Chapter 3

, the disclosures of anti-Semitism came in the Warsaw, Poland, Yiddish-language communist newspaper _Folks-Shtimme_ on April 4, 1956, regarding the Soviet purges of Jewish leaders and culture under Stalin. Later, on April 13, 1956, the _Daily Worker_ expressed regrets and then admitted “... we were too prone to accept the explanation of why Jewish culture had disappeared in the Soviet Union in the late 1940s.” With the agility of “whirling dervishes” the communists then sought to develop a justification for the Soviet communist leaders’ action.

World public opinion over the Soviet communist leaders’ injustices mounted and as Khrushchev turned on the “smiles” and started visiting other countries, he was confronted with the accusation of anti-Semitism in Russia.

In England, Khrushchev characterized “anti-Semitism” as “nonsense” to which he would not listen. To a French delegation he protested that he was not anti-Semitic but that the Yiddish language is fading away in Russia as the Jews in the Soviet Union are learning to speak Russian. A new low in deception was reached when Khrushchev claimed that, in the early years of the revolution, “Jews occupied a disproportionately large number of high Soviet positions because the country had few trained people.” He then asserted that the Kremlin had received protests from “the various Soviet Republics that too many Jews held desirable positions.” The New York _Times_ story on June 10, 1956, then reported that Khrushchev “... reportedly pressed Lazar M. Kaganovich, only high-ranking Soviet leader of Jewish origin, to confirm his statements, which Mr. Kaganovich finally did, saying one word, ‘correct’....” And now there are no top communist leaders in the Kremlin of Jewish origin since Khrushchev ousted and denounced Kaganovich last summer.

The president of B’nai B’rith, Philip M. Klutznick, answered the communist propaganda claims when he made the factual observation that only in Soviet Russia and its satellites is “Jewish life languishing and approaching extinction.”

The Communist Party of the United States at its February, 1957, convention sought to hoodwink the American public by a series of statements to the press of how it had declared its independence from Moscow. This deceit was established in no unmistakable terms by the handling of a resolution dealing with anti-Semitism in Russia. The resolution was submitted by Professor Morris U. Schappes in typical communist language: “Resolution: On Jewish question, some aspects.”

The resolution stated: “This matter concerns us as Communists in a country which includes 5,000,000 Jews.” It then points out,

Since the Jewish question is international in scope, we communists must be alert to the problem and its world-wide aspects. The Jewish question is a specific question that requires specific attention.... The liquidation of the outstanding Yiddish writers and Jewish communal and political leaders, and the snuffing out of organized Jewish cultural life have been known for some time....

He, of course, was referring to anti-Semitism in Russia.

The resolution called for the creation of a Jewish Commission, a return to Leninist policy, and a request “... to make this subject one for fraternal discussion with the Communist Party in the Soviet Union,” which, of course, negates the view of independence of the communists in the United States.

The resolution was soft-pedaled and disposed of, as was a similar resolution dealing with Soviet terrorism in Hungary, by being referred to the National Committee of the Party. _Pravda_, on February 16, 1957, had this to say: “The 16th Convention of the Communist Party, USA, confirmed the loyalty of the American communists to the principles of Marxism-Leninism....”

Party leaders, however, in the face of the overwhelming evidence of communist hate for the followers of Moses, still are attempting to deceive unsuspecting persons of Jewish origin and, as this is being written, communist tacticians are at work on a program of infiltrating Jewish groups by seeking for the answers to such questions as:

—How to avoid the extremes of negating Israel and of accepting its actions uncritically.

—How to work in religious groups while keeping ourselves and our children free of the religious doctrine of these groups.

—How to avoid the extremes of taking on all issues and avoiding all issues.

—How to balance Jewish work with our interests as Marxists in general trade union, minorities and people’s movements.

The vigilant and patriotic members of Jewish organizations have demonstrated their alertness to counteract the infiltration tactics in Jewish institutions by communists who were born Jews. Where communist infiltration tactics have succeeded in Jewish organizations, it has been because of a failure on the part of leaders and members alike to be vigilant and thwart the communist tactic of infiltration into the Jewish community just as it has sought to infiltrate every other organization.

A _Pravda_ editorial on July 6, 1956, should remove all doubts as to the antipathy of communism to those who worship God regardless of their faith:

As for our country the Communist Party has been and will be the only master of the minds, and thoughts, the spokesman, leader and organizer of the people in their entire struggle for communism.

_Part VI_

THE COMMUNIST UNDERGROUND

20.

_How the Underground Works_

The communist above-ground, as we have seen, constantly seeks to represent itself as a legitimate political organization working for the best interests of America. When large segments of the people are hoodwinked into believing this fraudulent claim, it becomes easier for the Party to carry on its revolutionary propaganda through mass agitation, infiltration, and fronts. Without some degree of public acceptance, the Party is doomed to an isolated impotence.

Communist tactics require that above-ground activities be pushed as far as possible. However, when the Party begins to abuse its constitutional privileges and the government takes steps to protect itself from outright treason and subversion, more and more Party activities are shifted underground, that is, to the illegal apparatus. As Lenin taught, the Party must always have two levels, above-ground and underground. Both must exist at the same time. One without the other is incomplete.

In times of “nonprosecution”—that is, when “hostile” governments are not attacking—the Party, like a submarine, will surface, carrying on the bulk of its work above ground. But a portion (the underground) will always stay submerged, concealing the Party’s illegal activities, such as aid to Soviet espionage; endeavoring to place concealed members in sensitive positions in government, education, and industry, maintaining clandestine communication networks.

In event of an emergency, this undercarriage quickly expands, providing the Party with well-prepared and extensive undercover operations. Within days, hundreds of above-ground comrades can be absorbed. The Party submerges, the above-ground shrinks.

The Party will submerge only as long and as deep as absolutely necessary, always preferring surface operations (with a supporting underground). That’s why it desperately fights all legislation curtailing its activities. Only to prevent annihilation will it go completely underground. This action reduces contact with the masses, wastes energy on nonproductive security measures, and decreases effectiveness. Except for outright liquidation, it is practically impossible to drive the Party completely underground or completely above ground.

As we saw in Chapters 4 and 5, the Party experienced two periods of intensified underground activities: (1) shortly after its founding, and (2) in the mid-1951 to mid-1955 period. Both were caused primarily by prosecutive action of state and federal governments.

To understand the underground we must realize that it is a maze of undercover couriers, escape routes, hide-outs, and clandestine meetings. It’s not the place for the beginner, the half-indoctrinated, or the doubtful. Only the most loyal members are selected. These men and women are carrying on the Party’s deceitful work away from the watchful eye (so they hope) of the FBI and other governmental agencies.

It was early in the morning. The taxi had been summoned to a number on James Street. The driver looked. On the corner stood an attractive woman, dressed in a polka-dotted blouse and navy blue skirt. From her shoulder dangled a brown purse.

“Take me to Elm and Cherry Streets,” she said, jumping into the cab.

When the taxi arrived at the destination, the woman changed her mind. “Take me to the Surplus Store,” she instructed. The driver complied, now almost doubling back to where he had started. The woman, however, still wasn’t satisfied. She asked to be taken to another location. There she alighted.

A few minutes later she hailed another cab and went straight to her destination, a railroad station on the east side of town, some fifteen miles away, even though she was then only a short distance from a terminal where she could have caught the same train.

This wasn’t the Case of the Woman Who Changed Her Mind, but the shift of a Party underground leader to a new hide-out. Why the strange gyrations? She was endeavoring to make certain she wasn’t being followed.

In a northern state a scene similar to the Girl in the Polka-dotted Blouse was being enacted. A woman with black curly hair, dressed in a smart gray herringbone suit and wearing a large-brimmed hat, boarded a southbound train. She carefully surveyed the passengers, then took a seat near the rear. She was carrying on her left arm a blue tweed suit and a hook-weave black coat. In her right hand she held a brown suitcase trimmed in light tan. It was a long ride, all afternoon and night. Upon arrival she sped to an address in an older section of town. A knock, the door opened, and she disappeared inside. The woman was a high-ranking Party leader reporting for a new underground assignment.

These two women, neatly dressed and looking like ordinary travelers, were but two of many hundreds involved in Party underground work from 1951 to 1955. Many were away from home for months, even years, living under assumed names in obscure rooms; moving under cover of darkness from one city to another; scurrying along streets late at night; eating irregular meals. Life in the underground for most is hard work, drudgery; not romance, adventure, and fun.

How are comrades chosen for underground work?

As we have seen, only the most trusted and dedicated of Party members are chosen. A study of the case histories of twenty-five top Party leaders active in the underground during 1951-55 disclosed that all had been in the communist movement for over twenty years. Their average age was somewhat over forty.

Party “loyalty” is determined by an elaborate “verification” system. A prospect is compelled to execute a questionnaire asking for detailed information about his family, former employment, education, Party history. One questionnaire, for example, requested a member to analyze the “political position” of relatives, and then asked, “Have you had any extra-marital relations since you’ve been married? If so, with whom and how often?” Many times, older comrades must vouch for the prospect.

To enter the underground usually means simply disappearing quickly, abruptly, without warning. Whispers float: “Where’s Gordon?” The answer: “He’s gone under” or merely the telltale sign, a clenched fist with the thumb pointed down.

It was a Monday morning. Everybody came to work except one, a woman who had been with the firm for many years. Nobody thought anything about it. Probably she was sick. But the next day, the next week, the next month, she didn’t return, although she had almost a hundred dollars in wages coming to her. At her apartment it was the same story. She had quickly moved out. Nobody knew where she had gone.

She had entered the communist underground.

These departures are carefully planned. Above-ground comrades will handle any pending personal matters, such as storing the member’s furniture, moving his family, caring for his car. Sometimes departures have been so rapid that hot meals have been left on the table.

Once underground, the member is made ready for assignment. This means, first of all, assuming a new identity; that is, being made into “another person.” As a general rule this involves the securing of a new name, date, and place of birth, even changing physical appearance. One functionary, for example, lost between thirty-five and forty pounds, giving him a gaunt appearance. Others were told to gain weight. Still another grew a mustache, donned glasses, and dyed his hair black. Identification marks, such as moles and warts, have been removed by surgery. One underground official boasted that he could walk down Main Street every day and even his wife could not recognize him!

In addition, the member must be supplied with fake identification papers, Social Security cards, drivers’ licenses, library cards, bank-deposit books. If he is stopped on the street he must be able to prove his “identity.” Likewise, he should acquaint himself with his adopted place of birth, know something about its newspapers, streets, and stores. Does it have a baseball team? It’s usually best to pick a small town, for there is less chance of meeting somebody from there.

Frequently the member, in his new pose, will attempt, at least on a temporary basis, to secure employment. His underground work will be conducted in the evenings and on week ends. Some of the comrades are on the Party’s payroll, but most are not. One member became, in the words of her employer, an “efficient, affable, and able” secretary. Little did he dream that she was a communist on special underground assignment. In another instance a comrade, when hired for a job, said she was born in a Southern city, had attended a certain grade and high school, and had previously worked in another city. Later FBI investigation revealed that her story was a complete falsehood. Her job was only a front for secret communist work.

That’s why the underground is a nightmare of deceit, fear, and tension, where one has to tell falsehoods, fabricate a background, adopt a new name, and live in fear of being recognized by old friends or acquaintances.

Suppose the Girl in the Polka-dotted Blouse, in order to carry out an assignment, must pose as a widow or the estranged wife of a sea captain, or as the retired owner of a ladies’ dress shop? Think of the problems that would arise. What types of stories must be improvised? What kind of personal possessions must be purchased to keep up the cover?

The Party has thoroughly studied these problems. Let’s look at a secret study issued for the instruction of women underground comrades, like the Girl in the Polka-dotted Blouse. Here’s the advice:

1. Suppose you are posing as a widow (after having been married some twenty years) and you have now come to this city “to get away from it all and try to forget.”

_Answer_: Well, you shouldn’t come in (as to a rooming house) empty-handed, with only a handbag. You “must make some show of previous accumulation,” for example, have “a few personal ‘precious’ things,” such as “picture(s), little mementoes.” Where can you get them? “In any 5-10c store.”

2. Suppose you have an inquisitive landlady who has access to your apartment.

_Answer_: You might first say (to cover up the scarcity of your personal belongings) that, being so sad over becoming a widow, you “haven’t had the heart to unpack everything yet.” If you stay longer, you better buy a dustmop and some other items, “so that the story of having been a housewife for so many years will ring true.” And by all means have some luggage, preferably “beat-up” luggage. “The more luggage a woman moves in with the better is she accepted on the strength of her story.”

3. What if you’re underground in a small town? What about social life? People are sure to become suspicious if you stay seven nights a week at home. Moreover, unlike a man, it doesn’t look right to go to a late movie alone.

_Answer_: Take a short trip out of town. This not only takes away suspicion but gives you something to talk about.

4. Then there is the problem of extra expense incurred by women.

_Answer_: A woman must have more luggage (she’s expected to have more clothing, etc.). Then she must use a taxi; she can’t carry her own suitcases. Also there is the problem of “personal upkeep.” Suppose you are a blonde and you come into town as a brunette. As the study points out, you have to keep that up, to a tune of about six dollars for each trip to the beauty parlor and two dollars extra for eyebrow dye.

Attention to detail must be exacting, even to the clothes worn on given occasions. Here’s a sample of a “How I was Dressed” diary kept by the Girl in the Polka-dotted Blouse:

—wore dark grey dress, high heels, walked to the movie ...

—wore low heels, two-piece blue suit, red tam ...

—wore high heels, white blouse and blue hankie. Carried umbrella, looked like rain.

In meeting noncommunists she doesn’t want to be a strawberry blonde one day and the next week a natural brunette. If she is representing herself as a “poor widow,” she probably should wear the same dress every time, not come in a variety of outfits.

Assignments in the underground vary. A select few are engaged in highly secret disciplinary work. Security is most important. The telephone and mails are to be avoided. Never carry Party documents or names on your person. Disciplinary squads may stop members and search their purses. Woe if a compromising slip of paper is found bearing a name or telephone number.

Security precautions also affect the above-ground Party. No membership books (or cards) are issued; large clubs are broken up into small groups; records are destroyed. In a Western state a Party member was instructed to go to the post office for mail. He was to carry a brown paper sack and, upon leaving, proceed to the restroom of a nearby building. There another Party member, carrying an identical brown sack containing nothing but rubbish, would meet him. They would exchange sacks. In this way, so it was thought, the person with the mail could not be detected.

Then there are couriers who carry secret messages, often in code. In addition, they bring supplies and funds, meet Party leaders in hide-outs, contact mail drops. Couriers are of various types: (1) Party officials “just going through,” (2) Party members, such as salesmen and truck drivers, whose occupations allow them to travel without suspicion, (3) “professional” couriers who are trained to operate on a full-time basis.

Some comrades are given special assignments, such as stock-piling supplies (paper, ink, printing presses, funds). Others, working with above-ground comrades, secure, for future underground use, extra drivers’ licenses, birth certificates, car titles, etc. In addition, comrades operate hide-outs and escape routes or hide Party records. The underground from 1951 to 1955 actually harbored Party leaders who were criminal fugitives, having been convicted by United States courts.

Depending on local conditions, the organizational structure of the underground varies from area to area. As a general rule, because of security reasons, the leadership is rotated. The Party may feel that a member is going “stale.” If so, he may be shifted to another assignment or temporarily “furloughed upstairs” (meaning allowed to reappear in the “open”). A reserve leadership is always ready, in case the functioning leaders are arrested or otherwise incapacitated. This reserve may consist of other underground comrades or members still “upstairs.”

On the West Coast, for example, a clandestine communist group using the code name of “Mollie” had full responsibility for carrying through not only underground but also many above-ground functions. For security reasons underground contacts are always downward, not to a higher level. This means that top officials can contact those in lower levels, but the latter (who seldom even know the identity of their superiors) cannot contact above themselves. In event of an “enemy breakthrough,” only the identity of those on the level “broken through,” or lower level, will be revealed.

As we have mentioned, the closest cooperation must exist between the underground and above-ground apparatuses. The former cannot operate as a self-contained unit. It must constantly be serviced from above; otherwise it would die of suffocation. As we noticed in