Chapter 16
.
3. And, finally, there may well be occasions when everyone might have the opportunity to help expose and prevent attempts at espionage, sabotage, and other types of subversive activity.
“Yes,” one might say, “but I’m just a private citizen. Isn’t spy-hunting a job for the FBI?”
Of course it is a job for the FBI, one given it by Presidential directives, acts of Congress, and rulings of the Attorney General. But the FBI can’t do it all alone. The FBI has jurisdiction over more than 140 violations of federal law, and in a country with over 170,000,000 inhabitants there are fewer than 6200 agents of the FBI. Hence, all of these agents are not available for the investigation of subversive activities. We need the help of _all_ loyal Americans.
Furthermore, in a democracy like ours, citizenship carries with it not only _rights_ but _obligations_. One of these is to do _our_ part to preserve, protect, and defend the United States against all enemies, whether domestic or foreign. The President of the United States, for example, in issuing directives giving the FBI the responsibility over matters relating to espionage, sabotage, and subversive activities, specifically called upon all patriotic citizens and individuals to assist us.
Therefore, those individuals who place information they have regarding the communist conspiracy into the proper hands are making a contribution of great value to the security of their country.
“But,” one may say, “what can I do? I lead an ordinary life. I don’t know any communists. So how can I be of any help?”
My answer to that is: You never know! Here is a case history of another average American who thought he “didn’t know any communists.”
This incident might be called the Case of the Forgotten Rubbish.
It was on a Saturday. A man telephoned one of our field offices. “I’ve been cleaning out my garage,” he said, “and I’ve found some old rubbish there.”
“Yes,” said the special agent.
“I guess I’m crazy calling about this, but I thought you might be interested. The stuff doesn’t belong to me. It was left here by some roomers who moved a month or two ago. There’s a box with a lot of cards.”
“What kind of cards?”
“Don’t know,” the man answered. “I never saw any like them before. There are no names on them. Have words like ‘club’ and ‘section’ and some different colored tabs on them. Guess I should have burned them and not....”
“We’re certainly glad you called,” the agent said. “Mind if we come to see you?”
That telephone call enabled the FBI to secure the membership records of a complete section of the Communist Party. Marked for destruction by the section membership secretary, they had, by mistake, found their way into the forgotten rubbish.
Now an alert, patriotic citizen had placed these records into the fight against communism, helping to identify many of the most dangerous subversives in his very own community.
In this way he, like many others who report information to the FBI, was helping protect his own home, family, and nation.
Don’t think one must have evidence establishing the identity of a spy, the hide-out of an underground Party leader, or the location of stolen blueprints before he can report information. Many cases start with very small clues, a scrap of paper, a photograph, an abandoned passport. Then, bit by bit, the entire picture is developed by investigation.
Here are a few suggestions of what Americans can report to the FBI:
1. Any information about espionage, sabotage, and subversive activities. The FBI is as close to every person as the nearest telephone. See the front of any telephone book for the FBI’s number.
2. Don’t worry if the information seems incomplete or trivial. Many times a small bit of information might furnish the data we are seeking.
3. Stick to the facts. The FBI is not interested in rumor or idle gossip. Talebearing should always be avoided. The FBI is not interested in what a person thinks but what he does to undermine our national security.
4. Don’t try to do any investigating yourself. Security investigations require great care and effort. The innocent must be protected as well as the guilty identified. That is the job for the professional investigator. Hysteria, witch hunts, and vigilantes weaken our internal security.
5. Be alert. America’s best defense lies in the alertness of its patriotic citizens.
As we have seen, identifying communists is not easy. They are trained in deceit and trickery and use every form of camouflage and dishonesty to advance their cause.
For this reason we must be absolutely certain that our fight is waged with full regard for the historic liberties of this great nation. _This is the fundamental premise of any attack against communism._
Too often I have seen cases where loyal and patriotic but misguided Americans have thought they were “fighting communism” by slapping the label of “Red” or “communist” on anybody who happened to be different from them or to have ideas with which they did not agree.
Smears, character assassination, and the scattering of irresponsible charges have no place in this nation. They create division, suspicion, and distrust among loyal Americans—just what the communists want—and hinder rather than aid the fight against communism.
Another thing. Time after time in this book I have mentioned that honest dissent should not be confused with disloyalty. A man has a right to think as he wishes: that’s the strength of our form of government. Without free thought our society would decay. Just because a man’s opinion is unpopular and represents a minority viewpoint or is different he is not necessarily disloyal. Hence, one should have the facts before accusing anyone of propagating the Party line.
One of the chief jobs of the FBI, fully as important as tracking down spies, is to protect the civil rights of individuals.
In the FBI our objective in any investigation is to secure the facts which will establish the truth or falsity of a complaint or allegation. We do not evaluate nor do we make recommendations for a course of action as to whether a man should be prosecuted, hired, or removed from a job. The FBI is strictly a fact-gathering agency, responsible, in turn, to the Attorney General, the President, the Congress, and, in the last analysis, to the American people. The investigative and adjudicatory processes simply do not belong in the same organization.
When the clouds of World War II began to lower, large segments of our people became conscious for the first time that America was confronted with an enemy from within. One of the disgraces of our era is that it was ever necessary to question the loyalty of Americans. The record, however, is clear: There were some who, using the protective cloak of the rights of all Americans as a cover, sought to conceal traitorous and subversive activities.
In carrying out our responsibilities we soon became very conscious of the fact that each allegation and complaint had to be carefully checked. There are literally thousands of people in this country who have been the target of accusation and thousands whose loyalty could be established only by investigation. Most have been grateful. Some have been resentful that they were investigated at all; but we had a job to do, and it was done with impartiality and a zealous regard for the rights and reputation of the individuals involved. One of the happiest moments in our day-to-day activities is when we can establish the innocence of a man wrongfully accused.
Here are a few illustrations of the outcome of investigations which have given us a feeling of satisfaction:
A New York man changed his name to one that was more pronounceable. He was with the Merchant Marine and the accusation was made that he was a member of the Communist Party; that he had been educational director of a Party section and had signed a Communist Party petition. We investigated. We found that the man in changing his name had taken the name of a Communist Party member who was an educational director of a section of the Party in New York. Beyond that, we secured handwriting specimens of the man with the changed name, and our laboratory technicians established that he had not signed the Party petition.
* * * * *
A scientist was seeking a job with the army. The accusation arose that he had signed a communist petition. We investigated and found that a man with the same name and initial had signed such a petition but he was not the scientist.
* * * * *
A government agency received a letter bearing a fictitious signature stating that a government employee was working with the Communist Party. We investigated. Our inquiry revealed that all comment concerning the employee was highly favorable, except for the statement of a seventy-two-year-old woman residing in Philadelphia who was a neighbor of the government worker. This woman advised she had overheard the employee say, “I’m working for the Communist Party” but admitted the employee said she had made the statement in jest. The neighbor said she had never written any agency of the government concerning the employee. During the investigation we secured specimens of the elderly neighbor’s handwriting and determined she had written the defamatory letter out of spite.
* * * * *
An allegation was made that a former army officer was the nephew of a French communist leader and maintained a close relationship with him. Our investigation disclosed that the two men had the same name, but were not related. The only contact the army officer ever had with the French communist leader was when he met the Frenchman on one occasion and inquired as to his ancestry.
When a citizen thinks he has been wrongfully accused of communist activity, we, as a matter of long-standing policy, are more than happy to receive any statement he might care to make. Then, if we receive a future allegation, his statement will be on file and can be considered in connection with any investigation we are called on to make.
As I have stated, time after time FBI investigations exonerate the innocent. The latest scientific knowledge, finger-prints, new investigative techniques, careful training of our special agents in the mechanics and ethics of conducting good investigations—all these represent the assurance that the FBI is zealously protecting not only the internal security of the nation but also the rights, life, and property of the individual.
There are some who feel that a national police agency should be established to meet and handle all phases of the communist menace, since under the present structure of government many agencies have a responsibility for internal security. This, they say, would cut through the “red tape,” centralize all investigations and determinations, and make for more “efficiency.” I disagree. This nation has no need for a national police. Such an agency would be contrary to American tradition. The present system of cooperation among the nation’s law-enforcement agencies is completely adequate to meet the needs. Weaknesses do exist. They lie not in the system itself but in its implementation. These weaknesses can be and are being overcome.
What can one do in the fight against communism?
I repeat: a lot. Always remember that this fight is something which must be carried on soberly, seriously, and, above all, _responsibly_. Our best weapons are facts and the truth. “And ye shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free.” Don Whitehead in his book, _The FBI Story_, in concluding his study of the FBI and its problems stated the case most accurately when he said:
The top command of the FBI have no illusions that communism can be destroyed in the United States by the investigation, prosecution and conviction of Communist Party leaders who conspire to overthrow the government by force and violence. That is merely one phase of the job to be done in a world-wide struggle.
The FBI knows that the bigger job lies with the free world’s intellectuals—the philosophers, the thinkers wherever they may be, the professors and scientists and scholars and students. These people who think, the intellectuals if you please, are the ones who can and must convince men that communism is evil. The world’s intellectuals themselves must see that communism is the deadliest enemy that intellectualism and liberalism ever had. They must be as willing to dedicate themselves to this cause as the Communists have been to dedicate themselves to their cause.
_Part VII_
CONCLUSION
23.
_Communism: A False Religion_
Something utterly new has taken root in America during the past generation, a communist mentality representing a systematic, purposive, and conscious attempt to destroy Western civilization and roll history back to the age of barbaric cruelty and despotism, all in the name of “progress.” Evil is depicted as good, terror as justice, hate as love, and obedience to a foreign master as patriotism.
Numerically speaking, this mentality is limited to a few men and women, the disciplined corps of the Communist Party, USA. However, communist thought control, in all its various capacities, has spread the infection, in varying degrees, to most phases of American life.
This mentality, imported to our land for the purpose of eventually leading to a destruction of the American way of life, poses a crucial problem for every one of us. It can destroy our constitutional republic if it is permitted to corrupt our minds and control our acts.
I have tried to make the tactics of the Communist Party as clear as possible in this book. These tactics are part of world-wide communism and are offered as bait to divert and capture our minds.
In our tolerance for religious freedom, for separation of church and state, we sometimes lose sight of the historical fact: Western civilization has deep religious roots. Our schools, courts, legislative bodies, social agencies, philanthropic organizations as well as our churches are witnesses to the fundamental fact that life has a significance that we ourselves do not create.
It is part of our tradition and belief that each of us is obligated to give, when reality requires it, a reason for the faith that is in him. The presence of communism in the world and in our own country is a kind of stern reality which should make each of us explore our own faith as deeply as we can and then speak up for its relationship to our “American way.”
The very essence of our faith in democracy and our fellow man is rooted in a belief in a Supreme Being. To my mind there are six aspects to our democratic faith:
1. A belief in the dignity and worth of the individual, a belief which today is under assault by the communist practice which regards the individual as a part of the “class,” the “mass,” and a pawn of the state;
2. A belief in mutual responsibility, of our obligation to “feed the hungry, clothe the naked, and care for the less fortunate,” which is affronted by communist policies of calculated ruthlessness;
3. A belief that life has a meaning which transcends any manmade system, that is independent of any such system, and that outlasts any such system, a belief diametrically opposed by the materialistic dogma of communism;
4. A belief in stewardship, a feeling that a great heritage is our sacred trust for the generations yet to come, a belief that stands today as the competitor to communist loyalty to Marxism-Leninism;
5. A belief that the moral values we adhere to, support, and strive toward are grounded on a reality more enduring and satisfying than any manmade system, which is opposed by the communist claim that all morality is “class morality”;
6. A belief, which has matured to a firm conviction, that in the final analysis love is the greatest force on earth and is far more enduring than hatred; this forbids our accepting the communist division of mankind that by arbitrary standards singles out those fit only for liquidation.
It is only as we thus take stock of what we mean by saying that our culture has religious roots that we become ready to make an accurate appraisal of communist ideology and tactics.
The most basic of all communist comments about religion is the statement of Karl Marx that religion is “the opium of the people.” This Marxian doctrine has been restated by William Z. Foster and applied to communist action in these words, “... God will be banished from the laboratories as well as from the schools.”
Inherited from fanatic minds abroad, this mentality poses today a crucial problem for every patriotic man and woman in America. If allowed to develop, it will destroy our way of life.
Communists have always made it clear that communism is the mortal enemy of Christianity, Judaism, Mohammedanism, and any other religion that believes in a Supreme Being.
Don’t think that “the communists have changed their minds about religion,” said Nikita Khrushchev. “We remain the Atheists that we have always been; we are doing as much as we can to liberate those people who are still under the spell of this religious opiate.” As long as communism remains, the assault will continue.
To the communists Marxism-Leninism is the “perfect science.” It accounts for everything; it has a plan for everything: it can be the source of everything man needs. Therefore, said Lenin, “We shall always preach a scientific philosophy; we must fight against the inconsistencies of the ‘Christians’....”
In making Marxism-Leninism the “perfect science,” the communists characterize religion as a superstitious relic. “Religion, in its thousands of varieties,” said William Z. Foster, “was first evolved by primitive man everywhere as the most logical explanation he could devise of the complex, mysterious and often terrifying natural phenomena with which he was surrounded, as well as to work out a plausible conception of his own and the world’s existence.”
Though “historically inevitable” for primitive man, Foster goes on to say, religion has now been made obsolete by science. Science, as it advanced, gave “irrefutable materialist explanations” of the phenomena which puzzled primitive man. Hence, “in the modern world ... there is therefore no longer ... even the possibility, of a religious interpretation of man and the world.” “It has now become virtually impossible for a thoroughly modern person, even if he wants to do so, actually to believe the old legends, primitive philosophies, and imaginary history upon which all religions are founded.”
This communist teaching glosses over the fact that science never has given an “irrefutable” explanation of ultimate reality, neither materialistic nor any other kind. The communists ignore the further fact that the faith of religious people is a moral necessity and a sense of personal relationship, not a completion of laboratory science.
In addition to dismissing religion as primitive, the communists claim that it is a mere instrument of exploitation: another weapon in the hands of the capitalists. As Lenin said: “Religion is a kind of spiritual intoxicant, in which the slaves of capital drown their humanity, and blunt their desire for a decent human existence.”
Again: “... it is quite natural for the exploiters to sympathize with a religion that teaches us to bear ‘uncomplainingly’ the woes of hell on earth, in the hope of an alleged paradise in the skies.”
William Z. Foster, who in our country emphasizes the same theme, and who has always emphasized the correct Party line, declared, “... the Church ... has identified itself with political reaction.” And again, “... the Church is one of the basic forces now fighting to preserve obsolete capitalism and its reactionary ruling classes, in the face of advancing democracy and socialism.”
The followers of Marx have a way of calling _scientific_ any dogma to which they intend to cling, regardless of whether it can be supported by conclusive evidence. And communism has to cling to its antireligious dogma, not for scientific reasons, but for reasons of ideology and strategy. It cannot permit man to give his allegiance to a Supreme Authority higher than Party authority, for such allegiance to a higher authority carries with it a sense of freedom, of immunity to Party edict and discipline. Neither can it afford to have its members made hesitant in acts of cruelty and deception, which are ordained parts of its revolutionary program. No communist can be permitted to set an abstract truth above an expedient lie, or to extend compassion to an enemy whom the Party intends to smear or liquidate. The communists dismiss our sentiments motivated by spiritual force as silly prattlings that reflect “bourgeois weaknesses.” Therefore, they have their own morality, communist morality, as stated by Lenin:
We repudiate all morality that is taken outside of human, class concepts.... We say that our morality is entirely subordinated to the interests of the class struggle....
Lenin made clear the function of communist morality: “At the root of Communist morality, there lies the continuation and completion of Communism.” In practice this has simply meant that the end justifies the means. That is why a communist can commit murder, pillage, destruction, and terror, and feel proud; lie and feel no compunction; seek to destroy the American form of government and feel justified. Communism has turned the values of Western civilization upside down.
Hatred of all gods was Karl Marx’s credo. Yet communism is, in effect, a secular religion with its own roster of gods, its own Messianic zeal, and its own fanatical devotees who are willing to accept any personal sacrifice that furthers the cause.
It would seem that communists, in view of the above, would make clear, always and at every point, their opposition to religion. Often, however, tactics have made it necessary to play down or to conceal entirely the Party’s intentions in line with Lenin’s advice: “... but this does not mean that the religious question must be pushed into the foreground where it does not belong.” The communists realize that the vast majority of noncommunists believe in God. Too bold an approach might antagonize them, doing the Party more harm than good.
In the early days, before Party discipline was established, Lenin counseled: “The Anarchist, who preaches war against God at all costs, actually helps the ... bourgeoisie....” William Z. Foster, rebuking the extreme left, said that some of their efforts at “God killing” served only for “... overstress and distortion of the religious question.”
By 1937 such tactical caution was beginning to be replaced by a calculated program to exploit religion. Foster called this the “... more recent practical approach to the religious question, on the basis long ago laid by Lenin.”
This “practical approach” means attempting, through deceptive tactics, to capture support from American religious groups for an atheistic Communist Party. As Foster put it in 1937:
In consequence, the antireligious Communist Party is now to be found in close united front cooperation with dozens of churches and other religious organizations on questions of immediate economic and political interest to the toiling masses.
In line with these tactics, the Party is today engaged in a systematic program to infiltrate American religious groups. “The Communist Party,” said the National Committee in 1954, “declares that it seeks no conflict with any church or any American’s religious belief. On the contrary, we stretch out our hand in the fellowship of common struggle for our mutual goal of peace, democracy and security to all regardless of religious belief.” Members are being told: “Join churches and become involved in church work.”
The Party’s objectives inside religious groups are several:
1. _To gain “respectability”_: “... a church is the best front we can have.” Comrades, by associating in church circles, secure an “acceptable” status in the community, greater credence for their opinions, and the lulling of noncommunist suspicions.
2. _To provide an opportunity for the subtle dissemination of communist propaganda._ Churches are convincing places in which to identify communist programs with such genuine religious values as “peace,” “brotherhood,” “justice.” One member bragged how in a church talk he had “plugged” for Marx. The communists are careful, however, not to overdo it. One fellow was too ambitious. He was challenged by alert church members and relieved of his leadership duties.
3. _To make contact with youth_: through class discussions, recreational affairs, etc. The object is not necessarily to recruit (although in one church several young people did join) but to plant a seed of Marxist-Leninist thought.
4. _To exploit the church in the Party’s day-to-day agitational program._ In the 1930’s and 1940’s the approach was chiefly through “immediate economic and political” problems, with the Party attempting to exploit the church’s legitimate interest in better housing and the elimination of social injustices.
Today this tactic is overshadowed by the “peace” issue. Every possible deceptive device is being used to link the Party’s “peace” program with the church. One Communist Party section issued instructions that every clergyman in the community be contacted to give a sermon on “peace.” Encourage “Party church members” to organize discussion groups, perhaps showing a “peace” film. If possible, circulate “peace” literature. If you can’t get inside, stand outside. One organizer said: “We are to dress up like other people and stand outside churches in our neighborhoods and use the slogan, ‘Peace on earth, good will toward men.’”
5. _To enlarge the area of Party contacts._ One Party section advocated: Join small churches (100 to 500 membership), so that one can more easily work himself into a position of leadership. Make as many personal contacts as possible. Learn where the church member works, what his hobbies are, etc. Someday he might be used. One Party member, active in youth work, learned that the parents of several young people were working in an industrial plant. Securing this information was most important, he said.
6. _To influence clergymen._ A dedicated clergyman, being a man of God, is a mortal enemy of communism. But if he can, by conversion, influence, or trickery, be made to support the communist program once or a few times or many times, the Party gains. If, for example, a clergyman can be persuaded to serve as sponsor or officer of a communist front, to issue a testimonial or to sign a clemency petition for a communist “victim of persecution,” his personal prestige lends weight to the cause.
The church, in communist eyes, is an “enemy” institution to be infiltrated, subverted, and bent to serve Party aims. Any successes make the comrades diabolically happy. One member, talking to her communist friends, laughed about prayers in church. “Who wants to hear such stuff, but what can I do? That’s the only way I can get in there.”
We might expect, considering the importance of materialism in communist theory, that the Party’s constitution would set forth atheism as a basic principle of communism. But “... we do not declare,” said Lenin, “and must not declare in our programme that we are ‘Atheists’....”
The Party’s aim, in addition to that of exploiting the church, is to neutralize religion as an effective counterweapon. At present virtually nothing is being said in open Party propaganda that is antireligious. Pamphlet after pamphlet is issued on civil rights, “peace,” “democracy”; very few on religion. Communists in the United States, however, are on record in regard to their views on religion: for example, Earl Browder, _Communism in the United States_ (1935), pages 334-49; William Z. Foster, _The Twilight of World Capitalism_ (1949), pages 87-99 and “Reply to a Priest’s Letter,” _Political Affairs_ (October, 1954). Also, a pamphlet, _Science and Religion_, by Marcel Cachin (1946), editor of _L’Humanité_, French communist newspaper, has been circulated.
If members are forced to present the Party’s views, they are instructed to stress, as Lenin did, that religion is a “private matter” for the individual, and to pose as “tolerant.” Doesn’t the Party’s constitution say that a person is eligible for membership “regardless of ... religious belief”? The object here is to dull the vigilance of the noncommunist mind and to make religious belief appear as something minor, secondary, and inconsequential.
When tactically expedient, the communists even liken themselves to the early Christian martyrs suffering persecution for attempting to aid mankind.
One cartoon published in _The Worker_ shows a sketch of Christ in the form of a wanted criminal. The caption reads: _REWARD for Information Leading to the Apprehension of_—
JESUS CHRIST
WANTED—for Sedition, Criminal Anarchy, Vagrancy, and Conspiring to Overthrow the Established Government
Dresses poorly. _Said_ to be a carpenter by trade, ill nourished, has visionary ideas, associates with common working people, the unemployed and bums ... Alias: “Prince of Peace. Son of Man” ... _Professional agitator._
Red beard, marks on hands and feet the result of injuries inflicted by an angry mob led by respectable citizens and legal authorities.
A _Daily Worker_ writer, reviewing a movie in which the background was laid in the early Christian era, says: “Some interesting parallels can be found between the persecution of the Christians shown in the film and the political jailings in the United States today.”
Behind these deceptive tactics, however, can be seen the real nature of communism. For the member, religion is _not_ a private affair. No tolerance is allowed. He cannot be a Marxist and adhere to a religion. The Party is today desperately working to mold atheistic materialism as a weapon of revolution, a revolution which, if it is to succeed, must first sap religion’s spiritual strength and then destroy it.
The Party’s attack can be traced through four stages:
1. _Recruitment_: keyed to the Party’s general approach toward noncommunists, the issue of religion is minimized. “Try to win recruits on the basis of wages and the class struggle rather than religion,” and, “Go ahead and tell a fellow you believe in God to keep from getting into an argument.” Likewise it is urged, “If we approach a church-goer we do not hit him over the head and tell him his idea is crazy. We take a tactical approach....”
Lenin’s advice still holds: “We must not only admit ... all those workers who still retain faith in God, we must redouble our efforts to recruit them. We are absolutely opposed to the slightest affront to these workers’ religious convictions. We recruit them in order to educate them in the spirit of our programme....”
2. _Early indoctrination_: keyed to patience if recruits continue to attend church after joining the Party. They must be gradually “educated.” If new members begin to ask questions, they are to be made to feel, not that their fellow communists are trying to take away their belief, but that these communists are “advanced thinkers,” that they hold a “scientific” concept of the universe, and that religion is to them simply “old-fashioned.” Typical of what members are told are these comments made by communist leaders:
—“How silly to think there is a God.”
—“Religion comes from primitive man’s worship of such things as thunder, lightning and the sun.”
—“Religion was used as an explanation of unanswerable questions, such as ‘Why does it rain?’ Answer: ‘God willed it.’”
3. _Special indoctrination_: keyed to the real job of teaching Marxist materialism are special indoctrination classes. “Our programme thus necessarily includes the propaganda of atheism,” said Lenin, directing his words, of course, to Party members.
A few statements from Party members reveal how persistent is the communist fight against God:
—“The concept of God is manmade and is based on ignorance.”
—“Marxism-Leninism is a science and has solved the mysteries of religion.”
—“To be a true communist you have to be an atheist.”
—“Communism will supplant religion and will keep you warm and give you all the comforts of healthful living.”
—“Religious people fear facts and resort to such things as prayer to end war, but prayers are actually futile and leave war to the capitalists while people sit around praying.”
4. _Final goal_: the utter elimination of all religion (called “bourgeois remnants”) from the heart, mind, and soul of man, and the total victory of atheistic communism. Religious attitudes keep cropping up, however, even in the trained member. One individual admitted that it had taken him a long time to give up his religion. “It was one of the hardest parts of my Party development.”
Even in Soviet Russia, after a generation of the most bitter propaganda, religion is far from exterminated. “One of the most widespread traces of the past in the minds of the people,” said one Soviet writer, “is religious superstition and darkness, survivals of the old, antiscientific conceptions of nature, society and of man himself.” He adds, “The historic victories of atheism in our country do not mean, however, that religion is over and done with. There are still among us no few believers, i.e., people who continue to remain in the fetters of religion.”
To combat these religious “remnants,” says this Soviet writer, more antireligious propaganda is needed. “... forming an advanced, materialist outlook in the rising generation and combating every type of superstition and religious belief make up a most important sector in the fight for the communist education of youth.” Another Soviet writer states, “Convincing, profoundly reasoned propaganda of atheism which does not offend the feelings of believers is the main characteristic of all antireligious work at the present moment.”
Here, then, is the fight the communist leaders wage. We do not believe they can ever win it. These so-called “religious survivals” represent something far deeper in man than the communists can grant: some eternal reaching toward a creative source. But if the Party does not realize the true nature and strength of these “survivals,” it does realize that religion is its most potent foe. To meet this challenge no hesitant, indifferent, half-apologetic acts on our own part can suffice. Out of the deep roots of religion flows something warm and good, the affirmation of love and justice; here is the source of strength for our land if we are to remain free. It is ours to defend and to nourish.
24.
_How to Stay Free_
The communist revolution in Russia is forty years behind us. In these four decades communism has had a chance to show what it does with power in its hands; how it treats the people who live under it; what its attitudes are toward law, education, science, and religion; how it handles its relations with the noncommunist world. It stands condemned on its own record. It has revealed basic errors in theory and practice which will eventually bring about its downfall. To turn around Karl Marx’s famous comment on capitalism, communism is digging its own grave. It cannot survive because it is anti-God and anti-man.
For all too long, communism’s true character has been concealed by its own propaganda, abetted by public ignorance and apathy. Soviet Russia was hailed as an “advanced democracy” and communism as “twentieth-century Americanism.” Such phrases deceived free people and gave the Party a protective cloak.
Marxism-Leninism stands revealed not as a “new world” of hope and justice but as an evil conspiracy in pursuit of power. Its cost in human misery and waste of human life is almost beyond description. Every home in America today is deprived of an even higher standard of living as a result of the tax burden brought on by the utter necessity of keeping our defenses strong against the world-wide advance of communism.
Time has also erased the label of “scientific” from Marxist-Leninist ideology. The communist claim of “infallible” has proved to be all too fallible time and again. The revolution began not in a highly industrialized state but in a backward, tyranny-ridden land where communism meant the substitution of an even more vicious brand of tyranny. It was conducted not as a “dictatorship of the proletariat” but as a dictatorship by dictators who rode roughshod over the workingman. Stalin, in the middle 1930’s, contended that socialism was at last fully established in Russia and that the movement from then on would be toward the second stage which Marx had foretold: true communism and the withering away of the state. Even as Stalin spoke, in terms designed to attract idealists, he was making the state ever more powerful. After his death, with the “New Look” and the Khrushchev “thaw,” the trend has not been reversed.
Khrushchev gives the answer to those who still repeat the shabby, deceitful phrases of communist dogma, when he desanctifies Stalin one day and on the next day rehabilitates him as a good communist. After all, Stalin during his life was the Chief Executioner, and Khrushchev did his bidding, along with many of his associates who rule Russia today. Khrushchev’s answer should never be forgotten, because by his own words the alleged “paradise of human joy” was, in fact, a world of slave labor camps, betrayed human rights, and calculated fear.
The answer also comes from Mao Tse-tung, the Chinese communist dictator who, without apparent shame, admitted that 800,000 of his fellow countrymen had been liquidated between 1949 and the beginning of 1954. The answer further comes from the Hungarian Freedom Fighters of 1956, who with bare hands attacked the steel of Soviet tanks.
The answer finally comes from those Americans who were victimized by the communist deception of claiming credit for reforms and advances which the Party did not deserve. Most informed Americans now know that the communists adopt a cause only to exploit it for their own ends. Communism does not mean better housing, improved social conditions, or a more strict observance of civil rights. The vast majority of Negro leaders have rebuffed the communists’ attempts to exploit them. By forcing Party members out of positions of authority and even from union membership, true trade unionists have shown their awareness that communists seek to disrupt the legitimate mission of labor unions.
Communism, in brief, has bitterly indicted communism; communist practice has indicted communist theory; communist actions have indicated the perverted use of such lofty words as “peace,” “justice,” and “liberty.”
But we cannot afford the luxury of waiting for communism to run its course like other oppressive dictatorships. The weapons of communism are still formidable. They become even more effective when we lower our guard and when we become lax in strengthening our democratic institutions in perfecting the American dream.
The call of the future must be a rekindled American faith, based on our priceless heritage of freedom, justice, and the religious spirit.
In our reawakening, we Americans can learn a great deal from the fight against communism. Here are five special areas:
1. The communists emphasize _ideological study_, meaning, of course, Marxism-Leninism. Such study has been the very foundation of their “monolithic unity”: their power to keep people in line no matter how the “line” changes. Their study allows no deviation for free thought and independent action. Also, it provides them with a “common language” since all communists give the same meaning to words and acts. This emphasis upon study has been the means whereby they have captured the minds of some of our young people who read and think and who are lacking in proper companionship.
It is sad but true that many young people have been drawn into communist clubs or study groups. Often they are highly intellectual but lonely students and fall under a sinister influence. We know this from the experiences of hundreds of former communists and from acts of near-treason we have been called upon to investigate.
American education, of course, does not make communists; communist education does. Communism, to survive, must depend upon a constant program of education, because communism needs educated people, even though it distorts the use to which their education is put. Thus, we need to show our young people, particularly those endowed with high intellects, that we in our democracy need what they have to offer.
We, as a people, have not been sufficiently articulate and forceful in expressing pride in our traditions and ideals. In our homes and schools we need to learn how to “let freedom ring.” In all the civilized world there is no story which compares with America’s effort to become free and to incorporate freedom in our institutions. This story, told factually and dramatically, needs to become the basis for our American unity and for our unity with all free peoples. I am sure most Americans believe that our light of freedom is a shining light. As Americans we should stand up, speak of it, and let the world see this light, rather than conceal it. For too long we have had a tendency to keep silent while the communists, their sympathizers, and their fellow travelers have been telling the world what is wrong with democracy. Suppose every American spent a little time each day, less than the time demanded by the communists, in studying the Bible and the basic documents of American history, government, and culture? The result would be a new America, vigilant, strong, but ever humble in the service of God.
2. Then there is the training of _youth_, on whom the communists place so much emphasis. To the Party, youth is not something auxiliary but an important training ground. We must meet this challenge. America must devote the best of her efforts to make youth responsible, conscious of its obligations, and eager to be good citizens. Experience and observation point to certain facts which we need to consider in providing for youth.
First, youth gravitates toward youth. The young person who feels left out may remain a “solitary.” Or he may, according to his background and make-up, join a delinquent gang. He may join a Party front or club. Or he may find some other short cut to a sense of belonging. But every American youth has a right to find some place within a group that expresses rather than contradicts the real values of society.
Second, given half a chance, youth gravitates toward companionship with competent, generous, and experienced adults. Practically all my life I have been face to face with young people becoming involved in difficulties or coming under the communist spell. Invariably I have discovered that they all had one thing in common. In their early years and in the periods of their lives when their transgressions began to take form, they could not talk things over with their parents. Their parents were either too busy, or not interested, or resented any difference of opinion. Or parents simply doled out “final” answers when the young people wanted to try to think things through.
Our youth want not only to talk to adults, they want to work with adults. It is a fine thing for them to have their own groups, but it is better if, in addition, they can participate in shared projects with adults. If the adults can show, in action, that it is possible to combine high idealism with solid practicality and patience, the results will enhance character and citizenship development manyfold.
3. The communists stress _action_. This means carrying out our responsibilities now—not tomorrow, the next day, or never. To communists the Party means continual action, not just talk, waiting for annual elections, meetings, or affairs. With us action must supplement good intentions in building the America of the future. We need to provide our youth with activity groups. To give them only a high standard of material advantages or a constant diet of recreation is not enough. Recreation must be made part of a life of responsibility, otherwise it becomes merely a preface to boredom. Our young people, as well as adults, need to be working members of our republic and citizens on duty at all times.
4. Communists accent the _positive_. In their deceptive and perverted way they are always purporting to stand for something positive. “Better,” “higher,” etc., are trade-marks in their language. We, too, in the true sense of the word, should strive for goals that are genuinely better, higher, and more noble, trying to improve self, community, and nation. A strictly negative attitude or the philosophy of just staying afloat—all too common today—will never meet the impact of the communist challenge.
5. Most important of all is _faith_. Let us not blind ourselves to the fact that communists do have a “faith.” True, it is falsely placed, but still it inspires them to sacrifice, devotion, and a perverted idealism.
The late Mother Bloor, the Party’s woman “hero,” often praised Walt Whitman’s “The Mystic Trumpeter” as the poem she loved best. It seemed, she said, to prophesy the coming of a “new world”:
War, sorrow, suffering gone—the rank earth purged—nothing but joy left! The ocean fill’d with joy—the atmosphere all joy! Joy! joy! in freedom, worship, love! joy in the ecstasy of life! Enough to merely be! enough to breathe! Joy! joy! all over joy!
She is trying to identify communism with the dream of a world of joy. She is exploiting Walt Whitman. Yet her feeling shows the lure of communist “faith.” If communists can be so inspired from error, falsehood, and hate, just think what we could do with truth, justice, and love! I thrill to think of the even greater wonders America could fashion from its rich, glorious, and deep tradition. All we need is faith, _real faith_.
The communist prides himself on being a revolutionary—and revolutionary he is in the sense of destruction, terror, and violence. Free man can learn here too: the truly revolutionary force of history is not material power but the spirit of religion. The world today needs a true revolution of the fruitful spirit, not the futile sword. Hypocrisy, dishonesty, hatred, all these must be destroyed and man must rule by love, charity, and mercy.
The Party’s effort to create “communist man,” to mold a revolutionary fighter completely subservient to the Party’s desires, is destined to fail. The power of bullets, tanks, and repression will bulwark tyranny just so long. Then, as the Hungarian Freedom Fighters proved, man’s innate desire for freedom will flare up stronger than ever. In communism we see what happens when freedom is extinguished. This must give us renewed zeal to work untiringly to uphold the ideals of justice and liberty which have made this nation great.
With God’s help, America will remain a land where people still know how to be free and brave.
GLOSSARY
and
BIBLIOGRAPHY
_Glossary_
This glossary contains terms frequently used by communists. Their meanings are derived largely from communist “classics,” or books written by Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin (For a more complete definition of communist “classics,” see Bibliography, page 328.)
BOLSHEVIK:
1. Refers to a type of communist organization, namely, Lenin’s Party, of a small, selective membership, comprised of highly trained professional revolutionaries insolubly linked to each other by the deepest revolutionary convictions and discipline. The term “bolshevik” stems from the Russian word _bolshinstvo_, meaning majority. In the 1903 Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, a dispute occurred over whether membership should be tightly controlled (Lenin’s idea) or be open to sympathizers also. Lenin’s opinion was accepted. Hence, his supporters became known as Bolsheviks (majority); his opponents as Mensheviks (minority).
2. Refers to a certain type of Party member, namely, the model, heroic, ideal type of communist. It is a term of high praise and distinction for communists, signifying superiority and mastery of the qualities of revolutionary leadership, efficiency, courage. Hence the terms “bolshevik courage,” “bolshevik culture,” “bolshevik discipline.” “Bolshevization of the Party” means to make the Party a model of communist perfection.
BOURGEOISIE:
Term applied to the “capitalist” class, which includes not only the wealthy but also middle-class people. Sometimes “petty bourgeoisie” is used to distinguish small businessmen, minor government officials, etc., from the more wealthy “capitalists” and high-ranking officials. To communists the bourgeoisie is a class enemy which must be destroyed. “Bourgeois” is the adjective form of bourgeoisie, hence, “bourgeois virtue.” So used, the word describes anything or anybody whom communists would ridicule or hold in contempt. The term “bourgeois survivals,” or “bourgeois remnants,” refers to so-called “capitalist” (that is, noncommunist) attitudes and institutions not yet obliterated by communism.
CADRE:
The trusted inner circle of trained members and leaders on whom the Party can depend to carry out its policies and programs without any questions or objections. From cadres will emerge functionaries, officials, organizers. “The Party cadres constitute the commanding staff of the Party....” (_Stalin_)
CAPITALISM:
To communists, capitalism is an economic system based on the private ownership of property, the private control of the means of production, and the private accumulation and use of profits. As such, communists consider capitalism to be a form of exploitation of man by man. To them, capitalism is the last economic system of exploitation in the social evolution of man. Born as the result of overthrowing feudalism, capitalism, in turn, from its own inner contradictions, will be succeeded by socialism as a transitory stage that will end in a world communist society.
CENTRISM:
A term of contempt to communists, signifying those who try to pursue a “middle-of-the-road” position, thereby denying full and undeviating obedience to the Party line. “... and finally, there are the ‘Centrists,’ those who wobble between the ‘Lefts’ and the Rights.... Centrism is a political concept. Its ideology is one of adaptation, of subordination of the interests of the proletariat to the interests of the petty-bourgeoisie in the _same_ party. This ideology is alien and contrary to Leninism.” (_Stalin_)
CHAUVINISM:
A term of bad repute to communists signifying that one nation, race, group, or individual assumes an attitude of biased superiority. Within the Party structure chauvinism (which can occur in various forms) often results in disciplinary action and becomes a weapon whereby the ruling clique can bring charges against opponents for the purpose of weakening or destroying them.
CLASS:
By the word “class,” communists mean a section of a given population that occupies a specific relation to the means of production. For example, the capitalists own land, mines, factories, and the like. The workers or laborers do not own such possessions but work on the land and in the mines and factories. Therefore, there are two main classes in society: (1) the capitalist or bourgeoisie, and (2) the wage-earners or working class or proletariat. The communists admit that in highly developed capitalist nations (as the United States) there is another group, the “middle class” or “petty bourgeoisie,” composed of minor merchants, small farmers, professional people, small businessmen, etc. The communists believe the “middle class” can be influenced to support the proletariat.
CLASS STRUGGLE:
To the communists the two basic classes in capitalist society, the bourgeoisie and proletariat, are in constant and inevitable economic conflict. This struggle is a continuation of the age-old conflict, say the communists, between the exploiters and the exploited; the rulers and the ruled; those who own the means of production and the great masses of the people who possess nothing but their capacity for laboring. In the early days this class struggle was between the slave owner and the slave (slavery), later between the feudal lords and the serfs (feudalism). Eventually, the communists claim, the capitalists will be defeated through violent revolution; and by applying the dictatorship of the proletariat, communist society will be established. The communists are constantly encouraging class struggle, trying to increase social, economic, and political tensions. To them class struggle is an agency for promoting communism. “Can the capitalists be forced out and the roots of capitalism be annihilated without a bitter class struggle? No, it is impossible.” (_Stalin_)
COMMUNISM (MARXIST SCIENTIFIC SOCIALISM):
A system of thought and action originated by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, developed by V. I. Lenin, continued by Joseph Stalin and his successors. This system advocates, among other things: (1) a materialistic explanation of the origin of man and the universe; (2) a comprehensive economic interpretation of history centering about the class struggle; (3) abolition of the noncommunist state, which is conceived to be an instrument of exploitation; (4) a revolutionary theory, method, and a flexible course of action to overthrow the state and the capitalistic system; (5) a moral code based on utility; on nonsupernatural class concepts; (6) abolition of all religions; (7) a world-wide communist revolution; and (8) a world-wide communist society.
COMMUNISM (primitive):
A type of communal living reported to have existed in early stages of man’s history. To Marxists there was no private ownership, hence, no class divisions, class exploitation, or state mechanism.
COMMUNISM (stages of development):
Marxism-Leninism says communism will develop through two basic stages: _First or lower stage_ (called socialism), which is the type of society that will be formed immediately after the communist revolution. This is an “impure” communist society, freshly emerged from the violent conflict and bearing, in the words of Marx, “... in every respect, economic, moral and intellectual, the birthmarks of the old society from whose womb it is issuing.” In this phase, organs of the state (such as police, army, etc.) are necessary and are exercised by the dictatorship of the proletariat, crushing the opposition of the bourgeoisie. During this transitory stage the main principle will be “from each according to his ability, to each according to his work.” (This is the stage of the dictatorship of the proletariat, symbolized by the terrorism that now prevails in all communist countries.) However, after an unspecified period of time (just when, no communist can say), as people become indoctrinated to the principles of Marxism-Leninism, all the capitalistic characteristics will disappear and the state will slowly “wither away” as the threshold of the _higher or final stage_ (communism) will be reached. This stage will be stateless, classless, godless, where all property will be held in common and human activities will conform to the principle “from each according to his abilities, to each according to his needs.” The lower phase implies controlled, planned, and ordered work; the higher, free association and voluntary work. (This false appeal to a communist Utopia is one of the Party’s most potent weapons for deception.)
COMPROMISE (MANEUVER, CONCESSIONS):
Tactics whereby, in order to promote the ultimate goal of communism, adjustments and temporary agreements can be made with the enemy, that is, the noncommunist world. “Concessions do not mean peace with capitalism, but war on a new plane.” (_Lenin_)
DEMOCRACY:
In discussing the communist concept of democracy, distinction must be made between what the Party calls _bourgeois democracy_ and _proletarian democracy_. The communists claim that “bourgeois” or “capitalist” democracy (as in the United States) is limited, repressive, and favors the minority; “... in capitalist society we have a democracy that is curtailed, wretched, false; a democracy only for the rich, for the minority.” (_Lenin_) After seizure of power the communists then will inaugurate, they say, “proletarian” democracy (as in Hungary and Russia), which will be “... a million times more democratic than any bourgeois democracy.” Here the dictatorship of the proletariat will be in power, utterly crushing any capitalist opposition. Eventually, however, this “proletarian” democracy will be supplanted by full communism, which, among other things, will be stateless. Basically the communists abhor democracy as practiced in the United States, believing, as they do, in dictatorship, force and violence, and the supreme authority of the Party. However, the Party seeks to utilize “capitalist” democracy and its rights (of which it falsely claims to be a protector) in order to promote its own cause.
DEMOCRATIC CENTRALISM:
The rigid principle that the decisions of the highest body in the Communist Party (even though it be dominated by one man) are binding upon all lower bodies or organizational units in the Party.
DEVIATION:
The departure from the policy and line established by the Party. It may either be to the left (known as left-wing sectarianism) or to the right (right-wing opportunism). Regardless, any deviation from a 100 per cent acceptance of the Party line is regarded as a serious situation and a matter for disciplinary action. Obviously, any original thinking or varied interpretations of Party policy are impossible.
DIALECTICAL MATERIALISM:
The philosophy and world outlook that undergirds communism. “Dialectical materialism is the world outlook of the Marxist-Leninist party. It is called dialectical materialism because its approach to the phenomena of nature, its methods of studying and apprehending them, is _dialectical_, while its interpretation of the phenomena of nature, its conception of these phenomena, its theory, is _materialistic_.” (_Stalin_) See =DIALECTICS= and =MATERIALISM=.
DIALECTICS (DIALECTICAL):
One of the most frequently used terms in communist literature. The word is derived from the Greek, meaning the art of discourse, reasoning, and debate. To communists the stress in dialectics (the process of argument and counterargument to reach a higher meaning) is placed on change, the ceaseless ebb and flow of material elements. To them the world is constantly changing; nothing is eternal. All political and economic systems have within themselves the seeds of their own destruction, and as time passes they decay and give way to higher forms of existence in man’s climb up the ladder of progress. This change, however, is not just for the sake of change alone, but follows a specific direction (such a type of change is called _revolutionary change_), from the lower to the higher, meaning a change from the lower stages of man’s development, slavery, feudalism, and capitalism, to his highest—that is, world-wide communism. When this final stage is reached, say the communists, change will stop, since “full” communism conforms perfectly to the revolutionary nature of matter. Unlike other systems of life, communism claims not to contain within itself the seeds of destruction. It should be emphasized that even though noncommunist thinkers time after time have pointed out the inconsistencies, fallacies, and errors of this concept, communists cling to it with undying devotion.
DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT:
One of the most fundamental of communist concepts, meaning the forcible dictatorship of the Communist Party (conceived as the vanguard of the workers), whereby capitalist opposition is crushed after the seizure of power. It is also viewed as a transitional period between the revolution and the final goal—communism. The dictatorship of the proletariat is one of the most brutal of communist concepts, being based on naked force and violence, not law. “The revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat is power won and maintained by the violence of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie, power that is unrestricted by any laws.” (_Lenin_)
DISCIPLINE:
A cardinal feature in maintaining the monolithic unity of the Party. Discipline becomes a whip binding the membership under the authority of the Party, stifling free opinion and making for uniformity. A Communist Party without a ruthless discipline would be unthinkable.
FACTION (FACTIONALISM):
A grouping of members of the Communist Party around one or more ideas that are at variance with the Party line. Factionalism is the conflict caused by the presence of such factions. The monolithic structure and strong discipline of the Party usually result in the brutal crushing or expulsion of factions. In communist theory and practice there can be no freedom of dissent.
FORCE AND VIOLENCE:
The necessary means whereby, according to the communists, the existing or old society will be finally overthrown and the new or communist society established. “Force is the midwife of every old society pregnant with a new one.” (_Marx_) “The replacement of the bourgeois by the proletarian state is impossible without a violent revolution.” (_Lenin_)
HISTORIC MISSION:
To communists this means the seizure of power, the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the abolition of capitalism, and the formation of the new, communist, society. As the vanguard of the proletariat the Communist Party has as its “historic mission” the direction of the proletarian struggle toward a communist society.
IMPERIALISM:
The highest, the most developed, and last stage of a “moribund” and “decaying” capitalism. As worked out by Lenin, imperialism develops when capital and production (in a capitalist society) become concentrated in the hands of a relatively few individuals on high economic levels. This causes, according to Lenin, capitalist exploitation in colonial areas, as capital seeks an outlet for greater markets. This monopoly stage of capitalism “causes” imperialist wars, as rival capitalist systems struggle with each other (this was Lenin’s diagnosis of World War I). To modern-day communists, the United States is now in this stage of imperialism.
INEVITABILITY:
To communists the final outcome of the struggle between communists and noncommunists has already been decided in favor of the communists, due to the very nature of the struggle. They consider the victory of communism to be inevitable because it is a “necessary product of historical development.” They view progress to be from slavery to feudalism, to capitalism, to imperialism, to communism.
MARXISM-LENINISM:
See =COMMUNISM (MARXIST SCIENTIFIC SOCIALISM)=.
MASSES:
The ordinary people of a society who are not “educated” in the science of Marxism-Leninism and hence must be led by the proletariat and its vanguard, the Communist Party, toward the goal of a communist society. “Radicalizing the masses” signifies efforts by the Party, through agitation, to make the masses more sympathetic to communist aims.
MATERIALISM:
A view of reality which asserts that (1) matter is the basic reality and God does not exist; (2) the universe and all life on it can be explained in terms of motion and matter; (3) human values should center around material considerations, satisfactions and pleasures; and (4) the interpretation of human history must rest on material elements. Materialism is as old as man, but Marx claimed that his form of materialism (linked with dialectics) was the only complete and true form. The main premise of materialism is atheism, and hence the denial of God and all values which stem from religion. This fight against religion has been one of the Party’s most basic principles. Under communism, ethics and morality become completely transformed, being based not on religion but on Party expediency. The results have been devastating—that millions of men and women have suffered and died in the name of a perverted “justice” and “goodness.”
(Materialism as here defined should not be confused with the popular conception of the term denoting inordinate desire for material goods, thirst for power, undisciplined sensual appetites, or the hunger for the passing fame and glory of the world.)
OPPORTUNISM (RIGHT-WING):
Represents one type of deviation from the Party line, to the right, hence right-wing opportunism. This deviation is characterized as too much cooperation with capitalism, causing the Party to lose its identity as the “leader of the masses.” This was the error of Browder.
PARTY:
Organizational concept evolved by Lenin of those trained in Marxism-Leninism who, regarding themselves as a “vanguard,” are to lead the proletariat (and hence the masses) toward a communist world society. Under communism the Party becomes all-powerful, directing all phases of activity. Strict standards of membership are set, the most important being that members must be completely obedient to Party wishes.
PARTY LINE:
The sum total of the Party’s decisions, aims, programs, and demands at any given time. Distinction must always be made between the “deceptive” Party line (that is, the programs designed for public consumption) and the “real” Party line (the true Party purpose designed to advance the interests of communism). The Party line often switches, sometimes very violently in various areas.
PHILISTINE:
Any person who believes in communism but is timid and shrinks from class struggle. He is a “fair-weather” soldier who supports communism when it is easy to do so but deserts when the going becomes rough. Philistinism is a term of abuse. “What is a philistine? A hollow gut, full of fear and hope, that God have mercy!” (_Lenin_) Communists would include some socialists, reformists, and liberals in this definition.
PROFESSIONAL REVOLUTIONARIES:
Those Party members, thoroughly educated in Marxism-Leninism, who dedicate their entire lives to the Party. This body (cadre) of members, in communist eyes, represents the shock troops of revolution. “Give us an organisation of revolutionaries, and we shall overturn the whole of Russia!” (_Lenin_)
PROLETARIAN INTERNATIONALISM:
The belief that communism is international in nature, that the proletariat of all nations, irrespective of race, nationality, creed, or color, constitutes a single class and must cooperate for the ultimate victory of communism. This gives a feeling of solidarity (communists always feel a part of a larger body, they don’t stand alone); creates fanaticism (the feeling that as long as there are noncommunist nations, communism is in danger, hence they must be destroyed); promotes control of the international communist movement by Soviet Russia (as the big brother of all other Parties).
PROLETARIAT:
A key word in all communist literature, meaning workers (working class) who sell their “labor” in exchange for wages. This “class” is extolled by the communists, and virtually everything done by the Party is done in the name of the “proletariat” (as “dictatorship of the proletariat”).
PURGES:
A characteristic inherent in communism whereby undesirable members are expelled from the Party (or, when communism is in state power, exiled or executed). To communists, purging is a necessary technique to keep the Party “pure,” thereby creating “better” members. “The Party becomes strong by purging itself of opportunist elements.” (_Stalin_)
REFORMISM (REFORMS, REFORMISTS):
To communists, reforms in the social structure can have only minor and passing beneficial results. Further, they delay the revolution. Hence, “reformism” is a term of abuse, implying a “bourgeois” or non-Marxist approach. The communists, however, like to picture themselves as leaders of reform movements, not for the purpose of improving economic or social conditions in society but to exploit such movements to advance the cause of communism. To communists reforms can often be a means to an end.
REVOLUTION:
The seizure of the government, if necessary by force and violence, by the proletariat (working class) led by the Communist Party, leading to the establishment of a Soviet state; called _proletarian revolution_.
SELF-CRITICISM:
A communist technique ostensibly to detect and correct weaknesses in Party life; actually to enforce communist discipline. The Party member is encouraged to pursue a cold, relentless, realistic, and constant examination of shortcomings and failures, both in others and himself. Not to do so is regarded as “bourgeois” weakness or sentimentalism. Communists teach: “Self-criticism is the most important means for developing Communist consciousness and thereby strengthening discipline and democratic centralism.”
SOCIALISM (MARXIST):
1. The so-called “scientific” variety of socialism; that is, Marxism-Leninism or Marxist scientific socialism. (See also =COMMUNISM [MARXIST SCIENTIFIC SOCIALISM]=.)
2. In a limited meaning, “socialism” refers to the first or lower stage of communism, which is the transitory period between the seizure of power and the higher or final phase of communism. See =COMMUNISM (stages of development)= for further details.
SOCIALISM (NON-MARXIST):
The communists have nothing but contempt for any form of socialism except the Marxist-Leninist version. Non-Marxist socialists are regarded as “utopian,” impractical, and allies of the bourgeoisie.
STATE:
Communists regard all states to be organs of force and suppression in the hands of the rulers. They bitterly denounce the noncommunist state as an instrument of suppression, and blithely assert that when full communism comes the state will “wither away.” However, inside present communist states (where the dictatorship of the proletariat is in power) the state has not withered away but has become ever stronger, increasing communist power and terror.
TRANSMISSION BELTS:
Refers to disguised mass organizations, which are used by the Communist Party to spread or transmit communism to the masses of people. “It is impossible to effect the dictatorship without having a number of ‘transmission belts’ from the vanguard to the masses of the advanced class, and from the latter to the masses of the toilers.” (_Lenin_)
UNITED FRONT:
A revolutionary tactic designed to secure the support of noncommunists for Party objectives. This generally involves Party manipulation of noncommunist groups, usually on some current issue such as “peace” or “civil rights,” whereby the Party, while maintaining its independent role, cooperates with others to work for certain goals. To noncommunists the goal is advancement of the good of society; to communists, the revolution.
VANGUARD OF THE PROLETARIAT:
Term applied to the role of the Communist Party as the leader or teacher of the proletariat. Communists often talk of the Party as the “general staff” of the revolution.
WAR:
1. Communists talk much about peace but feverishly prepare for war. In Soviet Russia communist preparation takes the form of military strength—the army, navy, air force; in the United States, the organization of an active above-ground and underground apparatus designed to wage “war” against noncommunist society.
2. Communists believe that “war is a continuation of politics by other means.” Marxism-Leninism divides wars into two major categories, unjust and just. “Unjust” wars, according to the communists, are wars started by the capitalists for purposes of exploitation (“reactionary wars of conquest”). These wars, they say, inevitably grow out of the “predatory” character of the capitalist system. “Just” wars, on the other hand, are wars of “national liberation”; that is, they promote the interests of the proletariat and hinder the capitalists. In other words, a war is just (moral) if the communists stand to gain; otherwise, it is unjust (immoral). The communists classify, for example, Russia’s invasion of Finland (1939) and entering World War II after Germany’s invasion of Russia as just wars; World War II before Russia’s involvement and the United Nations’ action in Korea (1950) as unjust.
3. In the final analysis, Marxism-Leninism teaches that war is absolutely necessary to bring about world-wide communism wherever the advances of communism are resisted. This makes Marxism-Leninism such a brutal concept. Lenin, in a letter to American workers, wrote: “... history demands that the greatest problems of humanity be solved by struggle and war.”
_Bibliography of Major Communist “Classics”_
The theory and practice of Marxism-Leninism have been developed by communist writers over a period of more than a century. The works of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin, in the Party’s eyes, are regarded as communist “classics.” “These books are Communist classics. They contain the fundamental principles and program of Communism. These are universal in their scope and they are accepted by all Communist Parties, including our own.” (_William Z. Foster_)
These writings, it must be remembered, are propaganda for the communist movement. Written by highly partisan and prejudiced minds, they are not based on scientific truth and accurate historical research; nor are they attempts to determine truth as we in a free society understand truth. These writers are trying to hammer out the principles of violent revolution and, in the later writings of Lenin and those of Stalin, to justify communism in state power and to teach communists in other countries how to follow the Bolshevik example. These listed works, although not intended to be all-inclusive, are prime examples of how prejudice, thrown into the stream of world opinion, has warped the minds and personalities of so many millions of human beings.
KARL MARX:
_Das Kapital_ (_Capital_) is undoubtedly Marx’s best-known and most important writing. It forms, in a literal sense, the cornerstone of modern-day communism. The work is in three volumes: _Capitalist Production_ (1867), _Capitalist Circulation_ (1885), _Capitalist Production as a Whole_ (1894). The final two volumes were completed by Engels after Marx’s death. In this massive work Marx attempted, using many statistics compiled from nineteenth-century England, to prove that capitalism was doomed. To communists, _Das Kapital_ is “scientific” proof of the inevitability of communist revolution. Time after time history has proved the errors, fallacious logic, and unscientific premises of the major thoughts contained in _Das Kapital_; yet to communists the book is an infallible guide to Party thought and action.
Another important work of Marx is _The Civil War in France_. This work (which actually consists of three statements drafted by Marx for the First International) was written in connection with the Paris Commune, a revolutionary government set up in Paris after the defeat of France by Prussia in 1870-71. Although lasting only a few weeks, the Commune is regarded by communists as the first working-class government in history. This “classic” sets forth Marx’s view toward the existing state apparatus of a “bourgeois” state: that is, the working class cannot confine itself merely to taking over the state machinery; but the “bourgeois” state must be utterly destroyed and replaced by the dictatorship of the proletariat.
_The Poverty of Philosophy_ (1847) represents one of Marx’s earliest works on economics, while _The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte_ (1852) discusses, among other things, the character of the “bourgeois” revolution. The latter work was written concerning the activities of Louis Bonaparte, President of the Second French Republic, who was later to become Emperor of France. It must be noted that Marx (and also Engels and Lenin) were acute observers of contemporary political, social, and economic affairs; and their writings abound with references to current events and personalities. Other works of Marx include: _Critique of Political Economy_ (1859), _Value, Price and Profit_ (1865), and _Critique of the Gotha Programme_ (1875). In the latter, Marx develops his idea of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the “withering away” of the state.
Marx was a prolific letter-writer, corresponding with many revolutionaries in England and abroad. The _Selected Correspondence of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels_ (1846-1895) shows how the intimate collaboration of these two perverted minds gave birth to the communist conspiracy.
FRIEDRICH ENGELS:
Engels, like Marx, was a voluminous writer. Some of his better-known works are _The Peasant War in Germany_ (1850), _Germany: Revolution and Counter-Revolution_ (1851-52), _The Housing Question_ (1872), and _Anti-Dühring_ (1877-78). The latter work was written in reply to Eugen Dühring, a German professor who had published what, in Engels’ opinion, were erroneous ideas concerning materialism and socialism. Engels not only attacks Dühring’s views but goes on to sketch the communist world outlook, discussing dialectical and historical materialism, philosophy, and political economy.
In _The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State_ (1884), Engels endeavors to show the relationship of the family, modes of production, and society. One of Engels’ latest writings on materialism is _Ludwig Feuerbach and the Outcome of Classical German Philosophy_ (1886). His _Dialectics of Nature_, published posthumously in 1927, is an attempt to discuss science from a Marxist viewpoint.
JOINT AUTHORSHIP OF MARX AND ENGELS:
As is well known, Marx and Engels often cooperated in writing, and sometimes it is difficult to determine exactly who wrote what. The best-known product of their collaboration, of course, is the _Communist Manifesto_. Engels, for example, wrote articles under Marx’s name for the latter to send to the New York _Tribune_. On the other hand, Engels, speaking of _Anti-Dühring_, said he read the whole manuscript to Marx and that Marx himself contributed a chapter.
VLADIMIR I. LENIN:
From roughly 1900 to his death, Lenin poured out pamphlet after pamphlet justifying violent revolution and giving instructions to his followers.
In _What Is To Be Done?_ (1902), Lenin outlines the principles which should determine the formation of a Leninist-type Party. This was during the period of debate among Russian communists on the type of Party organization, with Lenin favoring a restricted, disciplined membership. In 1904, in _One Step Forward, Two Steps Back_, Lenin continues his demand for a disciplined Party. In this pamphlet he attacks his opponents, the Mensheviks. This attack was continued in _Two Tactics of Social-Democracy in the Democratic Revolution_ (1905). _Materialism and Empirio-Criticism_ (1909), a philosophical treatise, represents one of Lenin’s major works.
In the years that followed, Lenin continued studying and writing. In 1917 _Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism_ appeared, in which Lenin develops the thesis that imperialism is the final state of monopoly capitalism. He characterized World War I as imperialistic on both sides. This work was destined to leave a lasting imprint on communist thinking. The term “imperialistic” is today one of the communists’ favorite terms of attack against the free world.
_State and Revolution_ (1918), in which Lenin studies the relationship of revolutionary theory to the state, is probably his clearest blueprint for violent revolution. It has been extensively used by communists in the United States.
Another major work of Lenin, published in 1920 after the Bolshevik revolution, is _“Left-Wing” Communism, an Infantile Disorder_. Lenin here is writing from the viewpoint of communism in state power and giving advice to revolutionary movements outside Russia. He is telling other communists how “he did it in Russia,” especially warning them to be careful about ineffective left-wing tendencies. This work did much to consolidate the world communist movement and the Third International.
Of special interest to the United States is Lenin’s _A Letter to American Workers_ (1918). In this letter Lenin reports to “the American worker” about the Russian revolution. Communists in this country have always considered this communication a symbol of the Russian dictator’s interest in the American proletariat. In truth, the letter reveals how, in communist hands, America’s history and struggle for freedom would be distorted by Marxist manipulation.
JOSEPH V. STALIN:
Stalin was not as prodigious a writer as Marx, Engels, and Lenin. Included in his outstanding works are _Foundations of Leninism_ (1924) and _Marxism and the National Question_ (1913), a study of communism in relation to nationality groups. In the former, Stalin attempted to show that Lenin did not merely rediscover and reapply Marxism to his day but also developed it further. Given as a series of lectures at Sverdlov University, Moscow, this work discusses basic communist concepts, such as the dictatorship of the proletariat, the peasant problem, strategy and tactics, and the Party.
In addition, Stalin has claimed to be the genius behind the _History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks)_ (1938). In _Joseph Stalin, A Political Biography_ (issued by the Marx-Engels-Lenin Institute), it is stated that the _History_ was written by Stalin and approved by a commission of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. This book was a “short-course” history of the Bolshevik movement in which the various phases of Party development were stressed. It was widely distributed in Russia and also used by the Communist Party, USA.
Very interestingly, Nikita Khrushchev made mention of this work in his famous denunciation of Stalin at the Twentieth Party Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Khrushchev told how originally the book was described as written by a commission of the Party’s Central Committee “under the direction of Comrade Stalin and with his most active personal participation....” This, however, according to Khrushchev, did not satisfy Stalin, so the wording was changed to read “written by Comrade Stalin and approved by a commission of the Central Committee....” “As you see,” Khrushchev said, “a surprising metamorphosis changed the work created by a group into a book written by Stalin. It is not necessary to state how and why this metamorphosis took place.”
APPENDICES
_Appendices_
I
Key Dates in Lives of Communist “Big Four”
=KARL MARX=
1818 May 5: Born in Treves (Trier), in the Rhine province of Prussia (Germany). 1842 Met Friedrich Engels for first time in Cologne, Germany. 1843 Married Jenny von Westphalen. 1844 Began lifelong friendship and collaboration with Engels. 1847 Marx, along with Engels, joined the Communist League. 1848 The _Communist Manifesto_ published. 1848-49 Editor-in-chief, _Neue Rheinische Zeitung_, in Cologne. 1849 Banished from Germany and went to Paris, from which he was also banished. 1849-83 Lived in exile in London. 1852-61 Foreign correspondent for the New York _Tribune_. 1864 Helped in setting up International Workingmen’s Association (First International) in London. 1867 Volume I of _Das Kapital (Capital)_ published in Hamburg, Germany. 1872 Russian translation of _Das Kapital_, Volume I, published. 1883 March 14: Died in London.
=FRIEDRICH ENGELS=
1820 November 28: Born in Barmen in the Rhine province of Prussia (Germany). 1842 Settled in Manchester, England. 1870 Moved to London to work with Marx. 1885 Volume II of Marx’s _Das Kapital_ published as edited by Engels. 1888 Visited United States and Canada. 1894 Volume III of Marx’s _Das Kapital_ published as edited by Engels. 1895 August 5: Died in London.
=VLADIMIR I. LENIN=
1870 April 22: Born in Simbirsk (now Ulyanovsk), Russia. 1887 May: Brother, Alexander, hanged for plotting to assassinate Czar Alexander III. 1893 Joined underground Social Democratic circle called “Elders.” 1897 May: Exiled to Siberia following a prison term. 1900-05 Traveled, wrote, and conducted work of Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (forerunner of Communist Party of Soviet Union) in Germany, England, Switzerland, Belgium. Returned to Russia in November, 1905. 1905 December: Lenin and Stalin met for first time at Bolshevik Conference, Tammerfors (Tampere), Finland. 1907 Went abroad and did not return to live in Russia until 1917. 1917 April 16: Returned to Russia and arrived in capital, Petrograd (now Leningrad) from Switzerland. 1917 November 7: Directed Bolshevik uprising. 1917-24 Dictator of Soviet Russia. 1924 January 21: Died.
=JOSEPH STALIN=
1879 December 21: Born in Gori, Georgia, the Caucasus (Russia). 1899 Expelled from theological seminary at Tiflis. 1905 December: Delegate to Bolshevik Conference in Finland and met Lenin for first time. 1906 Participated in Fourth Congress of Russian Social Democratic Labor Party in Stockholm, Sweden. 1902-17 Engaged in revolutionary activities in Russia; arrested and exiled number of times. 1917 Participated in October Revolution of Bolsheviks. 1917-23 People’s Commissar for the Affairs of the Nationalities. 1922 Became General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party. 1922-29 Consolidation of personal power, leading in 1929 to expulsion of Trotsky from Russia. 1929-53 Supreme dictator of Soviet Russia. 1953 March 5: Died in the Kremlin, Moscow. 1956 Denounced at Twentieth Congress of Communist Party of the Soviet Union.
II
International Communist Organizations and Publications
=COMMUNIST LEAGUE=
1847 Communist League organized under Marx’s influence from League of the Just. 1852 Communist League dissolved at Marx’s proposal.
=FIRST INTERNATIONAL=
1864 The First International, or International Workingmen’s Association, founded in London. 1872 First International voted to move headquarters to New York on Engels’ proposal. Split over the proposal caused eventual dissolution. 1876 July 15: First International dissolved in congress at Philadelphia.
=SECOND INTERNATIONAL (SOCIALIST)=
1889 July 14: The Second International formed at Paris. 1914-18 Effective work of Second International, to all intents and purposes, ended during World War I. Violently attacked by Lenin as “bourgeois.”
=THIRD (COMMUNIST) INTERNATIONAL Also Known As COMINTERN=
1919 March 2-6: Formed in Moscow. 1920 July-August: Second Congress of Comintern in Moscow, which adopted the “twenty-one points” of admission. 1935 July 25-August 20: Seventh Congress of Comintern in Moscow, at which United Front program instituted. 1943 June 10: Comintern dissolved.
=COMMUNIST INFORMATION BUREAU Also Known As COMINFORM=
1947 Formed in Poland, with headquarters to be in Belgrade, Yugoslavia. 1948 Cominform denounced Tito and threatened expulsion of Tito and his top aides for “hateful” policy toward Russia. Denunciation prepared at meeting of Cominform in Roumania. Yugoslav Communist Party defied charges. 1948 July: Headquarters of Cominform moved to Bucharest, Roumania. 1956 April: Cominform dissolved.
=YOUNG COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL=
1919 Young Communist International formed in Berlin. 1943 Dissolved.
=INTERNATIONAL COMMUNIST PUBLICATIONS=
1919 May: First issue of _The Communist International_, organ of the Executive Committee of the Communist International. 1943 July 5: Last issue of _The Communist International_, after dissolution of Comintern. 1947 November 10: _For a Lasting Peace, for a People’s Democracy!_ published in Belgrade, characterizing itself as “Organ of the Information Bureau of the Communist Parties in Belgrade” (published in Bucharest, Roumania after Cominform attack on Tito). 1956 April: _For a Lasting Peace, for a People’s Democracy!_ ceased publication.
III
Communism in Russia
1883 Group for the Emancipation of Labor, first Russian Marxist group, formed in Geneva, Switzerland. 1903 Bolshevik (majority) and Menshevik (minority) factions resulted from split in Second Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, held in Brussels and London. 1905 December: Bolshevik Conference in Tammerfors (Tampere), Finland. 1914 Start of World War I. 1917 March: Provisional government formed in Russia. Czar Nicholas II abdicated. 1917 July 20: New revolutionary government formed with Kerensky as Prime Minister. 1917 October 23: Bolshevik Central Committee approved Lenin’s proposal for armed insurrection. 1917 November 7: “Red Guards” and revolutionary troops occupied Petrograd (Russian capital) and overthrew government (called October Revolution). 1917 December: Soviet government signed armistice with Germany and Austria at Brest-Litovsk to end hostilities. 1918 March 3: Russia signed Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, abandoning Poland, Lithuania, the Ukraine, the Baltic provinces, Finland, and Transcaucasia. 1918 March: Soviet government and Party headquarters moved to Moscow. 1921 March: Kronstadt sailors’ unsuccessful revolt against Lenin. 1921 March: Tenth Party Congress adopted Lenin’s New Economic Policy. 1922 March 27-April 2: Eleventh Party Congress elected Stalin General Secretary of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks). 1925 December: Fourteenth Party Congress changed name to Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks) or CPSU (B). 1927 December: Fifteenth Party Congress of CPSU (B) instructed preparation of first Five-Year Plan. 1929 Trotsky arrived in Turkey as exile from U.S.S.R. 1932-33 The Stalin Famine due, in part, to excesses of agrarian policy. Victims estimated from 4,000,000 to 10,000,000 dead. 1933 November 17: Soviet Russia recognized diplomatically by the United States. 1934 September 18: U.S.S.R. formally became member of League of Nations. 1934-38 Purges of Communist Party members and government and military officials as “counter-revolutionaries.” 1936 New constitution approved and adopted by the Eighth Extraordinary Congress of Soviets. 1939 August: Soviet-German Nonaggression Pact ratified. 1939 September 17: Soviet Russia invaded Poland. 1939 November 30: Soviet Russia invaded Finland. 1940 March: Soviet Russia and Finland signed peace terms. 1941 June 22: German armies invaded Russia. 1945 May 9: Stalin announced end of war to Russian people. 1953 March 5: Stalin died. 1953 December 23: Beria executed as “enemy of the people.” 1956 February: Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union at which Stalin was denounced. 1957 June: Vyacheslav Molotov, Georgi Malenkov, Lazar Kaganovich, and Dmitri Shepilov denounced as “enemies of the Party.” 1957 October: Marshal Georgi Zhukov, Red Army hero, ousted as Soviet Defense Minister.
IV
Communism in the United States
1918 November: Communist Propaganda League formed. 1919 June 21: National Conference of the Left-Wing of the Socialist Party in New York at which Left-Wing Manifesto adopted. 1919 August 30: Reed-Gitlow left-wing group expelled from emergency Socialist Party convention. 1919 August 31: Communist Labor Party of America formed from Reed-Gitlow group in Chicago. 1919 September 1: Communist Party of America formed in Chicago. 1920 May: United Communist Party of America formed at Bridgman, Michigan. 1921 May: Communist Party of America, Section of the Communist International, formed from Communist Party and United Communist Party at Woodstock, New York. 1921 December: Workers Party of America formed at New York City. 1923 April: Communist Party and Workers Party consolidated at New York. 1925 August: Workers Party of America changed its name to Workers (Communist) Party. 1928 October: Expulsion from Workers (Communist) Party of Trotskyites led by James Cannon. 1929 March: Sixth Convention of Workers (Communist) Party of America at New York changed Party name to Communist Party of the United States of America. 1929 June: Expulsion of Lovestone group from Communist Party. 1939 September: War broke out in Europe. The Comintern and the Communist Party, USA, called war an “imperialist war.” 1941 June: Germany attacked Russia. Communists shifted their “line”—called war a “just war” against fascism. 1944 May: Communist Political Association (CPA) organized when Communist Party, USA, dissolved at Twelfth National Convention in New York. 1945 July: Communist Party reconstituted and Communist Political Association dissolved at an emergency convention as a result of Jacques Duclos’ article in April, 1945, issue of French journal, _Cahiers du Communisme_. 1948 Arrests of top communist leaders by the FBI under the Smith Act; trial began in January, 1949. 1951-55 Period of intensive underground activity by Communist Party, USA. 1956 Communist Party jolted by Khrushchev’s denunciation of Stalin. 1957 February: Sixteenth National Convention of Communist Party held in New York City.
INDEX
_Index_
Abel, Colonel Rudolf Ivanovich, 278
Abraham Lincoln Brigade, 65, 79, 101, 285
Adams, Arthur, 272
Aesopian language, 93-97, 126, 287
Agitation. _See_ Mass agitation
American Jewish Committee, 239
American Jewish League Against Communism, 239, 240
American Labor Party, 82
American League Against War and Fascism, 65, 216
American League for Peace and Democracy, 65
American Negro Labor Congress, 234
American Peace Mobilization, 65, 217
American People’s Mobilization, 217
American Youth Congress, 65
American Youth for Democracy, 217
Amtorg Trading Corporation, 274
Anarchism, 22, 302
Anti-Defamation League, 239
_Anti-Dühring_, 98. _See also_ _Bibliography_
Anti-Semitism in Russia, 46, 70, 71, 115, 156. _See also_ Judaism, communist attack on
Antithesis. _See_ Dialectical materialism (dialectics)
Appeals Commission (CPUSA). _See_ Review (Control) commissions
Armed forces, communist attitude toward, 286
Art, communist attitude toward, 158-161
Atheism, 14, 15, 18, 23, 47, 106, 323. _See also_ Religion
_Avanti_, 52
Bakunin, Mikhail, 22
Balabanoff, Angelica, 52
Bart, Phil, 60
Basic industries, 283
Bedacht, Max, 59
Bentley, Elizabeth, 275
Beria, Lavrenti, 42
Bittelman, Alexander, 244
Bloor, Ella Reeve (“Mother” Bloor), 56, 148, 149, 161, 313, 314
B’nai B’rith, 239, 250
Bolshevik Revolution, vi, 29, 30, 48
Bolsheviks (majority), 27, 315
_Bolshevism and Religion_, 242
Bolshevization, technique of, 37, 63, 75, 315
Bookstores, Party. _See_ Literature program
Bourgeoisie, 33, 181, 183, 315, 317, 318
Bridgman, Michigan, convention (May, 1920), 54
Browder, Earl, 56, 213, 228, 234, 237; general secretary, 64, 128; head of Communist Political Association, 67; purged by Communist Party, USA, 68, 110, 116, 157, 165-169, 172, 177, 323; writings on religion, 304
Budenz, Louis, 109
Budish, J. M., 242
Bukharin, Nikolai, 41
Bulganin, N. A., 23, 41, 42, 69
Cacchione, Peter V., 148, 224
Cachin, Marcel, 305
Cadre, 316, 324
_Cahiers du Communisme_, 67
Camps, Party sponsored, 152. _See also_ Educational program
Canadian spy revelations, 95, 275
Cannon, James P., 63
_Capital (Das Kapital)_, 16, 25. _See also_ _Bibliography_
Capitalism, 19, 21, 33, 315, 316, 320, 322
Catherine the Great, 38
Caucuses, Party, 202-204
Cell. _See_ Clubs, Party
Centrism, 51, 316
Charles University, Prague, 221, 222
Chauvinism, 167, 316
Cheka, 30
Christianity, communist attitude toward, 299, 304-307
Christmas, communist exploitation of, 161, 162
Churches, communist attempts to infiltrate. _See_ Religion
Civil Rights Congress, 83, 235
_The Civil War in France_, 158. _See also_ _Bibliography_
Clark, Joseph, 108-109
Class struggle, 18-21, 159, 301, 317
Classes, communist concept of, 18, 317
“Classics,” communist, 328
Clementis, Vladimir, 39
Clubs, Party, 69, 126, 134, 135, 202
Colonization program (colonizers), 283, 284
Comintern, 126; directs Party activities in U.S., 52-55, 58-60, 62-64, 226-228, 233, 234, 273; dissolution of, 67; founding of in 1919, 32, 51, 52, 272; initiates United Front policy, 64, 65, 200; participation of communists from U.S. in, 49, 56, 57
Commandism. _See_ Chauvinism
Committee to Save Albert Jackson, 217
Committee to Save the Martinsville Seven, 217
Communism; deceptive appeal of, 86-108; primitive, 13, 318; role of the Party, 21, 22, 26, 27, 37, 77, 78, 315, 323 (_see also_ Vanguard of the proletariat); theory, 18-23, 317-319, 326; way of life, vi, vii, 7, 8, 161; world extent of, 3-5, 38. _See also_ Marxism-Leninism
_Communism in the United States_, 304
_The Communist_, 49, 55
Communist Control Act of 1954, 69
Communist International. _See_ Comintern
Communist Labor Party of America (CLP), v, 49-51, 54, 55
Communist League, 21. _See also_ _Communist Manifesto_
Communist man, concept of, vii, 8, 71, 72, 149-163, 270, 314
_Communist Manifesto_, 22, 98, 239, 286
Communist Party, Soviet Union. _See_ Twentieth Congress of the Russian Communist Party; Comintern
Communist Party, USA; aims in United States, vi, vii, 3-8, 71, 75, 182; capacity for swift growth, 4, 71, 72; change of names, 54-56, 62, 67, 68; constitution, 77, 92, 126-129, 163, 170, 171; falsely regarded as not menace because of small numbers, 3, 4, 71; history, 48-72; numerical strength, 3, 4, 64, 96, 132, 133; organizational structure of, 123-137; reasons for breaking away, 108-120; reasons for joining, 97-108; Sixteenth National Convention of (February, 1957), 70, 127, 232, 250, 251; tyranny of life within, 114-117; vassal of Russia, 50, 55, 57-59, 66-71, 182, 272-276
Communist Political Association (CPA), 67, 68, 177. _See also_ Communist Party, USA
Congress of American Women, 221
Congress of Industrial Organizations, 64
Constitution, Communist Party. _See_ Communist Party, USA
Coplon, Judith, 277
Couriers, Party, 256, 261, 262, 274, 278. _See also_ Espionage; Underground
Criticism, self, communist use of, 168-170, 325
Cultural Commission (CPUSA), 131
Cultural program, communist, 158-162
_Daily Worker_, 46, 58, 70, 83, 106, 108, 145, 147, 149, 164, 170, 172, 173, 175, 183, 188, 196, 202, 208, 212, 235, 249, 274, 305; praise of Russia, 159, 160; role in Party life, 154-161
Darrow, Clarence, 235
Davis, Benjamin J., Jr., 224
Defection of Party members. _See_ Communist Party, USA, reasons for breaking away
Democracy, communist definition of, 92-95, 319
Democratic centralism, 53, 135-137, 319
Dennis, Eugene, 34, 60, 70, 128, 229
Deviation, 166, 320, 323
Dialectical materialism (dialectics), 18, 19, 320
Dictatorship of the proletariat, 5, 21, 29, 33, 126, 317-322, 326
Dimitroff, Georgi, 200
Discipline, 27, 32, 37, 52, 53, 78, 111-113, 142-144, 268, 321; conscious and voluntary submission to will of Party, 164-166; expulsions, 164-165, 170-172, 177; helps mold communist man, 162, 163; Party “judicial” system, 163-166; penalties, 171; reasons why members may be disciplined, 166-168, 173; self-criticism, 168-170; vilification of expelled members, 173, 175-177. _See also_ Factionalism; Purges
Disguises (underground), 258-261. _See also_ Espionage
Dodd, Bella, 109
Donchin, Sam, 172
Doyle, Bernadette, 225
Duclos, Jacques, 67
Dues, Party, 77, 144. _See also_ Funds, how Party collects
Dupe (innocent victim) of communist propaganda, 65, 86-89, 193, 194, 213, 215, 219, 287, 304
Education Department (CPUSA), 131
Educational program, communist, 59, 60, 111, 131, 150-154, 214, 311
Ehrenburg, Ilya, 248
Elections, running of communist candidates, 62, 87, 88, 224, 225
Emergency Civil Liberties Committee, 83
Engels, Friedrich, 23, 24, 28, 39, 126, 153, 158, 318; biographical, 14-17; co-author of _Communist Manifesto_, 21, 286; works of, 329-330
Escape routes, communist, 256, 262. _See also_ Underground
Espionage, Soviet, 271-283; make-up of networks, 278, 279; motivation of agents, 280, 281; objectives in United States, 281, 282; relationship of Communist Party, USA, 271, 283
Estates willed to Party, 146, 147
Ethics, communist, 151, 165. _See also_ Morality
Exceptionalism, 68
Factionalism (faction), 49-52, 54, 55, 63, 67-71, 170, 321
Family life, communist influence on, 78, 79, 105-107, 114, 118, 140-144, 171, 175, 176, 267-269
Fascism, 65, 101, 280
Fast, Howard, 99, 109, 115-116
_The FBI Story_, 293
Federal Bureau of Investigation, 103, 109, 113, 142, 164, 256, 259, 263, 266, 274-277; hatred of by Party members, 116-117, 125; informants, 136, 168, 275, 283; investigative jurisdiction, 288-291; Party attacks against, 184, 198; protecting civil rights, 291-294
Feffer, Itzik, 248
Fellow traveler. _See_ Sympathizer
Feudalism, 19, 317, 320, 322
Feuerbach, Ludwig, 14
First International, 22
Flynn, Elizabeth Gurley, 87, 136
_Folks-Shtimme_, 46, 249
Force and violence; definition of, 321; essential for revolution, 21, 22, 26, 32, 33, 72, 126, 181, 184, 286, 319, 321, 325. _See also_ Revolution, communist concept of
Ford, James W., 227, 234
Foster, William Z., 3, 50, 56, 57, 61, 68, 69, 130, 225, 237, 285; chairman, Communist Party, USA, 68, 110, 128; factional struggles, 63, 70, 156; presidential candidate, 62, 227; quotations from, 3-8, 38, 93, 177, 189, 199, 211, 225, 299, 300, 302; sees Lenin, 57; writings on religion, 304, 305
Fronts, 83, 84, 106, 159, 208; aid to underground, 214, 262, 263; how to identify, 225, 226; role in mass agitation, 65, 77, 96, 191-193, 214-226, 234-236; schools, 155, 214; technique of formation, 212-214, 218; types, 216-218
Fuchs, Klaus, 99, 271, 282
Functionary, Party, 139-144, 151. _See also_ Cadre
Funds, how Party collects, 144-147, 213
Funerals, communist exploitation of, 148, 149
Ganley, Nat, 60
Gannett, Betty, 60
Gates, John, 70, 156
Geneva Conference (July, 1955), 42, 69, 167
German-Russian Nonaggression Pact (1939), 66, 70, 116
Gerson, Simon W., 60
Gitlow, Benjamin, 48, 56, 62, 63, 67, 166
_The God That Failed_, 231
Gold, Harry, 271, 278, 279, 282
Golos, Jacob, 274
Gomulka, Wladyslaw, 39
Gouzenko, Igor, 275
Green, Gilbert, 149
Greenglass, David, 280
Greenglass, Ruth, 280
_Guide to Subversive Organizations and Publications_, 89
Hall, Gus, 60
Hansen, Traynor, 113
Hartle, Barbara, 109-113, 115
Hathaway, C. A., 227
Hegel, G. W. F., 18
Hide-outs, 124, 256, 257, 262, 263, 269. _See also_ Underground
Historic mission, 126, 322
Historical materialism, 19
History (American), communist interpretation of, 161
_History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks)_, 93. _See also_ _Bibliography_
Hitler, Adolf, 64-67, 101
Holidays, communist attitude toward, 161, 162, 188
House Committee on Un-American Activities, 89, 173, 184, 212, 221
Hungarian Revolt (1956), 47, 70, 95, 115, 156, 224, 238, 251, 310, 314
Ideological self-cultivation, 153. _See also_ Educational program
Illegal (tactics), 51, 52, 55, 56, 183-185, 255, 286. _See also_ Strategy and tactics; Underground; Espionage
Immediate demands, 184, 188, 189. _See also_ Party line; Strategy and tactics; Mass agitation
Imperialism, 322
_Imperialism_, 158. _See also_ _Bibliography_
Indoctrination, 105, 139, 150, 157-159. _See also_ Educational program
Industrial concentration program, communist, 283
Industrial Revolution, 20
Inevitability, communist concept of, 322
Infiltration, communist technique of, 199-211. _See also_ Labor unions; Nationality groups, communist infiltration into; Negroes, communist attempts to influence; Religion
Ingram, Rosa Lee, 197
Innocent victim. _See_ Dupe (innocent victim) of communist propaganda
Intellectuals, communist exploitation of, 82, 104, 114, 294
Internal Security Act of 1950, 69, 189
_International Affairs_ (Moscow), 34
International Labor Defense (ILD), 235
_Iskra (Spark)_, 27
Italian Socialist Party, 52
Jefferson, Thomas, 135, 161
Jefferson School of Social Science, 155
Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee (Russian), 249
_Jewish Daily Forward_ (New York), 59, 238
_Jews in the Soviet Union_, 242
_The Jews in the Soviet Union_, 246
Judaism, communist attack on, 237-252, 299
Judicial system. _See_ Law enforcement, communist attack on
Justice, Department of, 68, 184
Kaganovich, Lazar M., 250
Kania, Wladyslaw, 242
Katz, Moise, 249
Kazan, Elia, 173
Kerensky, Alexander, 29
Khrushchev, Nikita, 42, 69, 70, 92, 250, 309; denounces Stalin at Twentieth Congress of Russian Communist Party (February, 1956), 42-47, 70, 95, 109, 115, 116, 153, 156, 249; praises Stalin, 41, 47; prophesies a communist America, 3; quotations from, 3, 34, 41, 43-45, 47, 248, 286, 287, 299; upholds Leninism, 34, 287
Klutznick, Philip M., 250
Kostov, Traicho, 39
Krassin, Leonid, 30
Krassin, Lubov, 30
Krchmarek, A., 225
Kronstadt, 31
Ku Klux Klan, 235
Kulaks, 40
Labor Department (CPUSA), 131
Labor unions; communist interest in CIO, 64; decline of communist strength in, 70, 201, 310; early communist attempts to infiltrate, 61-63; lack of sincere communist interest in, 102, 115, 201, 211; Lenin’s teachings concerning, 102, 201; Moscow’s interest in, 52, 59; techniques of communist infiltration, 80, 81, 84-86, 102, 125, 184, 199-205, 283, 284
Labor Youth League, 217
Lannon, Albert, 60
Lassalle, Ferdinand, 22
Lautner, John, 164, 165
Law enforcement, communist attack on, 195-199, 285, 286
League of Militant Atheists (Soviet Union), 240
League of Nations, 64
League of Struggle for Negro Rights, 234
Left-wing sectarianism, 166, 167, 320
Legal (tactics), 52, 53, 55, 56, 183, 185, 274. _See also_ Infiltration, communist technique of; Mass agitation; Strategy and tactics
Lenin, Nadezhda Krupskaya, 26, 28
Lenin, Vladimir Ilyich, 38, 39, 56, 57, 150, 153, 199, 255, 318, 321-324; belief in force and violence, 25-33, 184, 198, 321; biographical, 23-25, 35; high standing among communists, 23, 24, 34, 35; influence on Communist Party, USA, 35, 50, 145, 160, 327, 332; on infiltrating labor unions, 102, 201; on religion, 24, 240, 299-302, 304-307; on strategy and tactics, 182, 184, 193, 271, 286; organizes Third International, 32, 52, 53; quotations from, 25, 32-34, 36, 90, 92, 94, 157, 166, 177, 182, 184, 190, 201, 240, 286, 299-302, 304-307, 319, 321, 323, 324, 326, 327; role in Bolshevik Revolution, 25-31, 93, 94, 315; testament of, 36; works of, 158, 330-331
Lenin School (Moscow), 59, 60, 139, 233, 285
Liberalism, communist hatred of, 90, 91
Lightfoot, Claude, 60
Lincoln, Abraham, 135, 161
Literature program, communist, 154-158
Lovestone, Jay, 56, 63, 68, 166
Lowenfels, Walter, 149
Lumer, Hyman, 35
McCarran-Walter Immigration and Nationality Act, 189
Male supremacism. _See_ Chauvinism
Malenkov, G. M., 41, 42, 69
Mao Tse-tung, 310
Martens, Ludwig C. A. K., 272
Martinsville Seven, 191. _See also_ Committee to Save the Martinsville Seven
Marx, Jenny von Westphalen, 14, 15, 17
Marx, Karl, 39, 100, 101, 110, 153, 162, 308, 309; attitude toward religion, 14, 15, 18, 237, 299, 301; biographical, 13-18; co-author of _Communist Manifesto_, 21, 286; denounces imperialism of Czars, 40; develops communist theory, 13, 17-23, 25-28, 317, 318, 321, 322; helps found First International, 22; quotations from, 14, 15, 17, 22, 241, 286, 299, 318, 321; works of, 158, 239, 328-329
_Marxism and the National Question_, 244
Marxism-Leninism, 13, 18-23, 37-39, 43, 67, 68, 177, 240, 280, 309-311, 317, 318, 322, 326
Marxist-Leninist Institute (Russia), 59
Mass agitation, 181, 185-199, 214, 218-220, 223-225, 236, 286, 303
Masses, communist attitude toward, 21, 161, 198, 322, 323
Materialism. _See_ Dialectical materialism (dialectics)
Mayakovsky, Vladimir, 34
Member, Communist Party; assignment to clubs, 133-135; “concealed,” 79-82, 84, 85, 123, 124, 134, 200, 206, 213, 219, 225, 255; “open,” 77-79; Party life of, 138-149; reasons for breaking away, 108-120; reasons for joining, 97-108; type of in early 1920’s, 48-50, 56; varied backgrounds of, 97, 98. _See also_ Recruitment of members; Underground; Discipline; Functionary, Party
Members-at-large, 134
Membership. _See_ Communist Party, USA, numerical strength
Mensheviks, 27, 315
Minorities and communism, 226-236
_The Modern Quarterly_, 59
Mohammedanism, communist attitude toward, 240, 299
Molotov, Vyacheslav, 42
Morality, communist, 107, 184, 301, 323. _See also_ Ethics
_Morning Freiheit_, 238, 248
Mussolini, Benito, 101
_The Mystic Trumpeter_, 149, 313
National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), 229, 230, 235
National communism, 39
National Negro Congress, 65, 234
National Negro Labor Council, 212, 216
National Organization Department (CPUSA), 131
Nationality groups, communist infiltration into, 131, 216, 226, 235, 236
Nationality Groups Commission (CPUSA), 131, 236
Negro Commission (CPUSA), 131
Negroes, communist attempts to influence, 101, 102, 115, 132, 184, 226-235, 310
Nelson, Steve, 60
New Economic Policy (NEP), 31, 40
_New Masses_, 90
New York _Times_, 173, 250
Novick, Paul, 237, 238, 242, 247
Novikov, Yuri V., 276-278
October Revolution. _See_ Bolshevik Revolution
Officials. _See_ Functionary, Party
Opportunism. _See_ Right-wing opportunism
Opportunist, communist exploitation of, 85, 86, 206, 209
Organizational structure, Communist Party; clubs, 69, 123-126, 134, 135, 202, 261; commissions and departments, 128, 131, 132, 186; draft programs, 127, 133; headquarters, 129, 133; in 1920’s, 57-59; National Administrative Committee, 128; National Committee, 128-130, 302; National conventions, 127-129, 163; National Executive Committee, 128, 129; regional and local units, 128, 129, 132-135. _See also_ Democratic centralism; Functionary, Party
Owen, Robert, 13
Paine, Tom, 135, 161
Parades, communist attitude toward, 223, 224
Party line, 155, 160, 166, 169, 170, 192, 220, 316, 320, 323, 324; changes in, 116, 157, 185, 248; deceptive _vs._ real, 186, 212; description of, 186-189
Party member. _See_ Member, Communist Party
_Party Voice_, 162
People’s Rights Party, 88
People’s Will, 24
_People’s World_, 154
Perry, Pettis, 148
Peter the Great, 38, 91
Petitions, use by communists, 87, 88, 194, 204, 215, 236. _See also_ Mass agitation
Philistine, 324
_Pittsburgh Courier_, 235
_Political Affairs_, 154, 183, 305
Political maturity, 154. _See also_ Educational program
Ponger, Kurt L., 277
_Pravda_, 30, 42, 93, 248, 251
Press, communist, 154-158
Professional revolutionaries, 324. _See also_ Cadre
Proletarian internationalism, 71, 128, 324
Proletarian Party, 49
Proletariat, 19-22, 181, 183, 317, 325
Propaganda, 86, 87, 131, 189. _See also_ Mass agitation; Infiltration, communist technique of
Prosecution of communist leaders, 51, 256. _See also_ Smith Act
Purges, communist, 53, 177, 325; Communist Party, USA, 63, 64, 165, 177; Russian, 37, 41, 245, 249, 283; satellite countries, 39
Radicalizing the masses. _See_ Masses, communist attitude toward
Rajk, Laszlo, 39
Randolph, A. Philip, 234
Records, membership, 69, 147, 289. _See also_ Security program, Party
Recruitment of members, 97, 105-107, 202, 213, 306. _See also_ Communist Party, USA, reasons for joining
Reed, John, 48, 49, 56, 135
Reformism; Reforms; Reformists, 325
Religion; attempts to infiltrate churches, 302, 303; communist opposition to, 14, 116, 297-308, 323; incompatible with Party membership, 306-308; “opium” of the people, 91, 299; Party writings on religion, 304, 305; regarded by communists as instrument of exploitation, 300. _See also_ Atheism; Judaism, communist attack on
“Reps” (representatives of Comintern), 53, 55, 58, 272, 276
Review (Control) commissions (CPUSA), 131, 163, 164
Revisionism. _See_ Right-wing opportunism
Revolution, communist concept of, 7, 21, 22, 26-29, 51, 55-57, 150, 153, 184, 271, 283, 306, 325. _See also_ Force and violence
_Rheinische Zeitung_ (Cologne), 14
Right-wing opportunism, 166, 167, 320, 323
Robeson, Paul, 230
Roddy, Stephen R., 235
Rodney, Lester, 154, 155
Rosenberg, Ethel, 191, 271, 275
Rosenberg, Julius, 191, 271, 275, 280
Russia, Soviet, 40-47, 50, 51-54, 56, 64, 69-71, 165, 239-250, 272-283, 308, 324; communist portrayal of as new world of hope, 101, 159, 160, 279, 309; communist seizure of power in, vi, 23, 29-32, 37, 38, 66, 67, 96, 184. _See also_ Comintern
Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, 27, 315
Ruthenberg, Charles, 48-51, 54, 63
Rykov, A. I., 41
Sabotage, communist attitude toward, 184, 283-285
Sacco and Vanzetti, 191
Schappes, Morris U., 250
Schuyler, George S., 235
Schwarz, Solomon M., 246
Scientific socialism. _See_ Marxism-Leninism
Scottsboro (Alabama) case, 191, 235
Seattle _Post-Intelligencer_, 113
Sectarianism. _See_ Left-wing sectarianism
Security program, Party, 68, 123, 147, 151, 152, 261-267. _See also_ Underground
Senate Internal Security Subcommittee, 82, 83, 184, 221
Senate Investigating Committee, 184
Shepilov, Dmitri T., 42
Shop leaflets, communist, 158
Sillen, Samuel, 173
Silvermaster, Nathan Gregory, 275
Slansky, Rudolf, 39, 238
Slavery, 19, 317, 320, 322
Smith, General Walter Bedell, 242
Smith Act, 68, 109, 113, 132, 150, 168, 189, 195, 203, 275
Social reforms, communist hypocrisy toward, 92
Socialism; first or lower stage of communism, 318; Marxist (scientific) (_see also_ Marxism-Leninism), 326; non-Marxist (Utopian), 13, 326. _See also_ Communism
Socialist Party, 48, 110
Socialist Workers Party (Trotskyites), 63, 69
Soviet Union. _See_ Russia
Spanish Civil War, 65, 101, 285
Splinter groups, 170. _See also_ Factionalism (faction)
Sports, communist attitude toward, 154, 155
Stack, Loretta, 60
Stalin, Joseph V., 24, 27-29, 33, 35, 71, 156, 158, 160, 165, 177, 199, 238, 245, 248, 309, 317; denounced by Khrushchev, 42-46, 70, 95, 109, 115, 156, 250; instructions in 1929 regarding Communist Party, USA, 63; quotations from, 63, 182, 227, 316, 317, 320, 325; role in developing communism, 36-47; signs nonaggression pact with Hitler, 66, 116; works of, 331-332
State, communist concept of withering away, 20, 37, 318, 326
_State and Revolution_, 158
Strategy and tactics, communist, 150, 181-185, 319. _See also_ Infiltration, communist technique of; Legal (tactics); Illegal (tactics)
Supreme Court, 69
Sympathizer, communist, 81-85, 106, 192, 205, 206, 209, 213-215, 275
Synthesis. _See_ Dialectical materialism (dialectics)
Tactics. _See_ Strategy and tactics
_Ten Days That Shook the World_, 49
Testimonials, use by communists, 192-194, 219, 236, 304. _See also_ Mass agitation
Thesis. _See_ Dialectical materialism (dialectics)
Third International. _See_ Comintern
_This Week_ magazine, 96, 118
Tito, Marshal, 39
Trade Union Educational League, 61
Transmission belt, vii, 213, 326
Trenton Six, 191
Trotsky, Leon, 29, 36, 37, 63
Trotskyites. _See_ Socialist Workers Party
Twain, Mark, 161
Twentieth Congress of the Russian Communist Party (February, 1956), 34, 42-46, 249, 286
Twenty-One Points (Comintern), 52-55, 57
_The Twilight of World Capitalism_, 3, 304
Ulyanov, Alexander, 24
Ulyanov, Anna, 24
Ulyanov, Vladimir Ilyich. _See_ Lenin, Vladimir Ilyich
Underground, communist, 184, 214, 271; early years of Party, 51-58, 62, 63; infiltration of industry, 283, 284; mid-1951 to mid-1955, 69; operations of, 255-271; reserve leadership, 262. _See also_ Security program, Party
United Communist Party of America (UCP), 54
United Front, 63-65, 228, 302, 326, 327
United Nations, 274
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, 158
Vanguard of the proletariat, 21, 181, 322, 327
Verber, Otto, 277, 278
Veterans’ Commission (CPUSA), 131
Wagenknecht, Alfred, 48
Wallace, Henry A., 96
War, communist concept of, 327
War communism (in Russia), 31, 40
Weinstone, William, 60, 136
Westphalen, Jenny von. _See_ Marx, Jenny von Westphalen
Westphalen, Ludwig von, 14
White, Walter, 235
Whitehead, Don, 293
Whitman, Walt, 135, 149, 161, 314
Williamson, John, 132
Winston, Henry, 60, 132, 149
Winter, Carl, 60
Women’s Commission (CPUSA), 131
Women’s Committee for Equal Justice, 197
Women’s International Democratic Federation, 220, 221
Wood, Robert, 175
Woodstock, New York, convention (May, 1921), 55
_The Worker_, 154, 156, 161, 305. See also _Daily Worker_
Workers (Communist) Party, 62
Workers Party of America, 56, 57, 61-63
World Tourists, Inc., 273
Wortis, Rose, 60
Wright, Richard, 231
Yagoda, 41
Yaroslavsky, E., 240
_Yiddishe Kultur_, 249
Young Communist League, 64, 101, 106, 217
Youth; communist attitude toward, 106, 107, 131, 186-188, 303, 304, 311, 312; indoctrination of children, 106, 107, 159, 160, 269. _See also_ Young Communist League; Family life, communist influence on
Youth Commission (CPUSA), 131
Zhukov, Marshal Georgi, 42
Zinoviev, Grigori, 41
Zionism, 248
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J. EDGAR HOOVER reveals the facts that have taken more than forty years to uncover. These are the facts that Americans do _not_ know about communism.
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“_Every citizen has a duty to learn more about the menace that threatens his future, his home, his children, the peace of the world—and that is why I have written this book._”—J. EDGAR HOOVER