I have confused together two or more separate things, but so far as I could learn these cases resembled one another in that the owner was not allowed to kill or part with the buffalo.

When the man devotes a buffalo in this way he mentions the buffalo by name, saying that he gives it to the gods or to his fathers, and as a sign that he has done so he bows down before an elder and performs the salutation of kalmelpudithti.

This offering was made at the funeral of a child at which I was present, when the diviners found that a buffalo about to be killed was of the wrong kind, and said that Kuriolv, the father of the child, should give a buffalo. In this case the diviners said that a special buffalo called Perov was to be given. Kuriolv made a vow to give this buffalo and performed the kalmelpudithti salutation to Perner, the grandfather of the dead child. Another example of this offering will be mentioned at the end of this chapter.

IRNÖRTITI TO THE TI

Another kind of offering is to give a buffalo to one of the ti dairies. This is called irnörtiti, but must be distinguished from another kind of irnörtiti to be presently described. A man gives a buffalo to a ti when he has committed any offence against the ti. In one case in which I have a record of this kind of offering, the cause was the refusal of a man to become palol after he had promised to undertake the office. One of the results of my visit to the Todas was a wholesale sentence from the teuol that the people were to do ti irnörtiti (see p. 310).

The Tartharol may sometimes give buffaloes to the herds of a ti when they have not committed any offence against the dairy. This is done when the buffaloes of the ti have become very few in number, and this offering is also known as irnörtiti, and is given with the same ceremonial as when an offence has been committed.

The gift of a buffalo to the ti dairy must take place on a Thursday or Sunday. On the morning of the day the man making the offering, who is called the irnörtpol, abstains from food and goes to the ti mad with a female calf between one and two years of age. He may be accompanied by other men, usually those closely related to him. The men go to the outskirts of the dairy and wait there till the morning business of the dairy is concluded, each man carrying a green stick, either a kwadrikurs or avelashkikurs. When the palol has finished his work he goes towards the men on the outskirts of the dairy, also carrying a stick of the same kind, and as he approaches, the other men drive the calf towards him, and when it reaches the palol, he drives it so that it joins the buffaloes of his herd. The palol then gives food to the irnörtpol and his companions, who eat it on the spot, where they remain till after sunset, when they return home. If the calf given belongs to the putiir, it becomes one of the punir of the ti, but if it is of one of the sacred kinds, pasthir, wursulir, &c., it joins one of the sacred herds of the ti.

IRNÖRTITI, TUNINÖRTITI AND PILINÖRTITI

We now come to three kinds of offering, with their attendant ceremonial, which are of a much more complex nature. These are irnörtiti, tuninörtiti and pilinörtiti, in which the offerings are a buffalo calf, a piece of the cloth called tuni, and a silver ring respectively. The first two offerings are made only when one of a certain number of recognised offences has been committed, and in order to bring about the removal of some misfortune which has befallen the offender. Pilinörtiti, on the other hand, is usually performed to bring about the cessation of some ill-fortune which is not due to any fault on the part of the sufferer, but it may also be done in expiation of an offence.

One essential feature common to all three offerings is that the primary divisions of the clan called kudr (see p. 542) here become of importance.

Nearly every Toda clan is divided into two kudr, and the offerings in the three ceremonies always pass from one kudr to the other. The offering which is given by a man of one kudr becomes the property of the members of the other kudr. At the present time the kudr is of no importance except in connexion with these ceremonies, and, so far as I could learn, it never had any other significance. There are a few clans of recent origin which have no kudr, and members of these clans cannot make the offerings. In other clans, one kudr has become extinct, and so long as no occasion for these ceremonies should arise, nothing is done to supply the deficiency. As a general rule, it is only when some trouble arises which may require one or other of these ceremonies that a redistribution of the members of the clan is made, and it is decided that one or more of the pòlm or smaller sub-divisions of the clan shall be constituted a new kudr.

The following are the chief offences for which the irnörtiti or tuninörtiti ceremonies have to be performed:—

(i) Stealing milk, butter, buttermilk, or ghi from the dairy.

(ii) Going to the dairy after having had intercourse with a woman in the day-time.

(iii) Quarrelling between people of the same clan on a feast day.

(iv) Quarrelling in the dairy.

(v) Going to the dairy after visiting the seclusion-hut for women (see Chap. XIV).

(vi) Going to the dairy after taking food with a man who has been to the seclusion-hut.

(vii) Going to the dairy after throwing earth at a funeral (see Chap. XV).

(viii) Going to the dairy after chewing tobacco.

(ix) Buying or selling buffaloes on the madnol or sacred day of the village or on the palinol, the sacred day of the dairy (see Chap. XVII).

(x) Driving buffaloes from one place to another on these days.

Going to the buffaloes or touching the buffaloes is an offence of the same rank as going to the dairy.

The general name for all these offences is paliwörtvichi; they are all regarded as offences against the dairy.

For the first three of the offences it is customary that the irnörtiti ceremony shall be performed. For the last seven tuninörtiti is more usual. For the fourth offence the punishment varies according to the status of the offender. If he is a palikartmokh, he usually has to give the tuni only, but if an ordinary man he may be ordered to give a buffalo. It is a far smaller punishment to give a piece of cloth worth about one rupee four annas than to give a buffalo calf, and it would seem therefore that the first three offences are regarded as more serious than the last seven. It would seem also that if a dairyman quarrels in his dairy it is regarded as a less serious offence than in the case of an ordinary man.

The decision as to which ceremony shall be performed rests with the teuol or diviner, but although a diviner usually follows the rules I have given, it seems that he may order otherwise, and if he does so I was told that his decision would be followed. I have a very strong impression, however, that if a diviner ordered a man to do irnörtiti for one of the more trivial offences, the offender would take further advice and consult another teuol before obeying.

There were several other offences for which it was said by some that a man might have to perform irnörtiti or tuninörtiti; thus, if a dairyman gave up his office on any but one of the appropriate days of the week he might be ordered to do irnörtiti, and the same penalty might be incurred if a man assumed office on a wrong day. Similarly a dairyman might have to perform one of these ceremonies if he spoke to a woman in the day-time, and probably if he broke any other of the laws regulating his conduct or made any serious mistakes in carrying out the ritual of his office. One occasion for irnörtiti was said to arise if anyone crossed the Paikara or Avalanche rivers on a Tuesday, Friday, or Saturday, but this is certainly a dead letter at the present time (see p. 418).

There was some difference of opinion about the penalty for buying, selling, or driving buffaloes on the arpatznol, or day on which the father of a man had died. According to one account, the proper penalty for this is that the offender should give a buffalo to his ancestors—i.e., that he should name a buffalo which he would neither kill at a funeral nor sell to others.

In one definite case, however, it appeared that driving buffaloes from one village to another on the arpatznol had been one of the offences for which a man had been ordered to do irnörtiti. In this case, however, other faults had been committed, and it is possible that if driving buffaloes on the arpatznol had been the only offence a slighter penalty would have been inflicted.

The ceremony of irnörtiti was performed thirty years ago after the disappearance of the sacred bells of the Kars kudrpali. In this case the diviners were consulted, and they found that the bells had gone away and would not return. It was thought, however, that the palikartmokh, Kakarsiolv, might have committed some offence against the dairy, or have made some mistake in the performance of his duties, and it was thought best that he should perform the irnörtiti ceremony, though, so far as I could learn, it was not directly prescribed by the diviners.

As we shall see, the irnörtiti and pilinörtiti ceremonies may have to be performed as expiation for revealing the secret lore of Toda institutions, but this is an innovation in custom for which I am afraid I was indirectly responsible.

It does not seem that the penalties with their attendant ceremonies are inflicted merely because it is known that a man has committed any of the recognised offences. It is only when some misfortune befalls a man which obliges him to have recourse to the diviners that the ceremonies are performed.

The usual course of events is that a man, his wife, children, or his buffaloes fall ill, or the buffaloes will not give milk or kick their calves, or the milk in the dairy will not coagulate properly. Whenever any of these ills happen the man concludes that for some reason the gods are angry with him and he goes to the diviners to ascertain the cause of their displeasure.

The diviners may find that the man’s misfortunes are due to the action of a sorcerer, or that he has committed some offence against the dairy, possibly some offence which it is well known he is in the habit of committing. The diviners not only announce the cause or causes of the misfortune, but also give information as to the course to be pursued to remove it. If the diviners decide that an offence has been committed and that one of the ceremonies should be performed, the offender goes on the following Sunday to the dairy or dairies of his village and makes a vow that he will perform the ceremony which has been ordered. The following is probably a typical instance. Ten years ago Kòdrner fell ill and one of his buffaloes died. He and his brother consulted the teuol, who said that they had bought things (i.e., given money from the village) on Mondays and Thursdays, the madnol or sacred days of Kars and Kuzhu. They had also driven their buffaloes from Kars to Isharadr on their arpatznol; there had been sickness among the buffaloes and they had driven them to Isharadr without thinking that it was the arpatznol. The teuol said they must do irnörtiti, and on the following Sunday Kòdrner went first to the kudrpali of Kars (Tarziolv) and then to the wursuli (Karziolv) and made the following vow at each:—

Ir kar ultâmâ, pîrsk ultâkh en, Buffalo calf may it be well, illness from be well I,

irnörtkin buffalo will I give,

or “May the buffaloes and calves become well, may I recover from my illness, I will give a buffalo.” [104]

From this account it seems clear that the ceremony of irnörtiti is not a mere punishment for offences committed. If a man commits any of the recognised offences habitually and with the knowledge of the whole community, it does not appear that anything is done. Only when some severe misfortune befalls the offender does he appeal to the diviners to learn how he has offended and how he can atone for his fault. He gives the buffalo with the definite idea of recovering from the illness or removing any other ills which his offences have brought upon him. Giving the buffalo is clearly of the nature of a ‘sin offering,’ but the offering is only made when the sin has already had evil consequences and it is made in order to remove these consequences. Its object is atonement for an offence committed. It seemed that a man only had resort to the advice of the diviners in the case of exceptionally severe misfortunes. The act of giving the buffalo is attended by ceremonial which involves considerable expense to himself and great inconvenience to all the members of his clan. The expenses and inconvenience are so great that the ceremonies of irnörtiti and tuninörtiti are rarely performed, and in some clans it is many years since they have occurred.

There is one case in which the irnörtiti ceremony may be performed for a reason quite different from any of those given above. Owing to a quarrel which took place many generations ago, the people of Pedrkars (and probably also those of Kulhem) may not hold the office of palol. They may become eligible, however, if they perform the irnörtiti ceremony at Kuudr or Kiudr. It would seem as if they can only hold the office by expiating the offence committed in the remote past by their ancestors.

THE IRNÖRTITI CEREMONY

This ceremony takes place at certain prescribed villages, usually at the chief village of the clan, though when a clan has several important dairies the ceremony may be performed at any of them. Thus, members of the Kuudrol may give the buffalo at Kuudr, Kiudr or Miuni.

At nearly every village there is an appointed spot, usually marked by a stone or a group of stones, called irnörtkars, at which the ceremony is to be performed. At Kars there is a row of stones, shown in Fig. 42. At Nòdrs the appointed spot is a pool of water (Fig. 43) by the side of a gap in the long wall of that village.

On the day before the new moon following the vow to give the buffalo, all the women leave the village at which the ceremony is to take place, and all the men of the same kudr as the man who is giving the buffalo must also leave the village if they should be living there. Their place is taken by men of the kudr which is to receive the buffalo. If men of both kudr are living at the village, those of the giving kudr go and those of the receiving kudr remain; thus, when Kòdrner, who lives at Kars, made his offering, he and his brother left and went to live at another village of the clan, while Parkurs and his brothers, who belong to the other kudr, remained behind. If there is a wursuli at the village, the wursol remains at his post. If the palikartmokh is of the same kudr as the offender, he leaves and a new dairyman from the other kudr is appointed. All the men who remain at the village sleep in the outer room of the dairy—at Kars, in the outer room of the kudrpali. The palikartmokh does his dairy work in the inner room as usual and sleeps in the outer room with the rest.

The people live thus at the village for a month, no women, no men of the offending kudr and no people of other clans being allowed to visit them.

The actual ceremony takes place at the end of this month, on the Sunday following the new moon. On the Saturday the man, called the irnörtpol, who is to make the offering brings a female calf between one and two years of age to a wood near the village and makes a rough temporary calf enclosure (kadr), tying the calf to a tree. If the calf is troublesome, the man and his companions may sleep in the wood by the side of the calf, but generally they leave it in the wood and go to sleep in the village where they have been living. The calf must have no blemish, its eyes must be clear, and no part of its ears or tail may be cut. [105]

On the following morning a boy between ten and fifteen years of age is chosen, who is called ponkartvaimokh, the boy who observes the festival. It is his duty to drive the calf.

All those who are to be present take in their hands green sticks of the kind called kwadrikurs. All have their right arms outside their cloaks (kevenarut), and must have bathed in the morning and abstained from food.

When the time for the ceremony comes, the ponkartvaimokh, who is followed by the irnörtpol and other men of his division, drives the calf towards the village. The people in the village then call out “Irnört! it vos!”—“Give the buffalo! Come here!” and they go to the appointed place and stand on the dairy side of the irnörtkars, or other spot appointed for the ceremony, while the calf is driven up towards the stones or other mark from the side away from the dairy. The palikartmokh, naked except for the kuvn, and the wursol, with the tuni round his loins, stand with the people of the receiving kudr. When the ponkartvaimokh has driven the calf up to the place, he asks three times, “Irnörtkina?”—“Shall I give the buffalo?”—and the palikartmokh replies each time, “Irnört!” The boy then drives the calf across the stones or other mark to the place where the buffaloes of the receiving kudr are standing. According to one account, the calf is driven direct into the tu, but it seems almost certain that this is wrong, though it may be that it is the practice of some clans. The calf then becomes the property of the kudr whose representatives have been living at the village. At Nòdrs the calf is driven through the gap in the wall and across the pool of water in the direction of the conical dairy.

All those present, both the man who has given the calf and his companions and those who have received the calf, bow down to the ground, resting their foreheads on the ends of their cloaks (as in Fig. 44), and utter a formula different for each clan. At Kars it runs:—

Swâmi, Teikîrzi, Târziolv, Kârziolv, Kârzû ultâmâ; îr kark ultâmâ; îrnörtvuspimi, [106] ultâmâ.

Then all present go to the dairy or dairies and bow down at the threshold. At Kars they go to Tarziolv (the kudrpali), to Karziolv (the wursuli), and to Karzu (the buffalo pen) and bow down at the threshold of each, and then all partake of a feast. The food has been prepared by the dairyman, and includes the special kind called ashkkartpimi, which is eaten outside the dairy. Only the men of the clan who have taken

## part in the ceremony may be present at this feast.

After the feast all the men belonging to the kudr of the irnörtpol must again leave the village, but the only one of their number who is subject to any special restrictions is the boy who has acted as ponkartvaimokh, who must avoid women and must sleep in the dairy of some village until the end of the whole business. He is spoken of as being in the condition called pon and derives his name from this.

The wursol and the palikartmokh of the village at which the ceremony has taken place must stay there for another month, but the men of the kudr which has received the calf may stay there or not as they please. No women and no people other than men of the same kudr may visit the village during this time.

At the end of the month the people who have been occupying the village rub the dairy or dairies thoroughly with buffalo-dung (palikâratiti, dairy he purifies). All the people of the village then return and another feast takes place, in which the food is rice boiled in milk. Then the usual inhabitants of the village return to their houses, and if any men of the receiving kudr have come from another village, they return and life resumes its normal course.

The ceremony of irnörtiti may thus involve the removal of the usual inhabitants from a village for about two months, and the giving of two feasts, while the man who has offended also loses a calf. The Todas probably think little of the inconvenience of removal, though probably they are more troubled by it now than in former times, especially when they have to leave a village like Kars, which is, under normal circumstances, always inhabited at the present time. It seems that the inconvenience, together with the expense of the feasts, is sufficient to render the ceremony a very unusual incident in the lives of the Todas.

TUNINÖRTITI

The smaller importance of this ceremony as compared with irnörtiti is shown in several ways. The ceremony may be performed at any village at which there is a dairy, and it is not necessary for the people of the receiving kudr to stay at the village for a month before the ceremony is performed.

The prescribed day is Sunday, and on the previous day all the people of the same kudr as the giver of the tuni leave the village, and the men of the other division come and sleep in the dairy as before the irnörtiti ceremony. The man who gives the tuni is called the tuninörtpol, and he procures the garment from a Badaga, paying for it about 1 rupee 4 annas.

On the Sunday morning the tuninörtpol comes with some companions, all having abstained from food. The palikartmokh, who must be of the same kudr as the other men at the village, goes to the front of the dairy and one of the men calls out, “Tuninörtpol bon!”—“Cloth giving man, come!” The tuninörtpol, who is standing at an appointed spot not far off, goes to the dairy, lays the tuni at its threshold, and bows down, touching the cloth with his forehead. While he is doing this the palikartmokh prays in the inner room of the dairy and the men staying at the village pray in the outer room. Then the tuninörtpol enters the dairy and is given buttermilk and food by the palikartmokh, after which he stays in a wood near the dairy all day and returns to the village where he is living after night-fall. The people of the receiving kudr stay at the village for a month, at the end of which they have a feast and then all return to their own villages.

PILINÖRTITI

In this ceremony a man gives a silver ring. The offering is differentiated from those already described in that it may be given to bring about the removal of misfortunes which are not due to any offence committed by the man. In some cases, however, the ceremony may be undertaken as an atonement for an offence. Kòdrner, my guide, had to give a ring to the dairy at Kiudr in the general distribution of penalties which followed my visit.

The custom of pilinörtiti is limited to certain villages or clans. According to some accounts it is only followed at the villages of Kiudr and Kanòdrs, noted for the special sanctity of their dairies. According to others the ceremony is performed by the Karsol at the dairy of Kuzhu, and at Nidrsi I was shown a small stone, almost completely buried in the ground, which was called the pilinörtkars, and this indicates that the ceremony was also at one time performed at this village. The ceremony is certainly of especial importance at Kiudr, and the following description is of the procedure at this place.

If a man has no children, or if he becomes ill, or if his buffaloes give no milk, he may make a vow to do pilinörtiti. If he is a member of the Kuudrol, the people of the kudr to which he does not belong go to the dairy. The offerer of the ring sleeps the night before in the dairy of his village and goes in the morning with one companion to Kiudr, taking care that no one sees him by the way. Both must go without food.

On reaching Kiudr the two men go to the stream called Keikudr [107] which flows between the dairy and the dwelling-huts, and after washing hands and face in the stream they wait there. The people of the other kudr who are in the dairy light a lamp and place it between the two rooms, and then one goes to the door of the dairy and calls out three times “Pilinörtpol bon!” The men at the stream are not within sight, but they hear the summons and come to the front of the dairy. The men in the dairy lay the tuni of the dairyman at the threshold and the pilinörtpol places the ring on the cloth and bows down, touching the cloth with his forehead, and prays as follows:—

Tânenmâ, târmâmâ; atch kar tâ mâ, atch mokh tâ May it be well, may it be well; little calf give may, little son give

mâ; kar kulâth, kar kuleiti tâ mâ, kar nesâth, may; calf not refuse milk, calf take milk give may, calf not kick away,

neseiti tâ mâ; opath ûtm âthi punerd kwar arki madi; nû stand give may; once meal it is twelve years vow will; may there be

ârk mâ; nudri ârk mâ; kazun ârk mâ; per no disease; may there be no trouble; may there be no kazun; may there be

ârk mâ. no Tamil.

The free rendering of this prayer was said to be as follows:—

“May it be well; may my buffaloes have calves; may I have children; may my calves have milk, and may they not be kicked away by their mothers; as surely as I am shortly to take food, do I make my vow for ever and ever; may I and my buffaloes be free from disease; may no evil befall me; may there be no kazun (see p. 403) to kill me; may no Tamil or other outsiders come to disturb me.”

The last clause was said by Samuel to be interpreted: “Let me not get into trouble with the government,” but it is probably much older than this interpretation would indicate, and refers to the former dislike of the Todas to any intercourse with people other than the Badagas and Kotas. “Twelve years” is a common expression for an indefinitely long time, and may be translated “for ever.” The practice of combining positive and negative sentences as in this prayer is one which seems to be not uncommon in the Toda language. It will be noticed that several of the clauses are identical with those of the prayer ordinarily used in the dairy.

When the pilinörtpol has finished his prayer he rises, and the palikartmokh takes up the tuni and the ring and puts them in the dairy. Then the pilinörtpol and his companions go into the outer room of the dairy and take food prepared by the dairyman, after which they go to a wood near Kiudr and stay there till after nightfall, when they make their way home, taking care not to be seen by anyone.

If the ring is given by one of the Kuudrol it becomes the property of the men of the other kudr, but as its value is very small, only from four annas to two rupees, it is not divided, but is usually taken by the man of the kudr who takes the chief part in the ceremony.

The ceremony as described above resembles those of irnörtiti and tuninörtiti, in that the offering is given by a man of one division of the clan to the members of the other division.

Pilinörtiti may also be undertaken by a man as an atonement for wrong-doing, and in the only case of the kind of which I know, the wrong-doer, although he belonged to the Kars clan of the Tartharol, had to make the offering to Kiudr. In this case there was no question of the ring passing from one kudr to another, and it probably became the property of the man connected with Kiudr who took the chief part in conducting the ceremony.

Various unfortunate events which occurred during my visit to the Todas illustrate very well the working of the regulations which have been described in this chapter. One of these misfortunes befell Kutadri, who went with me to visit the Kundahs, the headquarters of the Pan clan. Mr. Mackenzie, with whom I was staying, had shot a sambhar, and Kutadri joined others in making a hearty meal on the flesh of the animal. The next day he felt far from well, and searching in his mind for the cause of his sufferings, his suspicions did not fall on the sambhar, but wavered between sorcery of the Kurumbas and the anger of the gods of the locality, because he had shown me certain sacred features of the land. He was unable to continue to act as my guide, rendering my visit to the Kundahs largely fruitless, and on his return home he frightened himself into serious illness.

Teitnir, who had told me many things, but, above all, had dared to show me the erkumptthpimi sacrifice, lost his wife a few days after this ceremony. She had given birth to a dead child, and in spite of obviously serious fever, she had gone through a trying ceremony connected with removal to the seclusion-hut, and had walked a long way to this hut. Two days later she died.

Kaners, who had been my chief informant on the procedure of the ti dairy, awoke one morning to find the dairy of his village burnt. No human agency seemed possible, and no doubt was entertained that it was another manifestation of the displeasure of the gods.

Numerous councils were held, and the diviners were consulted, on this occasion Midjkudr and Tadrners. They found that Kutadri’s misfortunes were due to his having revealed to me secrets about Pan, although, as a matter of fact, his illness had prevented his telling me anything of importance. It was decided that he was to give a buffalo to the Pan ti.

The death of Teitnir’s wife was found to have two causes. [108] The first was that Teitnir had shown me the erkumptthpimi ceremony; the second was that he had gone with his wife to Lake View, the house of the Zenana mission, and had stayed there for several months, Teitnir having done this in order to avoid losing his wife according to the terersthi custom (see Chap. XXII). For the first offence Teitnir was to do irnörtiti to his clan, the Kuudrol, and for the second offence he was to give a buffalo to the Amatol, his pia, or grandfather, being especially singled out among them. The latter penalty was paid before I left the hills. Teitnir devoted a sacred buffalo (pasthir) to his grandfather, and as a sign that he had done so, he did kalmelpudithti to Ivievan (52), one of the chief men of his family. The giving of the buffalo was followed by a feast.

The teuol were also consulted on account of the burning of the dairy belonging to the village of Kaners. They decided that the loss of the dairy was due to spontaneous combustion, “had burnt of itself,” because Kaners had revealed to me the secrets of the ti, and, as he had told me chiefly the procedure of the Nòdrs ti, he was sentenced to do irnörtiti to this institution.

Kòdrner, who had been my general assistant, was directed to perform pilinörtiti to Kiudr, and the teuol also said that all the Todas were to do irnörtiti to the ti dairies because the elders had not intervened and put an end to the revelations which the people had been making to me.

Unfortunately these decisions of the teuol were only given out very shortly before I left the hills. Indeed, the divination appeared to be still going on when I left, probably in order to obtain further light on the troubles. I had therefore no opportunity of witnessing the various ceremonies which were to result from my visit. I hoped that Samuel might have been able to see some of them, but the only proceedings of which he was able to give me any account took place on January 5th, nearly a month after my departure, when all the Todas assembled at the ti mad of Mòdr, where the buffaloes of the Nòdrs ti were standing, and prayed to the ti to pardon them for the sins they had committed in revealing its secrets. After praying, they took food in the pül of the dairy, and did not return home till the evening. I was not told of the existence of any such ceremony of atonement by prayer only, and I strongly suspect it was an innovation adopted in order to avoid the expense of the general irnörtiti to the ti which the diviners had prescribed.

Several of the offerings which were thus ordered by the teuol seem clearly to have been of the nature of punishment. Kòdrner was to do pilinörtiti because he had helped me, and the Todas in general were to give buffaloes to the ti dairies. When I was first told about these offerings, I was inclined to regard them in general as punishments and to treat them as if they were social regulations. With further knowledge it seemed clear that they were distinctly of a religious nature, and were really sin offerings designed to propitiate the gods and bring about the removal of misfortunes which had come upon the offenders. I have therefore described these offerings in the same chapter as the ceremony which is clearly a sacrifice.

The variety of the irnörtiti ceremony in which a buffalo is given to the ti dairy is that which approaches most nearly to a sacrifice; the offered animal is not killed, but in going to the sacred herd of the ti, it may clearly be regarded as devoted to the service of the gods. The ceremony of pilinörtiti to the sacred dairy of Kiudr is again an example of an offering to a higher power in those cases in which the ring is given by a man of another clan so that the mechanism of the kudr does not come into play.

These clear examples of offerings to gods or sacred places are, however, very closely related to the other cases in which offerings simply pass from one division of the clan to another. It seems that we have in these offerings a good example of something which is midway between a social regulation of the nature of punishment and a definitely religious rite of propitiation of higher powers.

There are two chief possibilities. The idea of offering to a higher power may be primary, and the ceremonies of irnörtiti, &c., in which the property merely passes from one division of the clan to the other may be secondary modifications to keep property within the clan. On the other hand, the mechanism of the kudr may be primary, and irnörtiti to the ti dairy and pilinörtiti to Kiudr may be religious developments of what was originally a social regulation.

I have no information which enables me to say that one of the two possibilities is more probable than the other. The solution probably depends on the much larger question, whether the Todas are people whose religious system has developed out of the state of many primitive people where social regulations exist without anything which can clearly be called a religious sanction, or whether they are a people whose religious system has degenerated from one higher than that they now possess.

If the former supposition is correct, it is probable that the religious sanction has been added to the system of social punishment, which seems to be all which clearly exists in the offerings when these are kept within the clan. If the latter supposition is correct, it seems more likely that the whole mechanism of the kudris a device by which offerings which should be made to a higher power may remain the property of the clan.

The fact that the giving of the buffalo or other offering is accompanied by prayer and the various restrictions of a more or less religious nature which accompany the ceremonial show that at the present time the ceremony has in all cases a very definitely religious character, but it is quite possible to regard these features in two ways, either as accretions to a system of social punishment or as vestiges of what was once a purely religious sacrifice in which the offerings were given to the gods.

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