Chapter 10
, the Party’s attack is geared to the wide variety of American life. Communism has something to sell to everybody. And, following this principle, it is the function of mass agitation to exploit all the grievances, hopes, aspirations, prejudices, fears, and ideals of all the special groups that make up our society, social, religious, economic, racial, political. Stir them up. Set one against the other. Divide and conquer. That’s the way to soften up a democracy.
Here is the advice of a top leader giving instruction on how to spread the Party’s influence:
Study your friends. See what they spontaneously talk about. What problems interest them?
—is he an unemployed worker, skilled in his craft but without work?;
—a storekeeper? Maybe business isn’t so good;
—a trade-union man or a dairy farmer? What are their problems?;
—a young man just out of school? Looking for a job?;
—a member of a minority group?;
—a young mother worrying about sending her child to kindergarten?
“... unless each one of us grasps the meaning of this individual approach to every one of our friends and acquaintances, we are in danger” of being ineffective.
Agitation must be carried on in specialized fields: among women, among youth, among veterans, among racial and nationality groups, farmers, trade unions. That’s the responsibility of the Party commissions.
Consider youth, a prime target of communist attack. Communists start out with this major premise: American imperialism aims to create a corrupt, completely militarized youth—a “gagged,” “scared” generation. This theme is expounded by word of mouth, in forums, in literature, in cartoons, hoping to exploit the lofty dreams of youth.
The approach always has two sides: (1) _the deceptive line designed for public consumption_, and (2) _the real Party line designed to advance communism_. Consider this _deceptive line_ for youth:
1. Increase trade with all countries, including the communist bloc, to provide “hundreds of thousands of new jobs for young people.”
2. Outlaw all mass destruction weapons (atomic bomb).
3. Promote universal disarmament and peace.
4. Reduce military expenditures and repeal the draft.
5. Repeal all “repressive legislation” and “restore the Bill of Rights.”
6. “Restore full academic freedom for students and faculties.”
7. Promote world-wide “youth friendship for peace and democracy,” drop all bars to the travel of youth.
8. Appropriate more money for schools, community centers, etc.
That is the line designed for public consumption. Sounds acceptable, doesn’t it? But the communists are not genuinely interested in improving the status of American youth.
For window-dressing, they always support items desired by most of the people: lower taxes, higher wages, better housing, old-age security, higher farm income. These are thoroughly legitimate interests. To support these aims, and many others, is not to be a communist. The Party is simply attempting to exploit such interests for its own selfish aims They become Party “talking points.”
Behind this front, as in the call for world-wide youth friendship, more education, academic freedom, and so on, lurks the ulterior motive, the real Party line. The attractive “come along” points are merely bait. Look closely to see how the adoption of these demands, _as conceived by the Party_, would distort their true meanings and aid the communist cause:
“_Restore the Bill of Rights_,” in communist language, means eliminating of legal opposition to communism, stopping all prosecution of communists, and granting amnesty to those presently in jail. “_Repeal the draft law_” and “_peace_” mean curtailing our national defense effort and allowing Russia to become militarily stronger than the United States. “_Increase trade with the Soviet Bloc_” means selling materials that could be used by the communist nations for armaments. “_Restore academic freedom_” means to communists that we should permit the official teaching of communist doctrine in all schools and that we should allow communists to infiltrate teaching staffs. If the communists had their way, America would be rendered helpless to protect herself. Incidentally, notice the communist use of the word “restore,” indicating that freedom is already gone and that the Party stands for its return.
Now substitute “veterans” for “youth.” The approach is the same: Increased trade with all countries, including the communist bloc, would mean thousands of new jobs for _veterans_. “Restore” academic freedom so _veterans_ can think as they want. Promote world-wide _veteran_ friendship. Drop all bars to the travel of _veterans_. Also, it is good propaganda policy to add a few “come along” points appealing specifically to veterans. The technique continues: substitute “women,” “trade union members,” “nationality groups,” etc.
The propaganda platform contains a combination of immediate “come along” demands, designed for deceptive and specialized appeal, and basic policy aimed to advance the communist cause.
Thus the Party, through its specialized and immediate demands, is able to gain entree into various groups and create favorable working conditions for future revolutionary action. Very quickly, for example:
—a veterans’ meeting endorses “peace.”
—a nationality festival passes a resolution for “peace.”
—a youth affair favors “peace.”
—a neighborhood group comes out for “peace.”
—a women’s rally fights for “peace.”
Whatever its composition, the group, once under communist control, is switched to the Party line. The feigned interest in legitimate demands is merely a trap.
Even holidays are used to enhance the Party’s aims. For example, the _Daily Worker_ once headlined a story “Mother’s Day to Be Marked by Peace Tables....” Postcards should be distributed on Mother’s Day, the story continued, “declaring the deepest need of all American mothers to be a ban on A- and H-bombs....”
Also planned, according to the story, were special Mother’s Day leaflets and placards as well as balloons for the children reading “World-Wide Ban of A- and H-bombs.”
Many people sincerely believe, for many reasons, that these bombs should be banned. However, to communists, the true meaning of peace and banning the A- and H-bombs is weakening the United States and advancing Russian aggressive aims.
And so it goes. A discussion may start about the low price of oats, better working conditions on the second shift, equal pay for women, the death rate among Eskimos, but it will end with the endorsement of “peace”; “amnesty for the Smith Act victims”; “repeal of the Internal Security Act of 1950 and the McCarran-Walter Immigration and Nationality Act.”
Scattered, variegated, and inarticulate interests, under Party guidance, are brought into a common denominator: support for the Party line.
The Party line, in fact, is the sum total of all Party demands at any given time. You must learn to see it as a whole. Some demands are always present and seem innocent enough, such as those for higher wages, lower taxes, and better housing. But, remember, communists don’t really care about genuine social reforms. These immediate demands are strictly for agitational purposes. They serve to arouse people and to cause tension. William Z. Foster says very candidly: “Our Party is a revolutionary Party. It aims not simply to ease conditions a bit under capitalism for the workers but to abolish capitalism altogether.”
If ever achieved, these demands will be restated in more extreme form.
Other demands in the Party line are short-term; that is, they may quickly change, depending on the current national and international situation. Consider the Party’s stand that Formosa should be returned to China proper. Suppose the present communist regime in China were overthrown and a government hostile to Soviet Russia gained power. This demand would be quickly abandoned. On the other hand, certain demands never change, such as support of the Soviet Union.
The attack is primarily agitational. Propaganda, although valuable, is a long-range softener, to be handled chiefly on an intellectual level by the educational department; agitation is immediate, inflammatory, conducive to acute discontent, the specialty of the field organizer.
Lenin’s distinction is decisive. A propagandist, he says, to explain unemployment must talk about the capitalist nature of the crisis, the need for building a socialist society, etc. “‘Many ideas’” must be expounded, “so many indeed that they will be understood as a whole only by a (comparatively) few persons.”
But the agitator, on the other hand, selects one well-known aspect of the problem, such as “the death from starvation of the family of an unemployed worker.” He will concentrate on imparting a single idea to the masses: why this family died. Or, in Lenin’s words, he will show “the senseless contradiction between the increase of wealth and increase of poverty.” Evoke discontent and revolt _now_. “Leave a more complete explanation ... to the propagandist.” Here is an example of how agitation works:
The communists publish a story: John Doe has been arrested, the charge is murder. Of course it is a tragic event. Crime always brings sorrow. It reflects maladjustment in society and points up abuses that genuinely need correction. But the communists aren’t interested in John Doe. They do not try to discover the true facts in his case, study his background, or improve his condition. Here in the day’s news is a human tragedy that can be exploited for propaganda purposes. That is enough.
The Party machinery springs into action, typical of thousands of mass-agitation campaigns.
The communist press publicizes the case with pictures, an interview with the wrongdoer, stories about his family. It carries heart-rending and sentimental accounts, without regard to truth or the suffering of the victim of the crime or the sorrow of his loved ones.
If the arrested person is a member of a minority group, or a veteran, the father of ten children, a union member or unemployed, the agitational appeal is broadened. “Union Member Framed on Murder Charge.” “Unemployed Veteran Railroaded to Jail.” “Father of 10 Arrested on False Charges.” Almost always the charge of “police brutality” is thrown in too.
In a few days a decision must be made. Should the campaign continue? Maybe the case is quickly over, no special interest having been aroused. Or the “victim” himself announces that he’s been treated fairly and has no personal ill feelings. That’s the end. The Party drops it.
Such campaigns are sometimes carried on for months or years, with varying degrees of intensity. The Party is a self-appointed collector of “victims” of “framed evidence,” “lynch justice,” “Gestapo brutality,” “academic witchhunts.” These “martyrs of injustice” include old-timers like Sacco and Vanzetti and the Scottsboro Case, now remembered only in “memorials”; and recent ones, such as the “Martinsville Seven,” the “Trenton Six” or the Rosenbergs; or hot-off-the-griddle varieties, such as those appearing in the current Party press. All are trotted out at the slightest twist of tongue or pencil as exhibits of capitalist “terror” and communist “benevolence.”
Certain exploitation standards determine whether the campaign is to continue: Can large numbers of people be influenced? Is a public official involved—the more prominent the better—who can be undermined and smeared? Will other communist ventures be aided? Can the Party gain recruits? (Mass agitation is always linked to Party building.) Can financial gains be secured for the Party?
The Party searches American life for agitational points: the eviction of a family, the arrest of a Negro, a proposed rise in transit fares, a bill to increase taxes, a miscarriage of justice, the underpayment of a worker, the dismissal of a teacher, a shooting by law-enforcement officers. Some of the cases, unfortunately, do reflect mistakes or blemishes in American society. Others are twisted by the Party into agitational items.
Once the decision has been made to continue the campaign, the next step is probably the formation of the XYZ Committee to Save John Doe: a communist front, born at 9:00 A.M., full grown by 10:30 A.M., mailing out letters by noon. This gives the illusion of organized interest, focuses attention, and masks communist participation. Purpose (deceptive) is to gain “justice” for the defendant; purpose (real): to advance communism.
Attract attention by building up a bonfire of agitation. Suddenly, almost like magic, a “women’s” group in Oregon, a “farmers’” meeting in Oklahoma, a “consumers’” conference in West Virginia pass resolutions: “Save John Doe!” Literature is scattered, other groups contacted. The Party becomes the agitational base. Who is John Doe? The members don’t know, except that he’s the newest twist in the Party line. That’s enough!
The Party has now started a mass-agitation campaign. Its success depends on securing noncommunist support. Members contact community leaders, such as judges, members of the city council, doctors, lawyers, clergymen, educators, social workers, trying to obtain statements or testimonials.
The communist is no longer a shadowy figure deep underground or meeting secretly at night. He is knocking on doors, seeing prominent people, attending city council meetings.
I feel that John Doe has been wrongly arrested [or convicted, as the case may be]. I am compelled in the interests of justice to demand that he be released.
That is a typical testimonial to be sent to authorities and the press.
The technique of obtaining testimonials is always to start with a sympathizer, the kind who will authorize his name for any communist campaign. Some are so “controlled” that headquarters uses their names without consultation, even preparing their statements. Others are contacted on each occasion.
They next reach out for other prominent sympathizers. Officers of communist fronts make good signers. They usually have imposing “titles.” Next, branch out to the lukewarm, those who are on the fence; sometimes they will sign, other times they will not. If not, they must be sold. Finally come the unsuspecting noncommunists, with contact being made either in person or on the telephone.
“Mr. X, I’m So-and-So from the XYZ Committee to Save John Doe. I was just over at Mr. Y’s office. You know him, don’t you?”
“Yes,” will come the reply. That gets the interview off to a good start.
“This is a case I am sure will interest you. You are a lawyer and here is an individual who is the victim of injustice.... Have you heard about it?”
“No.” That’s good, the field is clear.
On and on. “Dr. F, Rev. O, etc., have given statements....”
The man signs. Another “innocent victim.” Did he know the communist identity of the solicitor? No. Did he know that the XYZ Committee to Save John Doe was a communist front? No. Did he realize that by making the statement he was aiding the communist movement? No.
For sincere, honest reasons of their own, entirely unrelated to communism, many individuals may support John Doe. This, of course, does not make them communists. To call them communists is an injustice, but it is not unjust to point out that the Party always seeks to exploit such personal convictions for partisan propaganda.
The cause of communism must be linked with as many elements in society as possible. Our fight for John Doe is your fight, the communists say to labor unions, Negro, professional, cultural, and nationality groups. Today he’s being “persecuted.” Tomorrow it’ll be your turn. Join with us and we’ll fight together.
... we Communists join with every other democratic-minded American, irrespective of views, in the common fight to preserve a common democratic heritage.
_Deceptive_: the communists are fighting for our “common democratic heritage”; _real_: to gain the support of noncommunist groups (even “... those who do not accept Socialism as a final aim”). As Lenin instructed, seize allies everywhere. Use them for the advantage of furthering communism.
Mass agitation is most effective in capturing the support of noncommunists. By securing even the temporary allegiance of an individual, as in a testimonial, the Party gains. In this way communist propaganda enters the orbit of that individual’s personal influence. “Why,” a friend will say after reading the testimonial, “if So-and-So endorses that organization [or issue], it must be OK.” The dupe becomes a communist thought-control relay station. That’s why communists are always eager to secure the support of doctors, clergymen, teachers, and other persons highly respected in their communities. The more widely known the person, the better.
Circulating petitions is another favorite communist technique for capturing noncommunist support.
A young woman stands on the sidewalk. A housewife, carrying a package, comes out of the grocery store.
“Pardon me,” the young woman says, approaching her. “Wouldn’t you like to help a young man win his freedom?”
The appeal is attractive. The housewife stops. “We have a petition to the governor asking for the release of John Doe. He’s sentenced to die....” The housewife looks at the petition. It contains nothing communist. There is no hammer or sickle or mention of Russia. It is just a statement that we the undersigned believe that John Doe should be released. “You can help a lot by signing....”
She signs and so do thousands of others. Party teams are everywhere, on street corners, at factory gates, in bus terminals. Sign here, please. Won’t you send a telegram or write a letter? Here’s a sample all fixed up. Just sign it. Would you like a leaflet? Won’t you call the governor’s office? Come to our rally tonight. Write a letter to the newspaper. Is your club meeting soon? Have it pass a resolution. Your pastor can help. Have him call a protest meeting.
The pressure is tabulated in thousands of letters, resolutions, and telegrams, ten, a hundred times the number of all Party members in the United States.
Agitation campaigns are of all types, local, state, and national:
—dealing with the high cost of living;
—against a rise in transit fares;
—opposing a bill in Congress or a state legislature;
—protesting the showing of a “Fascist” movie;
—urging amnesty for convicted Smith Act “victims”;
—demanding “peace”; “repeal the draft”; “more aid to schools”;
—protesting the arrival in town of some celebrity not liked by the Party.
Campaigns involving court cases as a general rule provide the most sustained agitation. These can be divided into various _exploitation stages_.
1. _The arrest stage_: the “victim” has been illegally arrested. The charges are “trumped up.”
2. _The trial stage_: “false evidence” is being used, the jury is “packed,” a fair trial is “impossible.”
3. _The appeal stage_ (assuming that the defendant is found guilty): in most cases a guilty verdict serves the communist purpose best. Otherwise, little propaganda is left, except for a few self-congratulatory articles. The communists use every device, inside and outside the courtroom, to break down the American judicial system.
4. _The clemency stage_: this is probably best suited to agitation. The Party operates a whole series of tactics. Here are a few:
Mass meetings. Rallies. Demonstrations. Picket lines. These, also used in other exploitation stages, now become imbued with “gravity.” “John Doe Will Die in 2 Weeks. Wire the Governor. Demand His Release.” “Save My Boy, Please. He’s Innocent.” “Where’s America’s Conscience? This Man Has Been Framed.”
Sojourns. Treks. Pilgrimages. Motorcades. Encampments. The convergence on a selected spot, the state capital or Washington, D.C., of members and sympathizers from all over the country.
They arrive by train, battered old trucks, rented buses, hitchhiking. Get your tickets, meet at the station, don’t miss the Clemency Train. Day after day the _Daily Worker_ pounds this theme. An operational headquarters is set up, usually under a fancy Aesopian name such as “Liberty House” or “Inspiration Center.”
This tactic—concentrated pressure—is reserved only for special occasions. Teams visit offices of legislators, officials of the government, and demand to see the governor or President. Make everyone think that “millions” are demanding clemency. A cascade of telegrams, letters, petitions, resolutions pours in, promoted by comrades back home. “The city was stirred today by the _nation’s_ demand for clemency for John Doe....” writes the Party’s press agent. Probably 250 communists and their sympathizers were in town.
The hour of judicial decision or execution nears. The drama is heightened. “Prayer meetings” are held by communists, who do not believe in prayer. Then the super climax: a “vigil.” The comrades start a marching line, twenty-four hours around the clock, demanding “mercy,” “clemency.” One day, two days, five days, twelve days, the line moves back and forth in front of the governor’s mansion, or more dramatic, the White House. Placards read: “Mercy for John Doe.” “Mr. Governor, Don’t You Have a Heart?” Any testimonials secured from prominent individuals bob and weave in the marching line. Leaflets are handed out.
In two hours comes a new shift. Paraders walk silently, sometimes in single file, at other times two abreast, usually six to eight feet apart. This isn’t supposed to be a flamboyant affair, but sad and mournful, designed to capture the emotions. Death is near! “Clemency _Now_—Only 12 Hours Left.” “Can America Allow an Innocent Man to Die?”
The shift is over. The members whisk back to “Liberty House,” grab a bite to eat, hear a pep talk, then return for another “tour of duty.” Cots are available for sleep. In this way a few fanatical comrades can attract the attention of thousands. Over the week end other comrades, off from work, “flood” into a city and, in the flaming words of the Party press, march by the “thousands”—meaning probably 250 to 300. “There’s Still Time to Act. Send Telegrams, Letters to the Governor.” Mount the pressure. So long as John Doe is alive he must be exploited.
5. _The imprisonment stage_: the defendant becomes a showpiece. He is visited by his wife (called a “prison wife”) and his family, and delegations go to see him. Sentimental and heart-tearing accounts are written: “... as the train sped me northward, my eyes ached with unwept tears of loneliness.” “I heard [his] quiet voice. I looked into his calm eyes. But I noted too the tight lines of controlled grimness about his mouth and the narrowed tightness about his eyes.”
Birthday-card campaigns are initiated. Send John Doe a Christmas greeting. His picture is published. His “speeches” become “quotable scripture.” A nine-year-old son visits him ... the child is shocked by the “watchtowers,” “gigantic searchlights,” “locked iron doors” ... the visit is over ... the little boy tells his mother, “After all, if Daddy didn’t have such good political ideas he wouldn’t be there in the first place.” (He is a Smith Act “victim.”)
The communist press will invariably superimpose its judgment on that of a jury and judge with a trumped-up charge that the homicide was justifiable, the evidence framed, or the witness had committed perjury. It will have a defense for the crime that would cause the person not familiar with the facts or the record of the trial to wonder. And the longer the lapse of time, the more real the trumped-up defense will sound to the uninformed. This might go on for years. For example, the Women’s Committee for Equal Justice was not disbanded until seven years after Rosa Lee Ingram and her two sons had been convicted and sentenced in a Georgia court for the slaying of a neighbor.
6. _The post-imprisonment stage_: most of the propaganda value is generally gone when this stage is reached. If the “victim” is dead, “memorial” services may occasionally be held or articles written.
The cycle has run. The campaign may be dropped at any moment, shifted to a new tack, used to buttress another approach. Another purpose, especially in espionage cases, is to make the “victim” think he is a “martyr” and believe that any cooperation with the American government, such as implicating others or giving vital information, would be a betrayal. Better to have him executed by the government for his crimes than to expose other communists.
These campaigns are designed to dramatize communists and their front representatives as “champions” of the masses. They foster the illusion that these individuals are progressive, enlightened, and humanitarian, acting in the best interests of the American people. “We stand for freedom when everybody else is not interested.” That is the illusion.
The real motive is to prepare both the Party and noncommunist society for revolutionary action. Members gain experience in mass work: the art of propaganda and agitation, organizing social discontent, guiding large numbers. Leadership, discipline, and organizational structure can be tested. Moreover, communists hope to make workers and the masses class-conscious, accepting the Party as their leader (in Party terms called _radicalizing_ the masses). Sow seeds of discontent; weaken, divide, and neutralize anticommunist opposition; above all, undermine the American judicial process.
Law enforcement has long been a target of communist attack. As legal opposition crystallized, these Party attacks, especially on the FBI, prosecutive officials, and police, have mounted in intensity.
Lenin taught that it was essential for every “real people’s revolution” to destroy the “ready-made state machinery.” Wherever communists have been able to exercise any measure of control, their first step has been to hamstring and incapacitate law enforcement.
The communist performance in the Indian state of Kerala is a good illustration. Within a few months after a procommunist government came into control, “people’s action committees” were formed which began to usurp the functions of the law courts. Then the state police were handcuffed by orders to stand on the sidelines except when crimes such as murder, rape, arson, and assault occurred. Many communists were freed from jail, and public statements were issued that many penal institutions would be closed and their grounds turned into flower gardens. A noncommunist official of the Indian government reported a “complete breakdown of law and order.”
Experience over the years has demonstrated that every time communists are able to avert justice through technicalities, there is not only jubilation in Party circles but also increased urgings for more brazen Party action.
Day-to-day struggles are battle-hardening dress rehearsals for revolution. William Z. Foster boasted, “... capitalism will die sword in hand, fighting in vain to beat back the oncoming revolutionary proletariat.”
Often communists find it effective to carry out their agitation campaigns through organizations not generally recognized as procommunist. These can be either (1) old-time organizations which have been “infiltrated,” or (2) newly established communist fronts. The next two chapters will discuss these forms of communist campaigning.
16.
_Infiltration_
Infiltration is the method whereby Party members move into noncommunist organizations for the purpose of exercising influence for communism. If control is secured, the organization becomes a communist front. This chapter shows how infiltration works and what you can do about it.
Infiltration is one of the oldest of communist tactics, advocated by Lenin and Stalin. For instance, listen to this exhortation by Georgi Dimitroff, General Secretary, before the Seventh World Congress of the Communist International:
Comrades, you remember the ancient tale of the capture of Troy. Troy was inaccessible to the armies attacking her, thanks to her impregnable walls. And the attacking army, after suffering many sacrifices, was unable to achieve victory until with the aid of the famous Trojan horse it managed to penetrate to the very heart of the enemy’s camp.
Homer’s famous story, Dimitroff said, must be applied to the twentieth century. “We ... should not be shy about using the same tactics....” The Trojan horse has enabled the Party to wield an influence far in excess of its actual numbers.
For example, a community emergency occurred and assistance was badly needed in a stricken area. A labor union in Cleveland, Ohio, raised money to purchase food for distribution to the victims of this adversity in a small West Virginia town where families actually were in want for the necessities of life. The Communist Party organizer in Cleveland instructed a concealed Party member of the union that the truck driver was to deliver the food to a specified address in the stricken area in West Virginia where it would do the most “good.”
Here a noncommunist organization was paying the bill, thinking that it was doing a generous act of charity. Yet concealed communists within its ranks were subverting the generosity to communist ends. Since the Party had actual control over the distribution, who do you think got credit for the generosity?
Such incidents are frequent. Strikes have been called or settlements influenced by Party penetration within labor unions. Party manipulation has controlled the conventions of noncommunist organizations and determined the selection of officers. An idea originated in a Party office can, through this technique, be translated within days or hours into interviews with high government officials, into intensive agitation campaigns, or even, as has happened, into disruption of industrial production.
No wonder the Party desperately seeks to infiltrate labor unions, the government, civic and community groups, religious, professional, economic, and social organizations. It desires to make these organizations, in various ways, serve Party interests.
Party leaders spend much time and effort in studying infiltration strategy and tactics. A hasty, ill-advised, or poorly timed move might wipe out months of preparation. Should the objective be complete capture of the organization or the placing of a few key members? If the latter, where should the initial attack be delivered? Would it be better to place a member on the midnight or on the swing shift? Where can the greatest and most immediate gains be secured? A flexible strategy, adapted to current conditions, must be employed.
Communists have probably worked harder to infiltrate American labor unions than any other group. Since the days of Lenin, labor has been a favorite target. The Russian dictator was explicit:
It is necessary to ... agree to any and every sacrifice, and even—if need be—to resort to all sorts of stratagems, manoeuvres and illegal methods, to evasion and subterfuges in order to penetrate the trade unions, to remain in them, and to carry on Communist work in them at all costs.
The statement is frank: Communists are not interested in the laboring man, higher wages, better working conditions, shorter hours. They want to get inside unions in order to agitate for communism.
An overwhelming majority of American labor-union members are honest, hard-working, loyal citizens. They detest communism. This has been proven time after time. Alerted to the presence of communists, they will cast them out. Most of the Party’s gains achieved prior to and during World War II in the labor movement have now been destroyed.
These defeats, however, have not halted the danger. “At least 90 per cent of all of our efforts,” one Party writer asserted, must be devoted to industrial workers. Drawing on years of experience, the Party is today attacking labor unions with renewed vigor. The best way to defeat this assault is to know communist tactics of action.
The first thing in labor-union infiltration tactics is to secure a foothold inside a union, through a single comrade or, better yet, two or three. Comrades then do everything possible to build up strength inside the organization, creating a shop club.
Members of shop clubs are expected to promote Party influence in all possible ways. Very important is the recruitment of new members. The Party’s influence depends on members, especially on their strategic placement in the union and in industry.
“How-to-recruit” suggestions, for example, are often supplied to shop comrades. One Party manual urges that members mix with the workers and cultivate friendships.
Especially must the Communist mingle with his fellow workers at noon time and participate in the general discussions and conversations that take place.
Always try to steer these discussions, the manual says, into “economic and political channels”—so as to provide the chance to insert communist propaganda. And don’t use technical Party terms. Learn to express “our Marxian line” in good “American slang.” Communism can best be sold in the everyday language of the prospect.
If the worker shows “interest” (the communists say if “he’s more advanced”), give him a _Daily Worker_ or pamphlet to read. Then invite him to a meeting or “study group.”
Try to stay with him after working hours. “The majority of our Party members become Communists only after working hours, around 6 P.M.” For communists there is no such thing as an eight-hour day.
The over-all work of infiltration, especially of shop clubs, is coordinated by Party strategy caucuses; that is, Party-called meetings where the problems of infiltration are studied. They are generally held on an industry basis, such as the automobile, steel, railroad, mining, and electrical industries, with members employed in these fields attending.
Party caucuses operate on different levels. There will be, for example, local caucuses of Party members employed in a certain industry in a given area, such as the automobile or electrical industry in Detroit or Cleveland. Then there are state and national caucuses, with Party leaders being drawn from wider areas. Party labor directors are usually in charge. In the past, for instance, national “auto” caucuses were often held in Cleveland or Detroit, “steel” in Youngstown, “electrical” in Buffalo, and “mining” in Pittsburgh. Sometimes Party leaders in related unions, such as automobile and steel, are brought together in a general communist labor conference.
These caucuses are literally strategy-devising meetings, where problems and procedures are analyzed with X-ray precision. Noncommunists probably do not realize how carefully communists study “capitalist” companies, wage policies, personnel, etc. The objective always is: How can the company and the union be used to implement the Party line, as support for “peace,” the Smith Act “victims,” or some current Party “martyr”?
For an answer let’s look in on one Party caucus.
Leslie, from the northwestern part of the state, was reporting on what his shop club was doing, that is, soliciting signatures to a “peace” petition.
“We got seven hundred and four signatures in a little over three days last week.”
“Keep at it,” the organizer responded. “Get more signature campaigns going. Contact those people who have already signed. See if they are friendly and understand our position. If so, go a third time. (Maybe a recruit could be secured.) Encourage them to circulate a petition themselves.”
“At our plant,” another Party leader commented, “we started a committee to protect freedom of speech. It’s a good issue and we’ve had some fine response. I think we ought to soon rally some support for the Smith Act victims. I hope we can get some contributions too.”
“Fine,” the organizer added, “but always remember that we must stress our united-front campaign. We’ve got to show the workers in these right-wing [that is, anticommunist] unions that the Party stands for peace, higher wages, and better working conditions.
“What if most of the workers don’t agree with communism?” the organizer continued. “That doesn’t keep them from working with us. We’ve got to convince them that we must all work together, that we have common aims. Besides, it will help us organize the rank and file against the reactionary [anticommunist] leadership.”
The caucuses give guidance. This is how to agitate on Party issues: Issue petitions and resolutions, set up a “peace” stand outside the shop gate, start a front. Ideas are exchanged, weaknesses analyzed, tactical shifts worked out, all under supervision of Party headquarters.
Sometimes the caucuses manipulate special “deals” to enhance Party influence. The following case, which occurred in Cleveland, Ohio, is revealing:
“Howard,” the organizer said, addressing one of the older members, “you’ve got to give up your job as editor of the union’s newspaper.”
“Give up ...,” the member said, surprised.
“Your time’s running out. You’re just about pegged as a communist. If you try to stay on another year, you’ll be thrown out. That’ll cause a rumpus and we’ll lose ground. Step out now.”
“OK,” the member replied, accepting the instruction. “I think I can get Elmer elected in my place. Dick may want it, but we’ve got to stop him.”
“Right you are,” the organizer said. “Dick is a vicious Red baiter. He’s a faker and reactionary. I’d rather have the paper discontinued than have him as editor.”
“Elmer isn’t known as a communist,” the member added. “Of course, if I support him it’ll tag him somewhat, but....”
“That’s our best approach, Howard,” the organizer said. “Submit your resignation tomorrow. You’ll catch Dick and his cronies off guard. Then push all you can for Elmer.”
What follows now is a case history which reveals the whole sinister process of infiltration. It concerns an organization that we shall call The 123 Group, typical of many trade-union, fraternal, civic, community, and nationality groups. It covers a six-year struggle for control between the Communist Party—working through a group of open and concealed members, sympathizers, and dupes—and a noncommunist opposition, at first unorganized, hitting wildly, but later to become all-powerful.
The 123 Group was an influential and respected noncommunist organization. Even partly to control its actions would be of great value to the Party.
The problem for communist headquarters was how best to attack. The obvious target, as in most organizations, was the officers. To control one officer, such as a president, secretary, or treasurer, is often worth ten, twenty, or fifty rank-and-file members. Everything must be done to prepare for the next elections in an effort to oust as many anticommunists as possible and replace them with pro-Party people or at least neutrals.
All officers of The 123 Group were bitterly anticommunist except one, the secretary. He would have loudly protested if called a Party member, and he wasn’t; but for many years he had maintained cordial contacts with Party officials. He was, in every respect, a sympathizer. He was popular and had a large personal following among the rank and file. For this reason the anticommunists had not been able to defeat him. Here was the obvious weak point.
“We’ve got to draw up an entire slate of candidates,” the Party organizer emphasized. “Let’s call it the ‘Reform Ticket.’ We must include a few reactionaries. That’ll hide our interest.” Then the frank admission: “We must not show our hand. We’ll run on a program acceptable to the right wing as much as possible. After we get in we’ll take control.”
The communist Trojan horse was jockeying for position. Maneuver often compensates for lack of numbers and organizational position. Deals, stratagems, and hypocrisy must be given free play.
The secretary-sympathizer agreed to run on the Reform Ticket. His name would lend prestige and give the ticket a capable career officer. Here was the first breakthrough. More deals, however, were necessary.
The chief problem now was the presidency. Whom to run? A known procommunist could not win. To support another anticommunist was unthinkable. The answer: an opportunist.
The right man was at hand, a noncommunist, personally ambitious, who disliked the current president. Lacking a dynamic personality, a “little backward,” as one Party official called him, he could be “guided.” He was just the man to head the ticket.
He was contacted. Run for president and you’ll receive “our” support. The communists, of course, didn’t openly identify themselves. The opportunist, however, probably suspected, but he didn’t care. That is the mark of an opportunist: his personal ambition is so great that it overrides every other consideration.
Now the other noncommunist candidates on the Reform Ticket must be chosen.
To communists there are different degrees of “foes.” A “60 per cent” foe is better “working material” than a “100 per cent” foe. Another may be appraised as a 40 or even 10 percenter. In drawing up the slate, find as many “low percenters” as possible. Also there is the practical factor, always to be remembered, of selecting candidates who can “pull” votes to the ticket.
These deals were made.
Then there was the task, after selection of the slate (which contained concealed communists along with noncommunists), of getting it elected.
This meant more strategy, manipulation, and deals. The communists could count on only a small minority of the vote—their own members and a few sympathizers. Their tactic lay in exploiting existing jealousies, conflicts, and dissatisfactions among the majority noncommunists. To catch the secret of communist infiltration tactics, we must understand how the Party, with great skill, is able to exploit, guide, and capitalize on the splits and lack of interest in noncommunist ranks. That’s how the Party is able to wield an influence far out of proportion to its numbers.
There was, of course, the usual share of communist deals. One technique, often used, is a deal with a noncommunist member of the group who is running for office in another organization in which the communists also have members. “Support our candidates here,” the deal goes, “and we’ll help you next week.” Then there is the communist who is a union official or company foreman who says to a noncommunist member of the group, “Maybe we can consider a promotion for you at the plant if....”
Another technique is to urge “benevolent neutrality” upon those noncommunists who are wavering and might vote for the current officers; that’s a good day for them to stay home or go fishing!
Result: The Reform Ticket won a complete victory. Now one-third of the officers, five Party members, were controlled by Party headquarters. The rest were virtual prisoners.
To infiltrate an organization is only a first step. It must be made to serve Party interests. There are many ways:
1. A proposal, promoted by the communists, was made that Henry G., both a member of The 123 Group and a secret communist, be sent as an official delegate to the National Convention of a communist-front organization. This group was painted in glowing terms as a fighter for human rights. No mention was made of communist control. Opponents objected, labeled it as a communist “outfit.” The vote was taken: motion passed, and the communist member went, expenses paid.
2. A concealed communist was running for public office. Motion was made that his candidacy be endorsed. Again another outcry from the opponents, but the motion passed.
3. “John Doe is a victim of injustice. We should pass a resolution to be sent to the governor demanding his freedom....” An anticommunist protested, “It’s not our business to be passing resolutions about such matters.” “A reactionary,” replies the spokesman for the communist line. “Aren’t you interested in justice?” Label your opponents as “Fascists,” “reactionaries,” “hardhearted.” The vote was taken: motion passed.
4. The communists had established a Party “front school.” Money was needed for expansion. One source: The 123 Group. Motion was made that a contribution be sent to the “school.” Passed. A tactic the communists like to use: Make noncommunists “share” the Party’s expenses.
5. Other ways: seize, if possible, the group’s bulletin or newspaper. Make it a Party mouthpiece, or at least attempt to silence or weaken its criticism. The instructions flow steadily from Party headquarters: start a letter-writing campaign, pass this foreign-policy resolution, contact a public official. The 123 Group becomes a masquerade for communist attack.
In one instance an official of The 123 Group (who was also a secret communist) was invited to testify before a congressional investigating committee about a certain economic development. What did he do? He went to the Party and asked for copies of the _Daily Worker_ and other communist background material. Now he had the Party line!
Such victories are not always easily won. One requirement is a well-planned floor strategy for all club meetings. That’s the secret of many Party successes. First, as one Party leader expressed it, “we want our mob present.” No absences are allowed. Every Party vote is needed. If a motion is to be made, who will present it? When? Early in the evening while the crowd is large? Or much later when many of the delegates, but not the communists, have gone home? How should objections be handled? If concessions must be made, which ones?
Every move is planned.
If a communist is chairman, the task is easier. He can use many parliamentary devices such as not recognizing an opposition speaker, rushing votes, ruling opponents out of order. The communists, one member remarked, always had the meetings “so well in hand” in his organization that an “outsider” had no chance of even voicing opposition.
Numerous tricks can be used; for example the diamond formation, seating members in a diamond pattern. This gives the impression, during debate, that Party supporters are more numerous than they actually are. Another is the false opposition. Selected members make foolish, silly, and stupid objections to communist proposals. The purpose: to make the communists look even better.
Communist infighting is vicious and utterly devoid of moral principle.
For several years the Party controlled The 123 Group. Time after time, the organization consisting of hundreds of members was subverted for Party purposes.
Then troubles began to appear. Some sympathizers and opportunists grew restive. Noncommunist opposition increased.
Party counterattacks were launched.
The first problem was to hold the opportunist-president in line. Vanity is a weapon in the early stages. Do everything you can to “blow up” his ego. Raise his salary (the organization pays for it, not the Party). Give him a testimonial dinner. Send him as a delegate to a convention, preferably as far away as possible. The communist vice-president will run affairs until he returns.
Frequently, as time passes, opportunists and sympathizers become “big-headed.” They don’t do what they are told. “Jack J. is feeling the effects of power,” one Party leader complained. “He’s forgetting his old factional allies.” Now stronger measures must be applied. Remind him forcefully that it is communist support which keeps him in office. “Encircle the guy,” as one Party member recommended, meaning to make him even more dependent on the Party. Perhaps cut his salary. A little “smear” campaign might be effective.
If new alignments can be made, he might be dropped. If not, he’ll be subjected to even stronger pressure. Blackmail and threats are often part of communist tactics at this stage.
Finally, six years later, The 123 Group eliminated the communist infiltration after a long, tiring battle. Here were some of the basic points the noncommunist opposition had to keep everlastingly in mind:
1. _Rally the majority noncommunist strength._ The communists, usually a minority, capitalize on the lack of interest of noncommunists. One communist member was elected to office with only 3 per cent of the total eligible vote.
2. _Remember that communism is always an evil, never a temporary good._ Often communists give the impression of working for the best interests of the group. “What do you care whether we are communists?” one Party leader asked. “We’re trying to help you.” Another quipped: “Politics don’t matter. It’s the issues that count.” That’s wrong. Any conciliation, friendship, or trust placed in communism will sooner or later be exploited against democratic society.
3. _Don’t underestimate communist ability._ Many communists are extremely intelligent. One Party leader was described by an opponent as very capable, well versed in parliamentary procedure, and possessing an excellent command of English. To think of communists as mere rabble rousers and nuisances is to risk defeat.
4. _Understand communist tactics._ Learn how they, though numerically few, are able to exert a maximum influence. Deceit is one of their strongest weapons.
5. _Stand up and be counted._ Many noncommunists hesitate to speak up in meetings. They fear to be attacked by an acid-tongued Party spokesman. They may remember Mr. So-and-So. He opposed a communist proposal several weeks ago. Now look at him. He hasn’t slept a full night for weeks. Somebody is constantly calling him on the telephone. His relatives are pestered. It’s best, they think, just to stay away from meetings or, if there, remain silent. Others, irritated, bored, or simply “fed up” with communist tactics, walk out. Just what the communists want. They have a clear field. Speak your mind. Stand your ground. Don’t be afraid to defend American liberty.
6. _Wage the fight in a democratic manner._ Emotion should never replace reason as a weapon. To pursue extralegal methods is simply to injure your cause. Fight hard, but fight according to the rules.
When communists speak of their desire to advance the cause of labor, the question should always be asked: What is their objective? In August, 1957, streetcar and bus workers went on strike in Lodz, Poland. The workers were using this means to protest against the unfulfilled promises of the leaders of the Polish Communist government. The strike was soon brought to a halt through the use of some 3000 troops with fixed bayonets and police who fired tear gas into the milling mob.
While the communists were demonstrating their brutality and terroristic tactics against labor in Poland, American communists were giving another demonstration of how they habitually ignore the truth. William Z. Foster, as the elder statesman of the Communist Party in the United States, was saying:
One of the most striking phenomena of the capitalist world in recent years has been the enormous extension of the workers’ fight for democracy—among other phases, to defend their right to organize and strike.... World Socialism has enormously stimulated this struggle.
The answer is a simple one. The communists, once in control, crush every opponent, while, in coming to power, they promise everything to soften the opposition. This opposition will be “softened,” however, only if we allow infiltration to take place before our very eyes without knowing it for what it is.
17.
_The Communist Front_
The auditorium was packed. More than 1000 delegates and observers waved their arms enthusiastically, along with some 200 others who did not fill out registration forms to avoid leaving a record of their attendance. (The _Daily Worker_ said they were in “... fear of intimidation.”) This was the founding convention of the National Negro Labor Council, a new organization dedicated to “equality,” “social progress,” and the upholding of “civil rights.” Speeches, resolutions, election of officers, everything ran smoothly. Two days later came adjournment. A new communist front had been born.
Delegates had come from all over the United States. They would now return to their home cities, start local chapters, enroll members, issue literature.
A master organizing hand was at work. One thousand individuals just didn’t arrive by accident.
The convention call was communist-inspired. For weeks in advance, local Party members had been arranging housing, running errands, securing finances.
The Council claimed that its purpose was to aid the Negro; however, the House Committee on Un-American Activities concluded that, “rather than helping the Negro worker, it has been a deterrent to him.”
The founding of the National Negro Labor Council was typical of many Party fronts created over the past generation.
Fronts probably represent the Party’s most successful tactic in capturing noncommunist support. Like mass agitation and infiltration, fronts espouse the deceptive Party line (hence the term “front”) while actually advancing the real Party line. In this way the Party is able to influence thousands of noncommunists, collect large sums of money, and reach the minds, pens, and tongues of many high-ranking and distinguished individuals. Moreover, fronts are excellent fields for Party recruitment.
A front is an organization which the communists openly or secretly control. The communists realize that they are not welcome in American society. Party influence, therefore, is transmitted, time after time, by a belt of concealed members, sympathizers, and dupes. Fronts become transmission belts between the Party and the noncommunist world. Earl Browder, when head of the Party, gave this definition: “Transmission belts mean having Communists work among the masses in the various organizations.”
Some may be newly created, or, as often happens, they may be old-line organizations captured by infiltration, like The 123 Group mentioned in the preceding chapter. They may operate nationally, regionally, or locally. Some are permanent organizations; others exist for only a day, a week, or a month.
The Party has operated hundreds of major fronts in practically every field of Party agitation: “peace,” civil rights, protection of the foreign-born, support for Smith Act “victims,” abolition of H-bomb tests, exploitation of nationality and minority groups. Some are based on specific appeal, to teachers, writers, lawyers, labor, women, youth. Many have national officers, local chapters, and substantial assets.
In addition, literally hundreds of minor fronts of all shapes, sizes, and types appear each year in everyday Party life. They serve a specific short-time purpose, then disappear. A few handbills, a rally, or a picket line, and a front has gone to work.
We must not think of fronts in terms of legitimate organizations. A few fronts collect dues, issue a newspaper, or sponsor organized activities, such as a sports program or cultural affairs. Most, however, exist only on paper. Their assets usually consist of a few office supplies, a secondhand Mimeograph machine, and a mailing list. The danger of a Party front rests not on its physical appearance or size but on its ability to deceive.
A few fronts may maintain separate headquarters, usually in a small room in an old building. Some operate from Party headquarters, a basement, or somebody’s home. Often they are found in clusters, one office serving as the headquarters for two, three, or a half-dozen fronts. The only difference is the wording of their names.
“Front schools,” where Marxist and related subjects were available for noncommunist students, have been most important to the communists over the years. In one such school it is estimated that over 100,000 individuals received instruction; in another, 75,000.
Every front, in its own way, is fighting the Party’s battles:
—sponsoring agitation campaigns;
—collecting money (fronts are one of the Party’s chief sources of income);
—supplying speakers for noncommunist organizations (it’s surprising the number of requests received by front groups, especially those sponsoring “peace” and “civil rights,” for speakers. A sympathizer or dupe who has prominence in the community, such as a lawyer or professor, will often be sent);
—issuing literature;
—sponsoring mass rallies;
—lobbying for or against legislative bills;
—influencing key individuals whom the Party could not otherwise reach;
—teaching Marxist doctrines.
During the recent period when most Party headquarters were closed because of a tactical shift to underground operations, fronts performed many functions for the Party. In