CHAPTER XIV.

* * * * *

_Suggestions for future Missions to the Interior of Africa._

A mission to Dagwumba is of the first importance. See Geography, p. 178. The commercial genius and opulence of its people, their disinclination and inaptitude to war, their superior civilization, and the numerous caravans which frequent this emporium, from the most remote parts of the interior, make a treaty of intercourse most desirable, both for commerce and science. But it is more imperiously desirable, or rather this enterprise becomes a duty, from the recollection, that, from this King’s proverbial repute for sanctity, if he were persuaded by the deliberate remonstrance of a British Resident, at least to mitigate, if not ultimately to abolish human sacrifices, his example would naturally be followed by the several neighbouring monarchs who make him their oracle.

Mr. Hutchison’s courage, his love of enterprise, and his interest in intellectual pursuit, to say nothing of a feeling towards myself, which I cannot but be proud of, would, I am sure, lead him to anticipate my wishes and strengthen my hopes of success, by having him again as a companion; and his diary must have proved, though very imperfectly, compared with a personal acquaintance with him, how well he is qualified for an appointment, so important to the interests of commerce, science, and humanity, by his discretion, zeal, and benevolence.[140]

A third officer (and a zealous and able successor to Mr. Tedlie has presented himself) should accompany this mission, to proceed under the King of Dagwumba’s guarantee and recommendation, which is omnipotent to the Niger, to Wauwaw (on the banks of that river where Mr. Park was buried; for no plea could be less suspicious, than the King of England’s natural anxiety to send an officer to the Sultan of Wauwaw, to learn the particulars of Mr. Park’s death, and to enquire for his papers, especially as a Moorish emissary passing through Yahndi, was instructed to do so, directly we heard of the circumstance in Ashantee. The officer alluded to (who is a medical man, well acquainted with natural history, and an accurate draftsman) should be content with a sight of the Niger, and remain at Wauwaw collecting and observing, until an exchange of letters with Cape Coast, through the Resident at Yahndi[141]; when it would be seen how far it might be prudent, (having replaced him at Wauwaw) to allow him to proceed to Cassina, Houssa, or Timbuctoo; that is, if the Sultan of Wauwaw would guarantee his safety, under the same promise of reward previously held out to the King of Dagwumba.

No moment could be more auspicious than the present for this enterprise to Dagwumba, since the King of Ashantee’s absence and perplexity in the Gaman war bars his molestation or hindrance; though I have no expectation that he would offer either, were he at liberty, or aware of the occasion: see page 342.

If the trade of Dagwumba be so extensive as was invariably reported to us (and to Mr. Lucas at Mesurata on the Mediterranean) it might then become desirable to establish a British market up the Volta; but this is an after consideration. Geographical circumstances are much more in favour of a mission to Dagwumba than they were in that to Ashantee, (besides, that there are no irritating political retrospects to be debated on arrival,) for the Volta or Adirree is navigable from the sea to within eight days march of Yahndi; (see page 176;) even if we do not calculate on the reported junction of the river Laka, which would bring us close to Yahndi.

The presents should all be ingenious novelties, rather than costly apparel, for they are not only more acceptable and more imposing, but, which is very important, much more portable; and would require so few carriers, as to diminish the expense of conveyance as much as the expense of purchase. The negroes have more than anticipated our _portable_ displays of splendour, from the pageantry and descriptions of the Moors; and we have had the advantage of witnessing what kind of presents made the most auspicious impression on the King of Dagwumba’s powerful neighbour, which were certainly all of the class of ingenious novelty. I should recommend, therefore, a few pieces of tissue and rich silk, with gold thread interwoven, to shew that our manufactures can be accommodated to their taste; see note page 331.

Pieces of worked muslin.

One piece of ditto, worked with gold thread.

Scotch damask.

Palampours, with gold and silver leaf.

Manchester cottons, of rich pattern.

Red, blue, and yellow broad cloth.

Raw silk, of various colours; see page 331.

Of the foregoing, only small quantities as presents to the King and principal Moors, by way of samples of our manufactures.

Two pair of richly cut glass decanters.

A small silver bowl embossed.

A handsome lamp.

A military saddle and bridle, with pistols, &c.

Two musical snuff boxes.

A good bird organ.

Two or three common violins, being the instrument of the country.

Pandean pipes.

Cymbals.

Two bugles.

Kaleidescopes.

An inferior gold repeater for the King.

Two or three common silver watches.

A telescope.

Camera obscura.

Magic lantern.

Microscope.

Pocket compasses.

Boxes of phosphorous matches.

Arabic Bibles, and Arabic literature.

Two or three landscapes, in sympathetic ink.

A port-folio of engravings of English costume and public buildings, with a set of the drawings of this work.

A copying writing apparatus for the chief Moor.

Wax, seals, pencils, Indian rubber.

Two boxes of water colours.

Drawing and writing paper, and vellum.

Razors, scissors, knives.

A handsome double barrelled gun.

Two boxes of carpenters tools.

A small turning lathe.

A small plough.

A made up turban of gold tissue, with a gilt circle for the head, set with false stones, for the chief Moor.

A silk union flag.

An air gun.

Candles and perfumed soap.

Bark, and other medicines.

The officers of the mission should be provided with Troughton’s pocket sextant, Dollond’s 32 feet telescope, the new barometers, &c. &c.

The Danes having deserted their fort (Adda) at the mouth of the Volta, their government, on being solicited, would surely not only not obstruct, but favour so important a scientific enterprise, and not compel us to reach the river over land, as we could do, by marching through Aquapim and Quaoo. The man of war on the station might convey the mission to the mouth of the Volta, and one of her boats accompany the canoes (which should be brought from Cape Coast) a day or two up the river.

It would be well to be prepared with several impressions of a manifesto (in Arabic,) explanatory and impressive of the legitimate and benevolent views of the British government, as an introduction to the King of Dagwumba, preparatory to our negociation, and also to serve the same purpose at Wauwaw, and to circulate through the interior. Numerous impressions of the certificates circulated in behalf of Major Peddie, should also be circulated, Mr. Ritchie’s name being substituted, and the reward for an act of kindness acknowledged in a letter from that gentleman, being made payable (after an authority from Cape Coast) at either of the British Residencies, Coomassie, Yahndi, or Dahomey; for as there are many officers to spare at Cape Coast, the expressed wish of the latter monarch should be immediately gratified, and our intercourse renewed by a Residency. See note, p. 340.

I think all the objects of the Dagwumba mission could be effected in four months; when I should feel impatient to visit the river Gaboon, for the purpose of penetrating to the Ogooawai, and going as far up it as I might with prudence. See p. 436. The discovery of so large a river in this situation is very important.

Arrangements could probably be made at Eninga or Okota (p. 429.) for the guarantee of an after mission to Asheera: also for one from Gaboon to Kaylee; and, which is most important, for the south-eastern navigation (from Adjoomba, p. 431) of the branch of the Ogooawai running through Tanyan into the Congo.

But there is another enterprise which should not be forgotten, the navigation of the Lagos river to the highest point, (p. 224) and a visit to Kosie, (p. 225,) a Residency at which court would doubtless lead to a similar establishment in the powerful and commercial kingdom of Yarriba. See p. 209.

The Residents at the various courts, who, as I have impressed before, should be young men of acquirement, patience, and address, should receive occasional instructions from head quarters, directing their enquiries and observations to the geographical and scientific desiderata, more peculiarly belonging to or expected from their different neighbourhoods, which would be suggested from the closer study of these subjects by the individual at the head of a department of discovery at head quarters, and also by the scientific Societies in England according to their peculiar pursuits.

The Residents should make quarterly reports, accompanied by specimens of natural history, to be digested into one annual report at head quarters, (with the various geographical improvements and discoveries, adjusted and embodied in one large chart) for forwardance to England.

All Residents and Conductors of Missions, should be provided with small copying apparatuses, so that they might forward their original dispatch, and one duplicate, to Cape Coast, by two different opportunities, always retaining the other copy, in case of accident, or until the receipt were acknowledged.

If it could be afforded, a medical officer should afterwards be added to the more important Residencies, to attach and relieve the natives.

Botanical and Mineralogical excursions, (taking sextants, telescopes, and barometers,) into Ahanta, Aowin, Warsaw, Akim, and Aquapim, small surveys, &c. &c. should be undertaken, ad interim, not only from the smallness of the expense and the great comparative benefit, (as we know nothing of these countries beyond their position,) but to qualify the younger officers (of congenial disposition and acquirement,) for future missions and residencies.

The young men soliciting appointments in England, should be required to make themselves acquainted with the grammar of the Arabic language, and practical astronomy, before they receive their commissions; and one or two intelligent Moors from the interior, should be invited, by a pay, to settle at Cape Coast Castle, to perfect these officers in writing and speaking the language. The Fantee language should also be cultivated, as it is a dialect of the Ashantee.

The soldiers of the settlements should no longer be enlisted from the mulattoes and Fantees of the neighbourhood, making the present paltry force the more inefficient, from local and family attachments, inseparable from human nature, and preventing their acting cordially, if at all, on emergencies for the rescue of human victims, or the punishment of their relatives and townsmen, for insult, or contempt of the British legislation for the abolition of the slave trade, &c. The Negroes captured in the illicit Spanish and Portuguese slave ships, of whom there must be a number unemployed at Sierra Leone, would form the most desirable military force, even preferable to European, which has recently been adopted by the Dutch. These rescued Negroes would possess no attachment, beyond that which the considerate kindness and good conduct of their officers might induce; the climate would be natural to them; and they would prove valuable companions, if not intelligent guides, in future missions to the interior. There should at least be two hundred and fifty of these soldiers at head quarters, (one company being trained as artillery by European serjeants) and fifty at each other settlement, if but two.

The three missions, to Dagwumba, Wauwaw, and Ogooawai, would not cost above a thousand pounds, judiciously expended in England; which is not so much as the annual expense of either of the six paltry out-forts (exclusive of the head quarters, and the vice presidency, which is but 9 miles from Cape Coast, and, since the abolition of the slave trade, an useless and absurd position;) the mere existence of which, although it may excite astonishment, and reflect credit on the mercantile ingenuity and economy of the African Committee, is notoriously a disgraceful caricature on the British name.

Three respectable establishments, one at Cape Coast Castle, one at Accra, (a rich and open country,) and one at Succondee, (if we could not purchase Axim, which commands the navigation of the Ancobra,) with an allowance of a thousand a year for a progress in the interior, (beneficial to commerce, science, and humanity,) would be productive of fame and honour, and probably of wealth, to our nation.

[Footnote 140: This gentleman being already superseded by Mr. Dupuis (formerly Vice-consul at Mogadore, and now Consul at Coomassie) is of course at liberty to indulge his disposition for enterprise.]

[Footnote 141: The King of Dagwumba should be promised additional presents on the receipt at Cape Coast Castle of the first dispatch from the Niger.]

* * * * * APPENDIX. * * * * *

APPENDIX. No. I.

* * * * *

_Extract from Meredith’s Account of the Gold Coast._

_Origin and History of the Ashantee War._

The Assin country lies at the rear of the Fantee, and borders on the Ashantee country. It was divided into two states: the one governed by King Cheboo and Quacoe Apoutay; and the other by King Amoo. Apoutay, although not elevated to the dignity of King, held equal sway with Cheboo; but they were each subordinate to the King of Ashantee. A man of opulence died in Amoo’s town; and, as is customary on such occasions, gold and other valuable articles were deposited with the body in the grave. On this occasion, one of Cheboo’s people was present, and seeing what was done, watched an opportunity to rob the grave; which he effected, and escaped with the treasure. Amoo his neighbour sought redress of Cheboo and Apoutay, but without success: he then laid the affair before the King of Ashantee; who summoned all the parties before him, gave them an impartial hearing, and awarded in favour of Amoo. Quacoe Apoutay was detained as a hostage until restitution should be made: but he, in a short time, contrived to make his escape, and, when at liberty, refused to accede to the award made by the King of Ashantee. On this Amoo attacked the town in which Cheboo and Apoutay resided, and routed his opponents: after this, at the instigation of the King of Ashantee, the parties met to settle the dispute; but Quacoe Apoutay acting treacherously on the occasion, sent privately to Cheboo for an armed force to support him: and a battle was the consequence, which ended in the death of the man who had committed the theft, and the total defeat of Apoutay and his forces. At this crisis the King of Ashantee, willing to bring about a peace, again interfered. He sent two gold manillas, the one to Amoo, the other to his adversary, directing them to cease all hostilities; to which both parties agreed, and took the manillas. Amoo obeyed the King; but Quacoe Apoutay attacked Amoo, and drove him in his turn from his town. Amoo, indignant at the repeated deceptions of Apoutay, obtained succours, and overthrew his treacherous opponent. The King of Ashantee still anxious to reconcile his neighbours, and unwilling to draw his sword, presented two gold swords and an axe to Amoo, and recommended him to conciliate Quacoe Apoutay, and terminate their quarrels. Amoo consented to obey the King, but in the mean time was again attacked by his implacable foe, and totally defeated, and lost in the contest the golden sword and hatchet. His opponent committed ravages wherever he came, killing messengers, and every man who fell into his hands, not sparing even the King of Ashantee’s messengers! A war with the King of Ashantee followed hereupon: Quacoe Apoutay and Cheboo dreading his vengeance, fled to the Fantee country: in consequence of which the King sent a message to Acoom, the caboceer or mayor of Assecoomah (a small state tributary to the King of Ashantee,) accompanied by a present of twenty ounces of gold; stating the necessity of his pursuing his enemies to the Fantee country, but giving assurance of the King’s pacific disposition towards the Fantees, and that his only object was to get into his possession Cheboo and Apoutay: the Fantees would not interfere, nor allow the Ashantee forces to come into their country. Upon this answer, Appey Dougah,[142] the King of Ashantee’s general, collected, by command of his master, a large force, and gave the enemy battle at Buinka in Fantee; he displayed great gallantry, and defeated the two Kings, in conjunction with the Fantee forces that had joined them. Next day Cheboo and Apoutay having rallied their forces, and formed a junction with a fresh Fantee force, gave Appey Dougah battle; but were totally defeated, with the loss of many killed and made prisoners: among the latter was Atia,[143] the caboceer of Abrah, the principal town of Fantee. A large sum was offered for his ransom, but refused; and he was committed to the care of Acoom, the caboceer of Assecoomah, in whom the King had great confidence; but this person betrayed his trust, and liberated the enemy. Quacoe Apoutay, baffled at all points, sent to the King of Ashantee to accept his conditions, provided he would discharge his debts on his return home. To this proposal the King agreed, and, in token of his friendship, sent various presents to Cheboo and Apoutay; who, instead of receiving them with gratitude, beheaded the messengers. This wicked and unprovoked act roused the indignation of the King of Ashantee, and he vowed eternal war against the aggressors. Acoom (who had been forgiven by the King for his treachery in suffering Atia to escape,) being in possession of a large quantity of provisions, was applied to by the King of Ashantee for a supply, which he with seeming cheerfulness granted: six times he delivered faithfully those that were contracted for, but, the seventh time, he betrayed about one thousand men who had been sent for them, and sold them in March or April, 1806. In consequence of this conduct Acoom became involved in the war: very shortly afterwards the King of Ashantee defeated him, and made rapid progress with his army towards the coast in search of Cheboo and Apoutay. The Fantees opposed his march, but were defeated in every onset, and the Braffoes were nearly extirpated by the Ashantees in their march. The Annamaboes, instigated by the remaining Braffoes, were impudent enough to receive and protect Cheboo and Apoutay; which proved fatal to them. At this period the Governor of Cape Coast Castle, being under some apprehension for the safety of the British settlements, was inclined to send a flag of truce with a message to the King of Ashantee, who was now (May, 1806) at Abrah, and only fifteen or twenty miles from the coast. The Annamaboes (who were consulted on the measure) objected to it, and the design was consequently suspended. The Governor was anxious to know upon what terms the King would consider the British, and wished to become a mediator; but the Annamaboes, who placed a vain dependence on their name and strength, fully expected that the King and his army would be conquered; and that if not the whole, the greater part of the army would fall into their hands; and hence were not disposed to pacific measures, nor would they permit the Governor’s messenger to proceed inland. Shortly after this, a division of the Ashantee army made its appearance at Cormantine, and routing the inhabitants from the town, completely destroyed it. The captain of this division contrived to get into the Dutch fort, and having pillaged it of a number of articles, took up his residence there. It was now time to become acquainted with the King’s intentions; and for that purpose the Governor of Annamaboe fort sent a messenger with a flag of truce to the commander of this division, intimating a wish to be acquainted with the King’s motives for marching an army to the coast, and proposing himself as a mediator. This message, we may suppose, was conveyed to the King; and on the following day three men were observed coming from Cormantine with a white flag displayed, and (Mr. White) the Governor, expected they were the bearers of some agreeable and satisfactory intelligence: in this however he was much disappointed; for the commander of that division of the Ashantee army being in possession of fort Amsterdam, was elated with his success, particularly in getting to the sea side; (a circumstance which inspired him with such joy, that he went to the beach and dipped his sword three times in the sea, some of which he had conveyed to the King as a proof of his success:)—whether those circumstances stimulated him to try the disposition of the English chief, we know not; but the message he sent, imported a degree of haughtiness by no means agreeable to Mr. White, and was to this effect: that when the Governor would send him twenty barrels of gunpowder, and one hundred muskets, he would be told what the King’s designs were. To comply with this demand would be acknowledging too much submission, and would doubtless give the King a very indifferent opinion of the British character. Mr. White behaved politely to the people, gave them some refreshment, and told them that he regretted that the King, or their master, did not appear inclined to come to an explanation, or to conciliate matters: that if the King would point out in what manner the Annamaboes had offended, he would use his authority to have satisfaction given: that until he was assured of their having transgressed, or having injured his Majesty, they were entitled to the protection of the fort, if they sought for it: and that, finally, if the King’s army should come with any hostile intentions near the fort, it would be fired upon.

After this two or three of the heavy guns were fired with shot, for the purpose of giving them an idea of the destructive power of artillery; and they were preparing to depart, when private information was received, that the flag of truce would be violated in its return, and the men murdered. Whereupon Mr. White and Mr. Wilson (a gentleman not in the service,) escorted them, and left them in safety within a short distance from their quarters. The Governor now anxiously looked for a definitive reply from the King, and every assiduity was used to place things in a defensive position; and the towns-people having heretofore placed a firm reliance on their strength, became alarmed, and were solicitous to be assured of the Governor’s protection. Mr. White informed them, that if the King of Ashantee intended to attack the town, he would give them all the assistance and protection in his power; at the same time advised them of the most prudent measures to be employed for their safety and defence. He instructed them, in the first instance, to have strong parties on the look-out, and to guard every avenue leading into the town; and, on the first alarm, or approach of the enemy, to send the old men, women, and children to the fort, where they would be received; and as many as the fort would not accommodate, to come close to the walls, where they would be under the protection of the guns.

At this crisis Mr. White and the inhabitants of the town were ignorant as to the strength of the Ashantee forces, and had but an imperfect idea of the bravery and intrepidity of the men who composed the King’s army. It was supposed that the Ashantees partook of the dispositions of the natives on the coast, who in general cannot stand against a regular and determined fire, and often creep into some concealed hole, when cannon or musket shot are heard to whiz among them; or, if the Ashantees were superior, it was little imagined that their courage, or ardour for conquest, would carry them to the very muzzles of the guns, and consequently expose them to inevitable destruction.

About a week had elapsed, and no news from the King; which was no favourable indication of pacific measures. The commander of the division at Cormantine, and who proved to be the King of Dinkara, sent forward a party to ascertain the strength of the town of Annamaboe, and succeeded in gaining possession of a village called Agah, situated upon a point of land about one mile eastward from Annamaboe; whence every movement of the Annamaboes on that side could be observed. This was considered an annoyance, and on the 14th of June a strong body (indeed almost the whole of the town’s people) marched out for the purpose of dislodging the Ashantees. The action was clearly seen from the fort. The Annamaboes were received in the most gallant and spirited manner by nearly a third of their force, and for some time the contest was doubtful. The Ashantees fired with more regularity than could be expected, and their muskets were well directed; whereas the Fantees kept up a confused fire without taking aim; they however succeeded, and the Ashantees retreated in excellent order, keeping possession of part of the village which lay concealed in a valley, and where the Annamaboes did not think proper to proceed. The Annamaboes were either too confident of their strong position, or thought too insignificantly of their opponents, to attend to the advice given them by Mr. White; for while they were amused by this small party, the King, with the main body, was vigilant in securing the different passes leading to the town, and was at this time only three miles to the rear of it.

Early on the 15th those who were on the look-out observed the Ashantee army in motion: the alarm was given, and every man who was able to carry a musket, repaired to meet the enemy. As the town was situated at the rear of the fort, and extended some distance inland, no prospect of the contending parties could be obtained; smoke was seen to arise from different parts of the surrounding country, and heavy discharges of musketry were distinctly heard. Alarm and confusion now prevailed throughout the town, and the women, children, and old men, made the best of their way to the fort, the area of which they soon filled, after which the gates were closed. The volleys of musketry were advancing very fast, and the Fantees were retreating in great disorder: one or two great guns were fired over the town with a view to impel terror on the assailants, but they were too much elated with hopes of conquest, and too resolute to be affrighted: about eleven o’clock the musket balls were heard to whistle in every part of the fort, and the Ashantees entered the town in every direction, pursuing the vanquished to the beach, where the slaughter was great.

The Annamaboes conceived, that with the aid of their canoes and their knowledge of swimming, they should be able to escape, but they were pursued too closely by the Ashantees, whose fury appeared to be insatiable; men, women, and children were followed by indiscriminate destruction. During this work of carnage, the Governor was very active with his small garrison to repel the assailants; a twenty-four pounder, that pointed along the beach to the westward, several times discharged grape-shot among them, whereby vast numbers must have fallen: a three- pounder likewise, which flanked the gate on the east side was frequently fired with grape, notwithstanding fresh parties came on much quicker than they could be repelled; and at length they came under the walls for the purpose of carrying away the women who could not be received into the fort. About this period the Governor[144] was wounded in two places; one ball struck his mouth and carried away four of his teeth, another ball passed through his left arm; and nearly at the same time an officer and two men were wounded, and one man killed.

Things assumed now a more serious and dangerous aspect than was apprehended, and gave the garrison a strong assurance of the disposition of the enemy, who, it was evident, intended to bend his utmost efforts against the fort. The Ashantees were confident that by gaining possession of it, a large booty would be obtained. However, the small number which composed the garrison of Annamaboe at this period, consisting of Governor White, Messieurs Meredith, Swanzy, Smith, and Baines; also four free mulattoes and twenty men, including soldiers, artificers, and servants, were confident of the severity of their situation. The walls being high, and accurately flanked, and the gates sound and well barricadoed; the Governor, from the nature of his wounds, from great debility in consequence of much effusion of blood, being constrained to retire, and the command of the fort having devolved on the senior officer, who perceiving that the cannon in one quarter could not be used with effect, for the enemy fired with such precision as to cut off every man who was exposed at an embrasure, depended solely on the musket; and another man having been killed about noon, and two more wounded:—the garrison was now reduced to the small number of eight, including officers, who could be depended upon, and the Ashantees were using every effort to force the western gate; but were twice repulsed with no small loss. A third time they attempted it, and endeavoured to apply fire to the gate; but the man who brought the materials for that purpose, extinguished the fire by falling a corpse upon it. In all their attempts they were defeated with musketry alone, and notwithstanding that their efforts to gain an entrance into the fort proved ineffectual, the contest was continued till six o’clock. After this cessation, and before total darkness came on, the garrison used all possible energy in repairing injuries, and preparing for the defensive, in case of hostilities being renewed in the night.

On the following day a scene replete with the horrors of war exhibited itself:—heaps of dead and wounded around the walls, and for a mile along the eastern shore, tossed about by a violent surf:—houses unroofed, and others on fire:—the sorrowful countenances of the old men, who sought refuge in the fort; the mournful lamentations of the women, and the pitiable cries of the children, presented a picture of exquisite feeling and of the greatest distress! Of the number the town contained, and which we will calculate to have been at least fifteen thousand souls, we may suppose that two-thirds of that number perished. The fort afforded refuge to about two thousand of every description, and about two hundred escaped to a rock surrounded by the sea, and at pistol-shot from the beach, where they remained unmolested, and notwitstanding the vigilance of the Ashantees, we may suppose that two or three thousand effected their escape. Without going into further enquiry, we may venture to state that eight thousand Fantees were destroyed; and although they were attacked by at least three times their number, yet if they were actuated by one-third of the bravery of their opponents, they would have committed some execution, and doubtless would have checked that intrepidity and ardour which were so pre-eminently conspicuous in their enemy. Their resistance was very feeble; terror seized them at the commencement of the attack, and it impressed them so forcibly, that the sea formed but an indifferent barrier to their precipitate flight.

When the fury of the Ashantees against the Fantees was a little diminished, they turned part of their force against the fort with great coolness and resolution, advancing with shouts expressive of their loyalty and courage, to the very muzzles of the guns. At the east side of the fort, two three pounders, which were well served, destroyed numbers of them with every discharge of grape: but at the west side, the cannon which flanked the gate could not be rendered useful, in consequence of advantages the enemy possessed, and which were not to be found on the opposite quarter, where the musket alone was to be dependended upon: and we have the authority of the gentleman who commanded (after Mr. White was wounded) of stating, that he and another officer (Mr. Swanzy) fired nearly three hundred rounds of ball-cartridge in keeping the gate clear, and protecting those who were under the walls. Mr. Swanzy was so injured with the recoil of his musket, that he could not use his right arm for some days without much pain, and the other officer (Mr. Meredith) was nearly in the same state.

What loss the Ashantees sustained cannot be precisely laid down: the King, prior to his departure from Annamaboe, said, he lost three thousand men: but in that number he probably included those who were carried off by disease. His men however suffered very severely; for their approach was made with such large bodies, that twenty, thirty, or perhaps more, fell with every discharge of grape-shot; and the musket not only killed, but very often wounded at the same time, so close were the enemy.

At this period (the 16th of June,) the fort was in an awkward state,—completely blockaded on the land-side, and a very imperfect communication by sea, and only a few weeks provisions for the number it contained; add to which, the effluvia from the dead bodies, which were approaching fast to a putrid state, excited very uneasy apprehensions. These circumstances demanded some extraordinary effort, which the garrison, from its weakness, could not attempt. Every person, from great exertion and constant exposure to a vertical sun on the 15th, and from solicitude and want of rest, was much fatigued. Nevertheless things wore a more promising appearance; whenever plunder was attempted, which now and then was the case, it met with resistance. There was not, however, any desire manifested by the Ashantees to renew hostilities, and every motion indicated a wish for peace. The garrison too was very desirous of such an event, but did not wish to be the first to yield, or to offer any terms without orders from the chief-governor. The King, from his late successes, had a high opinion of his power and the bravery of his army. On the other hand the small garrison, notwithstanding its reduced state, had no mean opinion of itself, and wished to confirm in his Majesty an idea of the superior skill of Europeans.

The Governor at Cape Coast was apprised of the state of affairs at Annamaboe, and lost no time in sending assistance. Two ships were provided for the purpose, which sailed from the Cape on the morning of the 16th: but, from unavoidable circumstances, the re-inforcement the ships brought could not be landed before four o’clock in the afternoon. This re-inforcement consisted of twelve men and four officers; and their arrival in the fort afforded much satisfaction. This party was landed under cover of the smoke of some heavy guns, and was not fired at; but the canoe, on returning, was fired upon and one man wounded. It was the Governor’s order that a flag of truce should be sent to the King, to endeavour to bring about an amicable understanding. A white flag was accordingly lowered over the wall, accompanied with the national colours; and when the emblem of peace was observed, it is impossible to express sufficiently the joy that diffused itself among the people: the multitude which crowded around the flags was inconceivably great, and it was with difficulty that the King’s officers, who were known by golden swords and axes, could clear the way leading to his quarters: the air resounded with acclamations in praise of their King, and expressive of their satisfaction at the prospects of peace.

And here we cannot forbear remarking, that although the Ashantees are so remote from polished or civilized nations, they seem not to be unacquainted with the customs of a civilized people, as they are connected with the rules of war; for they paid every respect to the flag of truce: a few indeed of them were making towards the rock on which were a number of Fantees, but they well understood the signal of recall, when a musket or two were fired over their heads. The flag of truce returned about seven o’clock, with three messengers from the King; and they, in order to justify the King for his proceedings against the Fantees, entered into a long detail of the origin of the war, which we have been attempting to describe. The King was pleased that the flag of truce was sent, and expressed his satisfaction by giving the two soldiers who were the bearers of it a fat sheep. After a conference that continued beyond two hours, the messengers departed.

A communication was thus established with the King and his army; but it was considered prudent to keep the gates closed until a perfect understanding was effected. It appeared, however, that this could not be done, without a meeting between the chief Governor and the King. To accomplish this Mr. Meredith tried to persuade the King to go to Cape Coast, but in this he was disappointed; he however gained his Majesty’s consent to send some of his confidential and chief men to wait upon the Governor, and to hear his sentiments.

It will, we doubt not, be gratifying to the reader, if we here subjoin the correspondence between Mr. Meredith and Mr. Torrane, the Governor in Chief, on this occasion.

_Annamaboe Fort, June 17_, 1807.

SIR,

MR. WHITE directs me to acknowledge the receipt of your letter to the Governor of Elmina. The state Mr. White is in, being much weakened with loss of blood and other causes, prevented him paying that attention to your letters which they demanded, and my duty was such, that I could not spare a moment to write you fully. I had a conference with three of the King’s messengers last night, and at this instant there are two men with his Majesty; when they return, you shall be acquainted with the result. I have already mentioned to the King that Cheboo would be given up, and if it was agreeable for him to send his cane, and one or two of his gold-headed swords, I would engage their security by going to Cape Coast with them. The message received from the King was of a favourable tendency; and I trust he will perceive the expediency of putting an end to this sanguinary war. Be assured we are all so employed on various duties, it debars me more particularly of giving you a further detail of our proceedings. But I trust, by a messenger this evening, to relate fully every circumstance attending this very severe contest. The party were landed in safety, viz. twelve privates, one corporal, with Messrs. Bold, Galloway, and Woolbert. Both ships will remain here until to- morrow. I am well pleased with the attention and assistance afforded us by Captain Coley.

I am, &c.

HENRY MEREDITH.

_Colonel Torrane, Governor in Chief, &c. &c. &c._ _Cape Coast Castle._

* * * * *

_Annamaboe Fort, June 17_, 1807.

SIR,

I WROTE you this morning, acknowledging the receipt of your letters, and, agreeably to my intentions then, I take the liberty of stating more particularly the occurrences in this garrison on the 15th and subsequent to it. I beg leave to remind you, that we were prepared for any attack that might be made upon us, by any body of men unaccustomed to the shock of artillery; and I believe Mr. White assured you of the confidence he placed in the officers and men under his command, and every soul was animated with a desire to do his duty.

[Here follows a description of the battle as before related.]

The re-inforcement you was pleased to send, got on shore without any opposition about four o’clock P.M.; and I assure you we were very glad to receive them, as, from the severe duty we had undergone the preceding day, we were much cut up by fatigue. About six P.M. the flag of truce, with a corporal and private from the detachment you sent, were conveyed to the King; and as they proceeded, they were warmly greeted by the Ashantees. The message the King returned was modest; he said, it was not his intention to commence hostilities with the fort, nor to distress any of the whites; his enemies were the Assins and Fantees, and he now conceived his anger against them pretty well assuaged. This morning (17th) according to agreement, his messengers came, and said, that the King wished to see the same person that conveyed the flag of truce, that they might hear from his own lips what he had to deliver. Accordingly I sent them with Dutton, a man of quick understanding, to hear more particularly the sentiments of his Majesty. After remaining some time hearing the opinion of his counsellors they returned, and after some preliminary discourse, they informed me that the King had deputed six of his principal men, with six deputed by the men of power in his train, to repair to Cape Coast to hear what you have to say, and to negotiate. In course of their communication the King deplored the number of lives that were lost in consequence of the fire from the fort.

As the messengers mean to repair to Cape Coast, I will forbear relating every particular. The King seemed to say that he must have those who sought protection in the fort: this he only hinted at, and probably the same may be hinted to you; but in giving them up, we ought to be assured of their being used kindly. I send a canoe with this, and have agreed with the messengers, that you will send canoes and a guard for their protection. Mr. White’s travelling canoe is in good order, therefore be pleased to send eleven canoe-men for her. This canoe, with three more from the Cape, will, in my opinion, be fully sufficient to convey the whole twelve messengers with their guard. The number of persons here are reducing our provisions very fast, and if not removed soon, some of them will be most likely starved, or will be the cause of some serious malady: the sooner we are rid of them the better. But if you can gain their protection, it will be a humane act. Mr. White, who I am happy to say is in a fair way, desires his respects.

I am, &c.

(Signed) HENRY MEREDITH.

_Colonel Torrane, Governor in Chief, &c. &c. &c._

* * * * *

SIR,

BOTH your letters of yesterday’s date I have received; the latter has given me particular satisfaction, not only as it affords every prospect that this war will be terminated, but also as it removes great anxiety from my mind respecting the state of Mr. White’s wounds. The assurances you now give me that he is in a fair way of recovery, are highly gratifying. I dispatch eleven canoe-men for Mr. White’s canoe; and I also send three other canoes. I trust the King will appoint persons of sufficient consequence to negotiate with me: I have an earnest wish to see the King: make this desire known to him; tell him I think it may essentially lead to the arrangement of affairs of much importance; that I have greatly to deplore with him this war; that although these events cannot always be guarded against, they may even ultimately bring future good consequences; and herein I think much depends on our meeting. Assure the King, that notwithstanding the steps I have taken to give protection to the Fantees, I have ever held him in the highest respect, from the many reports I have heard of him, and that, had I seen any messenger from him antecedent to his attack on Annamaboe, I am of opinion we should have avoided the blow in that quarter. The King I understand to be a man of strong mind: it will naturally suggest itself to him, that a meeting between us may be of vast importance to the country. Assure him I have too high a consideration for my own character, as well as his consequence, to suffer the smallest indignity to be offered to him; that if he will come to the castle I shall be proud to shew him every honour, and that I will give every possible security for his personal safety. I have apartments ready for him, and officers shall be sent to attend him here. On receipt of this, send your accustomed messenger to the King, saying, that you have a letter from me, and that an officer will wait personally on him to explain the contents. This officer with this letter in his hand, you will send (say Mr. F. L. Swanzy) as early as you shall receive the King’s reply. I know not whether you have a good flag for the occasion; I therefore send one. Mr. F. L. Swanzy will have two flag-bearers, one with a white flag, the other carrying the union; and he will be very particular in explaining every part of this letter, and do his utmost to persuade the King to visit the Cape. He may also add, that a ship can be procured, if he (the King) prefers coming that way, and that an officer of distinction shall be sent to accompany him. In a few words, Mr. F. L. Swanzy will do his utmost to persuade the King to visit the castle. An officer should come here, with the guard you send to protect the messengers. You must let me know of what consequence the messengers are, that I may treat them accordingly, and this it will be advisable to acquaint me of before their arrival.

I am, &c.

(Signed) GEORGE TORRANE.

_To Henry Meredith, Esq._

Although these men proceeded to the Cape, it was found that nothing important could be transacted without an interview with the King, and for this purpose Colonel Torrane was obliged to go to Annamaboe, and a day was fixed for a conference. To give as favourable and as respectable an opinion as possible of the British, a number of articles as presents were sent to the King, and as many officers and soldiers as the service could afford, were assembled to attend the Governor on the day appointed; but previous to those preparations, and a few days after the flag of truce was received by the King, Cheboo (one of the men who was the cause of the war) was secured by the Governor at Cape Coast and sent to Annamaboe, to be delivered up to the King, in expectation that any further effusion of blood would be prevented, and that it would be the means of saving the Fantees from entire destruction. These benevolent purposes were not realized: the King had proceeded so far in the war, that he could not recede without displeasing those auxiliaries he had with him, and who expected a vast deal of plunder; and besides, Apoutay and Acoom were again in arms, and collecting all the Fantees they could to oppose the King’s progress. On the day appointed for the interview, the Governor and his party were put in motion, and although the procession was not very numerous, it was arranged with taste, and made no despicable appearance. About twenty of the Company’s artificers, habited in a neat manner, marched in front; a guard of forty men, and a band of music followed them; next walked the Governor, followed by ten officers, two and two, and some gentlemen traders (who were enticed from the Cape by curiosity), brought up the rear. When the procession had got a short distance it was met by a principal man, who was sent by the King to conduct the Governor, and to keep off the multitude, which was assembling in great numbers, some of whom had never seen a white man. Notwithstanding the authority of this person, and the exertions of his attendants, the curiosity of the people was so great that every avenue was crowded; which, by preventing the circulation of air, augmented the natural heat of the day, and this inconvenience was farther increased by the putrid smell from the dead bodies, and the vast swarm of flies. The Governor was obliged to visit each man of rank, before he could be received by the King; a ceremony that could not be prudently denied, and which occupied some time: for those men had their several courts, and collectively had formed an extensive circle. Every one of them was seated under a huge umbrella, surrounded by attendants and guards, with young persons employed in fanning the air and dispersing the flies, which were numerous and troublesome. One of those men and his attendants excited some curiosity and attention: his dress and appearance were so different from those of the others, that it evidently proved he must have come from countries situated a considerable distance inland. He was a tall, athletic, and rather corpulent man, of a complexion resembling an Arab or an Egyptian. His dress was heavy, and by no means adapted to the climate. He wore a cap that came down below his ears, and being made of yellow cloth, it did not contribute to diminish his tawny complexion. He was a follower of the Mohammedan religion, possessed much gravity; but was communicative, condescending, and agreeable. He had about him a great number of sentences from the Alkoran, which were carefully incased in gold and silver, and upon which he set a high value. He was a native of Kassina, a country that appears to be situated to the south of east from Tombuctou. He said he had been at Tunis and at Mecca; had seen many white men and ships, and described the method of travelling over the great desert. This person commanded a body of men who fought with arrows, as well as muskets: four of the arrows were found in the fort; they were short and pointed with barbed iron. He had many persons in his train who were of the same colour, but varied a little as to dress: they were all habited in the Turkish manner, but did not wear turbans. After the ceremony of visiting those persons was over, the Governor was conducted towards the King, who was surrounded by a number of attendants, whose appearance bore evident signs of riches and authority: chains, stools, axes, swords, flutes, message-canes, &c. were either of solid gold, or richly adorned with that metal: those dazzling appearances, added to damask, taffety, and other rich dresses, gave a splendour to the scene highly interesting. When the Governor approached the King, and when an interchange of compliments had passed, the air resounded with the noise of musical instruments, such as drums, horns, and flutes. After some conversation, during which much politeness was observed in the behaviour of the King, the Governor wished this ceremonial visit to be returned; which was agreed to, and a convenient place was found to receive the King and his train. The Governor, his officers, and attendants, were formed in a half-circle, and seated under the shade of some trees, and a passage of sufficient breadth was formed by the soldiers for the King and his attendants to pass through. It was full two hours before his Majesty was announced, so numerous was his train. Each man of rank, as he advanced, paid the necessary compliments agreeably to the custom of his country, and then filed off. It was previously directed, that the King should be received with arms presented and the grenadiers march when passing the soldiers. This mark of distinction and respect appeared to give him much satisfaction: he halted to observe the orderly behaviour and uniform appearance of the soldiers; and the martial air that was playing, seemed to produce the most agreeable sensations on his mind. The writer had an opportunity of seeing this man. He was of the middle size, well formed, and perfectly black, with regular features and an open and pleasing countenance. His manner indicated understanding and was adorned with gracefulness; and in all respects he exceeded the expectations of every person. His dress was plain: it consisted of a piece of silk wrapt loosely about him; a wreath of green silk ornamented his head: his sandals were neatly made, and curiously studded with gold. He was not distinguished by any gold ornaments, as his attendants were. One man who was dressed in a grotesque manner, and who appeared to act the buffoon, was, literally, loaded with gold.

As this was a visit of ceremony, no business of consequence was transacted. The King politely enquired after Mr. White, and expressed a hope that he would soon be well of his wounds. He said he would move from Annamaboe soon, as his army felt ill effects from the water, and from the dead bodies. After this visit, every confidence was placed in the King and his army, and as the gates were now opened, a free admittance was allowed: various conferences of a favourable nature were carried on between both parties; but peace with the Fantees was considered impracticable. Apoutay had escaped the King’s vigilance; and Acoom was at the head of a strong party, and marching towards Annamaboe to give the King battle. The King assured the Governor, that after he had subdued his enemies to leeward, he would return to Annamaboe for the purpose of making arrangements relative to the future welfare of the country, and the regulations of trade.

It was agreed, that those residing under British forts, provided they observed a neutrality, should not be molested, and that every respect should be paid to the British flag. The Governor likewise procured the release of those who sought refuge in the fort, although the King contested his right to them; for this reason, that as he destroyed the town, he had a claim to every person and to every thing belonging to it. On report of Acoom being in arms and making preparations to attack the Ashantees, the King ordered his army to collect and march to meet him. Two days subsequent to the King’s departure (3d July,) Acoom’s party and the advanced guard of the Ashantee’s met; a battle was the consequence, which ended in the defeat of Acoom, who, with his party, would have been cut off, if a river, that was in their rear, had not favoured their flight; the fordable parts of which were known to them, but not to the Ashantees. After this defeat, the King’s enemies dared not shew themselves in the field in any force; they however supported a kind of predatory warfare, and were sometimes successful in cutting off small foraging parties. As the Ashantees proceeded to leeward, desolation accompanied them; almost every town and village were laid in ruins; but disease, which got among them at Annamaboe, and which spread rapidly, carried off vast numbers. This unexpected calamity altered the King’s intentions: he could not return to Annamaboe without risking the loss of his whole army; prudence therefore directed him to face towards his kingdom, leaving at Accra a sufficient force to dispose of prisoners, and to convey them in safety to Ashantee.

Cheboo and Apoutay, who appeared inseparable friends at the commencement of this war, and throughout it, fled to Cape Coast with about five hundred followers, as soon as they perceived the Ashantees approaching towards Annamaboe, on the 15th of June. The Cape Coast people were willing to afford them protection and assistance, but when the Governor heard how things were at Annamaboe, he warned them of the danger, and advised them to be neutral. When an account arrived at Cape Coast of the desperate attack made on Annamaboe fort, the Governor came to the resolution of securing, if possible, both these men, and delivering them up to the King as the most probable means of not only putting an end to the war, but of securing the King’s friendship. A party was accordingly selected for that purpose; but Apoutay, after a warm contest, wherein some were killed on both sides, effected his escape. Cheboo was not so fortunate; he was secured and sent to the King, as we have already mentioned; his followers too made a precipitate flight, leaving behind them some bulky articles, among which were the whole of Cheboo’s regalia, which were carefully lodged for the King; and it had the effect on his disposition that was intended; it gave a favourable opinion of the British, and assured him of the Governor’s friendship, and at the same time it abated the desire he encouraged, to be revenged for the loss his army had sustained on the 15th. For he concerted a design to attempt the fort by storm, and Wednesday the 17th was the day appointed for this enterprise. The plan was not badly arranged; and was to be conducted in the following manner. Six thousand men were to be selected; half of them destined not only to mount the walls, but to apply a quantity of gunpowder under them; the explosion from which was expected to shake the fort very much, and likewise to create such a confusion within as to cause the garrison to be off its guard; the other half were to keep up a continued firing. The plan was averted by the prudent policy of the Chief Governor, not only by his securing Cheboo, but by his alacrity in demanding a truce, whereby the King’s resentment was cooled, and his inclinations diverted towards pacific measures.

[Footnote 142: This should be Appia Dunqua; he was the elder brother of Appia Nanu, an account of whose disgrace is in the Diary.]

[Footnote 143: This should be Atta.]

[Footnote 144: Mr. White, who, after an absence of twenty seven years from his native country, expired a few hours after he landed in it.]

APPENDIX. No. II.

* * * * *

_Translations of a Manuscript descriptive of Mr. Park’s Death._

MR. SALAME’S TRANSLATION.

[The words in italics, so distinguished at that Gentleman’s request, not being in the original.]

A literal translation of a Declaration, written in a corrupted Arabic, from the town of Yaúd in the interior of Africa.

In the name of God the Merciful and the Munificent.

This Declaration is issued from the town called[145] Yaúd in the Country of Kossa[146].—We (the writer,) do witness the _following_ case; (statement.) We never saw, nor heard of the sea (River) called[148] Koodd; but we sat to hear (understood) the voice (report) of some persons _saying_, “We saw a ship, equal to her we never saw before; and the King of Yaúd had sent plenty of every kind of food, with cows and sheep; _There_ were two men, one woman, two male slaves and two maids in the ship;[149] _The_ two white men _were_ derived from the race (_sect_) of Nassrí; (Christ or Christianity.) The King of Yaúd asked them to come out to him; (to land[150]; and they refused coming out, (landing,) and they went to the _King of the_ Country of[151] Bassa, who is greater than the King of Yaúd; And _while_ they _were_ sitting in the ship and gaining a position (rounding) over the Cape of Koodd, and _were_ in society with the people of the King of Bassa, the ship reached (struck) a-head of Mountain which took (destroyed) _her_ away,[152] and the men and women of Bassa all together, with every kind of arms; (goods); And the ship could find no way to avoid the mountain; And the man who _was_ in the ship, killed his wife, and threw all his property into the Sea, (River), and _then_ they threw themselves _also_ from fear[153]: Afterwards they took one _out of the_ water till the news reached the town of Kanji,[154] the country of the King of Wawí, and the King of Wawí heard of it, he buried him in his earth, (grave), and the other we have not seen[155]; perhaps he is in the bottom of the water.”—And God knows best. Authentic from the mouth of Sherif Abrahim.—Finis.

MR. JACKSON’S TRANSLATION.

[Of this Gentleman’s considerate politeness in anticipating my wishes by a spontaneous offer to translate this MS., I shall have occasion to repeat my acknowledgments in the Geographical Appendix.]

In the name of God the Merciful and Clement.

This Narrative proceeds from the territory in Housa[146] called[145] Eeauree. _We observed_ an extraordinary event or circumstance[147], _but we neither saw nor heard of the River which is called[148] Kude_, and as we were sitting, we heard the voice of children and _we saw a vessel_ the like to which in size we never saw before; and, _we saw_ the King of Eeauree send cattle and sheep, and a variety of vegetables in great abundance: and there were two men and one woman, and two slaves, and _they tied or fastened them in the vessel_.[149]

There were also in the vessel, two white men of the race called Christians (N’sarrah) and the Sultan of Eeauree called aloud to them to come out of the vessel,[150] but they would not.

They proceeded to the country of Busa, which is greater than that of the Sultan of Eeauree, and as they were setting in the vessel, they hung or were stopped, by the Cape or Head Land of Kude.[151]

And the people of the Sultan of Busa called to them, and poured their arms into the vessel, and the vessel reached the head-land or cliff, and became attached or fixed to the head of the mountain, and could not pass it. Then the men and women of Busa collected themselves hostilely together, with arms of all descriptions, when the vessel being unable to clear or pass the Cape, the man in the vessel killed his wife[153] and threw the whole of her property into the river: they then threw themselves into the river, fear seizing them (the news of this occurrence was then conveyed to the Sultan Wawee) until it reached by water the territory of Kanjee,[154] in the country of the Sultan Wawee, and we buried it (a male body) in its earth, and one of them, we saw not at all in the water,[155] and God knows the truth of this report. From the mouth of the Shereef Ibrahim.—The end.

* * * * *

I have sent the original MS. to the African Association, the following is Mr. Jackson’s transcript of it. I regret that Mr. Salamé did not also furnish a transcript of this MS.

بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم

هذه الوثيقه خرج من بلد حوسا يقال يَور ونحن راينا الامر لم نري ولانسمع في البحر الذي يقال كوض انما نحن جلسنا نسمع صاخ صبيان لرايت السفينه لم نري مثله قط فارسل سلطان يَور لرايته مع البقر والكبس مع انواع الطعام كثيرِ هما رجلان وامراة واحدة والعبدان وعقدان في السفينة رجلان بيضان خرجوا من نسب نصري ويدعوهو سلطان يور الي ان خرجوا اليه وابوا خروج ومشوا الي بلد بسا وهوا كبر من سلطان يور وهم يجلسون ويعلكون ملوك علي راس كُوض ويصاخور اهل سلطان بُسا لرايته وهم ركوب في السفينة بلغ السفينة راس جبل وياخد الجبل السفينة ورجال بُسا والنساه بسا يجمعون كلهم مع انواع السلاح والسفينة لم يجد طريق المنع الجبل ورجل الدي في السفينة قتل امراته ورمي ماله كله في البحر ورموا نفسهما في البحر لخوف ثم ياخدوا بلغ خبر الي سلطان واوي حتي بلغ ماه به الي بلد كنجي بلد سلطان وَاوَيَ ودفنه في قرابه وواحد منهما لم نره اقل في قهر الماه والله اعلم صح في فَم شريف اِبراهيم * تمت *

[Footnote 145: Sir William Ouseley (who very obligingly communicated a hurried translation from Crickhowel, although the original had been but two hours in his possession) read this Yaur or Yaôur.]

[Footnote 146: Sir Wm. writes Husa or Haousa: the latter is occasionally the Moorish pronunciation, but Houssa is invariably the negro. I certainly never once heard that Houssa included Yawoorie, which has a distinct Sovereign, who is mentioned in the MS.: Perhaps it may be accounted for, from Yawoorie being one of the seven kingdoms tributary to Houssa or Mallowa.]

[Footnote 147: Mr. Jackson has preserved this apparent contradiction in his fidelity to the original, according to his reading. He considers, it may be reconciled by presuming that the writer only saw the vessel pass Yawoorie, and did not witness the ultimate catastrophe at Boussa, where he imagines the river may first receive the name of Kude, as African rivers frequently have a different name in every country through which they flow. This interpretation does not make the writer a mere reporter as in the other translation, but a witness of all that happened at Yawoorie, although not afterwards. I never understood the river to have any other name than Quorra or Quolla, from Shego to Foör, yet of this we ought not to feel positive.]

[Footnote 148: It is very extraordinary that the name of the Quolla should always be written Kude, Koad, or Koada, and that Mr. Hutchison, who was learning Arabic of the Moors, in Ashantee, should be taught to write and pronounce as Quolla, the same Arabic word which every European proficient reads as above. I cannot help thinking that, from bad writing, ignorance, or perhaps some occidental difference, the _d_ is put for the _l_,[a] and that it should be Kule or Koala, especially as there appears to be a town called Kula on its banks, (see routes in Appendix) which comes very close to Kulla, Mr. Brown’s river. The identity of the Quolla and Kulla, seems confirmed by Mr. Dupuis reading the name of the kingdom, as written by the Moors, Koora, which seems as if they had written it for once, according to the negro pronunciation, (Quorra,) for as I have observed (p. 196) that the negroes always substitute r for the Moorish _l_ (a defect also characterising a dialect of the Coptic, the Chayma, the Tamanack, &c. &c., and common, as Baron Humboldt observes, to every zone) Koora becomes Koola, for the same reason which the Quorra of the negroes was always pronounced Quolla by the Moors; and Koola, it will be allowed, is very near to Mr. Brown’s Kulla.]

[Footnote a: I recollect one, but only one instance of the negroes substituting _d_ for the Moorish _l_, which was in Toppodo for Toppollo, a town of Bornoo.]

[Footnote 149: Mr. Jackson writes وعقدان في السفينة Uakkadan fee sfeena, i.e. and tied or bound them in the vessel or ship, adding, that he is at a loss to imagine how it can have been converted into “two maids in the ship.”[a] Sir Wm., however, in his hurried notice, rendered it ‘female slaves.’]

[Footnote a: _Ockdan fi ássafinat_, means either “_Two maids_, or _two female slaves_, in the ship,” and no otherwise.—A. S.]

[Footnote 150: “Invited (or entertained them) until they left him,” Sir Wm.]

[Footnote 151: Sir William, in his hurried perusal, read this, “and went on to the country of Besa, and (the Sultan of) this country is greater than the Sultan of Yaour: there they settled or halted, above Ras (Cape) Koumen. The people belonging to the Sultan of Besa saw the boat, and they went into the boat, and it reached the Mountain Cape, (or Headland,) and was there stopped.”]

[Footnote 152]

[Footnote 153: “And _the man who was_[a] in the boat slew his woman (امراة) and threw every article of his property into the river, and then cast _themselves_ into the river through fear.]

[Footnote a: I translate this in the singular, yet afterwards, there seems a confusion with the plural.” Sir Wm. This act, which appears very improbable, and which I never heard of in the oral accounts which I received whilst in Coomassie, (Diary, p. 91) if it was committed, must have been by Lieut. Martyn, recollecting the difference of his and Mr. Park’s dispositions, and Amadi Fatouma’s anecdote of the former wishing to kill him for preventing him from firing any more at the people of the King Gotoijege, I should observe here, that Amadi Fatouma’s _Poul_ nation can be no other than the Fillani, (p. 207) the Fullan of Ben Ali, for though it has been translated Poul, there is no _p_ in the Arabic, and the Moors in Ashantee always wrote _f_ for the negro _p_, as _fon_ for _pon_. As Col. Maxwell merely observes in his letter, that “Isaaco’s Arabic Journal was translated into English, by a person resident in Senegal, who probably had but an ordinary or colloquial knowledge of Arabic, it is to be regretted that the original was not transmitted with it, as a more careful perusal of it by Sir William Ouseley or some Arabic scholar in England, would probably reconcile the two accounts, at least in the names of places, if not in the circumstances, more than they can be from the translation remitted.]

[Footnote 154: See note; p. 202.]

[Footnote 155: “And the other did not,——from the violence of the water.”—Sir Wm.]

APPENDIX. No. III.

* * * * *

ROUTES.

1.

To Dwabin.

Seepa

Marmpon

Pakooroo

Aquooquamong

Okimdaia

Weterkroom

Bunkooroo

Boomfeea

Kinnesoo

2.

To Quaoo.

1. Assiempong

2. Thro’ Amoom R. to Oseemadoo

3. Obogoo, Frontier Quaoo town.

4. Adumpong, the Government of the C. Coast Captain

5. Assebanasoo

6. Minidasoo, Famous for Palm Oil.

7. Assoona

8. Wantomo

3.

To Accra.

1. Odossoo

3. Kroofoofroom, Two hours from the lake.

4. Obirribee, The 1st Akim town

5. Assinee

6. Over Boosempra to Gawasee

7. Meeasee

8. Monasa

9. Over the Aninnee, (rising in a hill called Quomshoo, 1 day to the W.) on a tree

10. Ashoosoo

11. Aquapong

12. Over Birrim to Measa

13. Asheeaqua

14. Kookrantoom

15. Aguiesso

16. Marmpon and Aboödee, Visited by Issert, who calls it 24 miles from Christiansburg Castle.

4.

To Accra.

1. Ashiedumpong

2. Assaboo

3. Assuennie

5. Antarranaï

6. Ammoonoom

7. Akropong

9. Abirriwantoo

10. Aradntem

11. Kookrantoom

13. Aguiesso.

5.

To Elmina.

1. Thro’ the towns Akasee, Kankawasee, Odasoo, Adiabin, Asakkraka, Adoonko, Agafrompon, to Adoomasa

2. Fiasee, Bonechumay, Asanasoo, to Becquoi

3. Inshuentem, (_between waters_) Abimpingua, to Atobiasee

4. Thro’ Hoomassie, Assekosoo, Edoomassie, Akoorkerry, Akotokee, Yankeren, to Abateä, the frontier town of Dankara

5. Thro’ Sewooterasee, (_put your head lower_) Aboposoo, the frontier Tufel town, to Ensuaguesoo, (_woman’s town_) the capital of Tufel

6. Morobim

7. Thro’ Akoontarrem, (the 1st Warsaw town) Amodai, over Bopoquaw, (a high hill where there was formerly a large croom, now deserted) & Apachamba, to Kaïrakoo

8. Over Pra to Demamba

9. Dadiasoo

10. Asseecooma, Abannasoo, Abrādi, Elmina, or, as the natives call it, Addĭna.

6.

To Dankara.

1. Dakoon

2. Terraboöom, the frontier town of Dankara

3. Thro’ Mosiasoo to Enquanta

4. Thro’ Ofoo, Amasoo, to Dankara.

7.

To Buntookoo.

1. Barree [156]or to Passaroo

2. Beamasoo, or to Dooniantiffee

3. Ensoota

4. Quanta

5. Across Tando, to Odomassee

6. Suaterree

7. Birrakoomee

8. Yammee

9. Kirribeeö

10. Kickiwerree

11. Buntookoo

8.

To Banda.

1. Tafoo

2. Ofeesoo

3. Abofoo

4. Kinkawasoo

5. Akomada

6. Tandosoo

7. Koontoosoo

8. Takima

9. Weäkee

10. Aousa

11. Soko

12. Namasa

13. Coransoo

14. Bimma

15. Banda

9.

To Boopee.

1. Esansoo, or Medima

2. Through Ofim, which rises close to the E. to Bümsoo or Akimakasie

3. Soodroo

4. Takimenteä, or Quamang

5. Akommadeä, or Boomang

6. Boisoo

7. Coranza

8. Boibin

9. Koonquoontee

10. Dawdaw

11. Akrofroom

12. Oboosmosoo

13. Moboäsoo

14. On the path

15. Over Adirri

16. Boopee

10.

To Sallagha.

1. Marmpon

2. Aphwaguiasee

3. Gammasee a fetish temple

4. Akrofroom

5. Intonnasoo (Cloth Town)

6. Quanasee or Troabirree

7. Agwoona

8. Adoogan

9. Over rivers and mountains to Aguirra, or Poorra

10. Through Sennee to Amanting

11. Pattooda

12. Atoboboo

13. Weasee

14. Pannangha

15. Yadjee

16. Over Adirri to Sallagha

11.

To Source of Sennee.

1. Agamachasee

2. Aboiman

3. Yatirrim

4. Oweeamasee

5. Anyanasue

6. Assekadoomasee

12.

To Odentee ferry.

1. Kokoofoo

2. Guia

3. Weeäsee

4. Bassa

5. Tarrisoo

6. Over Sennee, to ferry

13.

From Yahndi to Daboia

1. Through Patinga to Duetuem

2. Tampeūn

3. Through Nantong to Kompoongo

4. Through Boö to Dindinno

5. Daboia

Large Towns on the Route from Boornoo to Oongoora.

Deeagarra

Digza

Gellaroo

Rakah

Zaghgah

Ariggum

Madellarie

Zogogdo

Doobba

Toppollo, or Toppodo

Garaga

Gaskaia

Matchella

Goozirrinkoorra

Dumgabalo

Potuskum, or Kuskum

Dawaso

Woodbo

Gummo

Zega

Adagia, Mallagee, and Katanga, lay between Oongoora, and Kassina.

Towns adjoining, or laying close to the right and left of the above Route.

Serrakeelaia

Dakum

Lismaroo

Goobilwa

Gobookalashee

Dazakou

Danga

Likhalalie

Looha

The following transcripts of the most intelligible of the MSS. I brought, according to the different readings, with the Negro pronunciation as it was familiar to me in Ashantee, will show how careless or incapable the Moors are of writing the names of Negro kingdoms accurately according to the expression of the natives. The original MSS. will be sent to the African Association, to whom I had hoped to present the interesting itinerary of Shereef Brahima from Dagwumba to Mecca, but this valuable MS. which it had cost me so much pains to procure, after being kept three months by one gentleman before he discovered that he had not time to translate it, was lost or mislaid by another in the course of doing so, and I have the mortification of being unable to submit any other than the mere skeleton of it. See Geography, p. 205.

CHART No. I.

_Course of the Niger or Quolla (by a Houssa Moor.)_

Negro pro- Mr. Jackson’s reading Mr. Dupuis’ reading and nunciation. and transcript. transcript.

Gebowa Gebawa جباو

Toro Futa Jelua فوت جلوا Foota Joolaba فُوتَ جلوب Jollabi

Fota Tora Futa Tura فوت طورَ Foota Tooroo فُوتَ طُورُ

Hasoo Kassua خَصوا Khassoua خَصُوا

Jaoona Jäun جَعونْ Jafoona جفون

Gammoe G¯remua غموا Ghemoua غمُوا

Mallaia Maly Faly مَلَي فَلي Malia مَلي

Shego Shag¯ru شاغُ Shagho شاغُ

Sansandin Sansandia سَنسَندي Sansandia سَنسَندي

Jennie Janni جَان Jinnie جَان

Mashina Masheena مَاشِنَ Mashena مَاشينَ

Jimballa G¯rimbala غِمْبَلَ [157]Ghimballa غِمْبَلَ

(G¯r nearest sound to غ.)

Kabarra Kabra كَبرَ Kabara كَبَرَ

Timbuctoo Timbuctoo ثمْبَكْتُ

Jolliba Jilab Karihua جلاب كريهوا Jilleb Kareho جلاب كريهوا

(or Garihua.[158])

Uzzabin Asabin احبن Azbene ازبن

Gaw G¯raheh غاي Ghou غاو

Kabi Keb كب Kabi كب

Yaoora Eüra يورَ Yaoury يور

Hooman حمن (Dhooman)

Raka Baka بَكا Raka رَكَا

Quarraraba Kurauabee كرَوبَي Koorawaba كْرَوَبَ

Mafeegoodoo Mafikadoo مَافِقُدَ Mafhygodo مَافْقِغُدُ

Cadie, Shad شد Shada شَدَ Caudee, and Chadi

Sharee R. Shar شر Sharry شَرِ

Foor Fure فور Foor فُوُرْ

Weddai Wadan وادان Wadana وَادَانَ

(i.e. two rivers.)

Soonar Sanar سَنَارْ Sanar سَنَارْ

Shuar Sheua شوَا بنَسر Shewa ben شوَا بن حسن Benassa benasser Hassan

Shousuad شوسواد Shousooda شوسواد

Doulamba دُلَنْبَ

Kalen or فالن or كالن Kalana كالن Falen

Jefeesgo Jafag¯r جَفَغْ Jafegh جفغ

Massar Mass’r مصر Massir مصر

MS. No. I.

_Route from Boussa to Yarriba._

Wauwaw Wou واوْ

Kaiama Kima كيما

Godoobirrie Khudubar خدوبار

Gamba Khamba خَمْبَ

Kroomie Yarriba Kurmi Yarabia كُرْم يَرَبي

Ageasee Abashee ابَشي

A more familiar illustration of the difficulty or carelessness of the Moors in writing Negro names, is the following route to Sallagha, to which there are many paths, containing several Ashantee towns, which I have laid down in the map. I rather think, however, the corrupt Arabic of the interior is not quite understood.

MS. No. II.

Negro pronun- Mr. Jackson’s reading and transcript. ciation.

Jemakashee جماكاشي

Gammasee Khemashee or خماشي Ghemashee

Akrofroom Kukerume or كوقروم or كوكروم Kuferume

Ber kaleela (a برقليلا narrow or close country)

Soota U badha Shta } } } وبعده شتا } And afterwards Shta or an } alluvial country }

The people of Sudi in the وحيل اسود كان في بلد شتا territory of Shta

Marmpon U badha Mamefm و بعده مَمفم

Aduarrie Kennie D’keen Adjar دكين ادجار

Aguira Ajuee or Ajree اجري or اجوي

Antonasoo Anteenee عنتيني

Akakuee اككوي

Patooda (no P Ketdee كتدي in Arabic)

Atoboo Atab اتاب

Weasee Hooashee or جومشي or حوعشي Weeashu

Feneeueekee فنيويقي

Perhaps meaning Bure بور frontier of Booroom

Sallagha Salag~r سلغ

I shall submit more translations or transcripts of routes and charts in Arabic, adding the Negro pronunciation, as the situations of most of the places were not so clearly confirmed as to enable me to insert them in my map, and consequently it is important to enable future travellers to refer to them; such outlines being a great assistance in directing and checking enquiry (which they frequently originate) and investigation. The original MSS. will be sent to the African Association, in case a further examination may be desirable hereafter.

MS. No. III.

_Course of the Niger or Quolla (by a Bornoo Moor.)_

Negro Mr. Jackson’s reading Mr. Dupuis’ reading and pronunciation. and transcript. transcript.

Bambooch Banbug~r بَنبُغ الدي Banboogho بَنْبغ eladi eeakul ياكل

el Ham Abn الحم ابن ادم Adam

Banbug~r, who eat the flesh of men.

Firmagr~a فرمَغَ Fermagha فرمَغَ

Hasoo Hâsu حاسُ Hasoo حَاسُ

Jaoona Jahunu جَاحُنُ Jahoonoo جَاحُيُ

Gamoo Jamu جَمُ Jamoo جَمُ

Malay or Mallaia Mali مَلي Malabi مَلبي

Shego Shaegru شَيْغُ Shagho شَيْغُ

Sansandin Sansandy سَنسَندِ Sansadia سَنسَدَ

Jennie Jany جَنِ Jinnie جني

Mashina Masina مَاسَنَ Massina مَاسنَ

Timbuctoo Tunbûktu تُنبَقْتُ Timbuctoo تمبقْتُ

Gauw G¯rau غَاوْ Ghaou غاوْ

Kolomanni Kulman كُلْمَنِ Koolmani كُلْمَن

Zinberme Dtanberma ذَنبرْمَ Danberma ذَنْبرْمَ

Cabi Kabi كَبِ Kabi كَبِ

Yawoorie or Eauri يَاوُرِ Yaouri يَاوُرِ Yaoora

Noofee Nufy نُفي Noufee نفي

Boussa Busâa بوسَا Boussa بوسا

Rakka Raka رَاقَا Rakka رَاقَا

Bornoo B’rn Bernu برن Bornou برن

Chadee L. (The lake drawn, but the name not written.)

Bagarrimee Bag¯rarm باغرو Baghroom باغرم

Kalamfarradoo Kaferk or كافرد or Kaferda كافرد Kaferd كافرك Kalferka

Weddaï Wadana (two وَدَان Wadai وَدَان rivers)

Soonar Surnar سُرنَرْ Soonar سُونَرْ

Siua سيوا Sewa سيوا

Schweess Suis سويس Souisa سويس

Zaloo Jal جال Jaloo جال

Kataëba Katab قَتَب Kataibi فَتَيب

Makidzue Mek’duh مقدوح Mokad مقدوح

Mertabass M’rtabas مرتباس Mertabas مرتباس

Hoodayba Mamudeeb مَموديب Haoudeba هوديي

Taiboos Teesuse تيسوس Tesoos تيسوس

Jarooba Jerub جروب Jarouba جروب

Tabarrabass Tidburse or تدبرس or Tarbasa ترباس Tidfurse تدفرس

Gedda. J’da جدا Jidda جدا

Geddook J’duk جدوخ Jidoukh جدوخ

Limbarr’ Linbabahr لنبَبَحر Linbahar لنبحر

Tarrowm Term ترم Taroom ترم

Massar M’nser منصر Minsor منصر

Sakunderree or Skender, a سكندر مرج Sakundria, سْكَنْدَرِ Askandarie swamp lake Alexandria

_Route from Timbuctoo to Ferjan (from the same MS.)_

Tuan توان Toowano توان

M’brûk مبروك Mobaruka مبَرْوك

Jeerban حيربن Joojebani اجوجبن

Abugiberk ابوجبرخ Kheerabi خيربي

Tehekeem تحكيم Tahkema تحكيم

Bageeacha } } Hootailee } } Goosaicha } not written, but position marked, and thus pronounced. } Hayloon } } Barrahese }

Ferjan فرجان Ferjan فَرْجَانْ

_From Timbuctoo to Tunis (from the same Chart.)_

Ziggie Jak, Jik, or جق Jagha جغ Juk

Arowalla Arun or Arul عرول or عرون Aaroon عرون

Tarrabaleese Trahesen ترهيسن Trabolas ترهبليس

Mooquinassa M’kenas ممكناس Mookanassa مَكْنَاس

Hass Has حَاسْ Hhas حَاسْ

Landoloos Lindalsu لَندَلْسُ Lankalsoo لَنكَلْسُ

Toonis Tunis تونس Tunis تونس

Near the sea كباله بحر

Other towns named on this route were

Hassaladee

Hassazedeed

Hassat

Omattaras

Dizzaela

Dazeleel

Katerbaîlie

Bahadzai

Maratooph

Swamach

MS. No. IV.

_Course of the Niger or Quolla (by a Jennie Moor who had been to Egypt.)_

Negro Mr. Jackson’s reading Mr. Dupuis’ reading and pronun- and transcript. transcript. ciation.

Mallaia Malh ملح Mahh مَاحْ

Shego Shak سك Shako سكُ

Sansandin Sansandee سنسدَي Sansandia سنسنديَ

Jennie Jin جن Jinnie جنِ

Massina Masheen ماشين Mashina ماشين

Tinbuctoo Tinbut تنبت Tinbuctoo تنبت

(Here he draws the Jolliba flowing from or into the Quolla by Timbuctoo.)

Gauw Gru غو Ghou غو

Quoälla Kula كولا Koualla كولا

Askeä Assaëe اَساَي Askea اسكي

Zabirma Zabuaä زبوعا Zaberma زبرما

Cabi Keb كب Kaby كبا

Yaoora Eeurë يور Yeory يور

Boussa B’sa بسا Bussu بسا

(Here he branches off a southern route to Yarriba with precisely the same names as in MS. I, by the Houssa Moor.)

Noofee } } Quolla-liffa } } Atagara } not written, but position marked, and thus } pronounced. Sharee R. } } Chadee L. }

Foor Foo فوُ Sour صُره

Weddai Wadaee وداي Wadai وداي

Joonar Jusenaw جوسناو Joosnou جوسناو

Shewa Shuee شوي Shouy سوي

Sooeess Siuse سُوسْ Sweis سُوسْ

Zale Zal زاَل Zal زاَل

Zaedooma Zeehwam زيهوم Zeedouma زيدوم

Lachtamoo Lahellam لاحلام Lakhtamo لاخطام

Makagoodoo Mehed’twa محذوْع Mohadzou محذوْع

Dalooba Deeluba ديلوبا Djaoba دجاوبا

Tarbass Tubas توباس Terbasa ترباس

Jaheesoo Jekeesee جخيس Jakhesa جخيس

Latooha Lituh or ليعوح or ليطوح Letouh ليطوح Liauh

Mabanoos M’benuse مبنوس Mabanouso مَبَنُوس

Itkhame Atekam اتخام Etakhamo اطخدَمُ

Massar Missu مصو Massir مصر

Sooryada Sueed سويد Sourida سُويد

Nezoogoo Teeawa تياوع Nezugh نيزوخح

Kataramoo Kateram كترام Kateramo كترام

Dahloomoo D’helume دحلوم Dhalomo دحلوم

Hateboo Heteeb حتيب Hhateba حتيب

Haheenie Heneen حنين Hahhene ححين

Hajamie Khejam خجام Hajame حجام

Tapasooloo Tefawn تفعون Tafsoona تفصون

Askandarie Askundria اسكندري

Bahar Mela (Bahar Melhah the Bahar al Malah salt sea)

MS. No. IV.

This was written by an old Moor, a native of the Mallowa country, but unfortunately just as he had finished (for I made them all write at the moment in my own apartment, however hurried, rather than allow them to go home and compose for me) and was beginning to explain what he had written, a summons from the King obliged me to quit him, and he left Coomassie before I could procure another visit from him. In the absence of all explanation, I can only conclude from some few names that are familiar to me, that it is a route from Berragoo over the Quolla, and then westward to Bergoo, known to Mr. Brown. I am only induced thus to preserve a transcript of this ms. from its fortunate co-incidence in several names with the valuable lost itinerary of my friend Brahima, as far as can be collected from a mere sketch of a translation, which was made in anticipation of the perfect one. I shall submit them collaterally, as they assist to elucidate each other, and agree very well in the relative positions of places, although the parties never saw each other, which is some satisfaction under the disappointment.

_Outline of Brahima’s MS. No. IV. Itinerary._

Mr. Dupuis’ reading and Mr. Jackson’s reading Other readings. transcript. and transcript.

Bazao بَزاوُ (بَراوُ) Burg¯ru بُرْغُ Bouroughoo (Barao)

Babigry بَبِغي Babaghe

Kaikshi كَيَقشي Keekesh كيقش Keekash

Droo دروو Serkune سركون Serkoon

Mashooko مَشوُكوْ

Banghoo بَانْغُوا Banaka بانعقا

Toonooma تُونُومُ Tuee توي

Yajoury يَجُورِ Tenbykukmaetunby تنب كوك مَيتُنْب (doubtless Yawoorie)

Kenbua كنبوا Kanboo

Dendawy دنداوي Danadoo

Belg¯rua بلغوا Balaghou

Jabdgho جَبْذْغُ Jebeng¯rua جبنغوا Jabadghoo

Keemba or كمْبَا (كصْبَا) Kamba كمبه Keerba

Kadarkoo اَلجركَدَرْكُ Kedug¯reh R. كَدوغه Kadarko R.

Doodirba ذُذْرْبَا Dtedterba R. ذذربا Dodarba R.

Uwawfeh وواوفه

Mhaka Kury محكا كوري (arrival at Kury)

Saffer سفر

Aäu Khashah اعَوو كحاشه

Shawanka اشَوَنْكَا Shawangra شاوَنْغَ

Ghoufel غوفل Jafu جافُو Japhoo

Simmer سمر

Yarkoo يركو

Daghm دغم

Bannanao بَنَنَوْا

Doonkee دُنْقيْ Dunka دُنقَيْ Doonkot

Ghodau غوضا G¯ru’w غووَ Ghouwa

Salamo سَلَمْوُا

Janboodoo جَانْبُدُوا Jabendu جابندوا

Soosoo سُسُوْا Susu سُوسُوْا

Kooreree كُرر Koos كوصْ

Barghoowa برغَوَا Berg¯rua برغوا

Nak or نك Naka

Water of وض Wada

Douga ضوغا (probably Donga)

Mazim مزم

Kal كل

Makji مقجي

Tafkat تفقت

Shal L. شل

Koad or كوض Koada

Here the writer signified that he went back to _Kateen_, as appeared to the transcriber, but more probably_Kassina_, and thence proceeded to

Kano كَن

Bornou برنو

Sher R. شر

Shadda L. شاد

Foor فر

Wada وداء

Massir مصر

Makata مكة (Mecca)

Madina مدينه

Shem شام (Damascus)

Jerusalem, بيت المقدس &c. &c.

[Footnote 156: When _or_ appears between two names, it means that each town is equally close to the path, and indifferently visited.]

[Footnote 157: Mr. Dupuis renders the Arabic غ g¯h agreeable to Richardson. Mr. Jackson has insisted on preferring g˘r throughout. Mr. Dupuis, having sailed for Africa, has not had the advantage of correcting the press for himself, but every care has been taken.]

[Footnote 158: Sir W. Ouseley remarks, that the letter _k_ is frequently softened into _g_.]

APPENDIX. No. IV.

* * * * *

REPTILIA. (REPTILES.)

_Gen._ MONITOR, _Cuvier._

_Sp._ 1. _Pulcher_, _Leach._

M. Supra niger albo pulcherrime zonatus et maculatus: zonis dorsalibus e maculis effectis, ventre albido nigro transversim vage lineato, cauda compressa carinata.

This elegant species was found in Fantee. The whole upper parts of the body, the legs and tail, are black, most beautifully banded and spotted with white. The bands on the tail are alternately wide and narrow; the wider bands are each much and abruptly dilated above into a kind of spot, whilst the narrow ones become gradually wider in the inverse direction. The legs are spotted above with white; the under parts of them, as well as of the belly and throat, are also of the same colour with the spots.

_Gen._ CHAMÆLEON, _of authors._

_Sp._ 1. _Dilepis_, _Leach._

Ch. Capite supra sub plano utrinque bicarinato: carinis antice conniventibus, occipite utrinque squama magna instructo, dorso subspinoso-carinato.

This species may readily be distinguished from all that have been hitherto discovered, by the two large scales, affixed one on each side to the back part of the head. These scale-like processes, are covered by the same scaly integuments which cover the head and body.

_Gen._ ACONTIAS, _Cuvier._

_Sp._ 1. _Punctatus_, _Leach._

A. Supra brunneo-fuscus obsolete purpurascens, squamis postice macula ventreque fulvescentibus.

Fantee.

_Gen._ MACROSOMA, _Leach._

1. _Elegans, Leach._

Coluber elegans, _Shaw._

Fantee.

_Gen._ COLUBER, _Cuvier._

1. _Bicolor_, _Leach._

C. Supra badio-niger subtus albidus, squamis dorsalibus elongatis gradatim angustioribus; apice obtusiusculis.

Fantee.

2. _Irroratus_, _Leach._

C. Badio-fuscus, gula pallida, squamis pulcherrime albido irroratis; dorsalibus subelongatis apice rotundatis.

Fantee.

3. _Irregularis_, _Leach._

C. Azureo-virescens, ventre albido, squamis simplicibus irregularibus: dorsalibus ovatis: lateralibus superioribus superne truncatis; inferis subhexagonis.

Fantee.

The above three species of _Coluber_ are decidedly new, as well as the _Acontias_; the latter is more particularly interesting, since it encreases the species of a very limited genus.

ARACHNOÏDA.

_Gen._ SCORPIO, _of authors._

_Sp._ 1. _Afer_, _Fabr._

_Gen._ MYGALE, _Latreille._

The only specimen was too mutilated to enable me to make out its specific character.

MYRIAPODA.

Of this class you found two species in Fantee; a _Scolopendra_, and a gigantic _Julus_; neither of which are in a sufficiently good state to enable me to make out whether they be described or not.

INSECTA.

_Gen._ TEFFLUS, _Leach_, new genus.

Generic character.

CAPUT. _Mandibulæ_ æquales edentulæ. _Palpi labiales_ et _maxillares externi_ articulo ultimo elongato-securiformi.

THORAX hexagonus antice et postice rectus. _Alæ_ nullæ. _Elytra_ coalita abdomen tegentia apicem versus utrinque sinuata. _Tibiæ_ anticæ latere interiore apicem versus emarginatæ calcare elevato instructæ. _Tarsi antici_ MARIS articulis duobus primis tenuiter dilatatis.

Habitus et Antennæ Carabi.

_Sp._ 1. _Meyerlei_.

Carabus Meyerlei, _Fabr. Syst. Eleut._ i. 169.—_Voet. col._ ii. _tab._ 39, _f._ 49.

_Gen._ ODONTOMERUS, _Dahl._

_Sp._ 1. _Serratus_.

Buprestis serratus, _Fabr._

Fantee.

_Gen._ CETONIA, _of authors._

_Sp._ 1. _Marginata_, _Fabr._

Fantee.

_Gen._ PHYLLOTOMA, _Wm. MacLeay, MSS._

_Sp._ 1. _Reflexa_.

Melolontha reflexa, _Fabr._

Fantee.

_Gen._ HELOPS, _Fabr._

_Sp._ 1. _Marginatus_, _Olivier_.

Fantee.

_Gen._ UPIS? _Fabr._

_Sp._ 1. Cuprea.

Tenebrio Cupreus, _Fabr._

Fantee.

_Gen._ LAMIA, _Fabr._

_Sp._ 1. Tri-fasciata, _Fabr._

Fantee. This species is also found at Sierra Leone, and in the Back Settlements of the Cape of Good Hope.

_Gen._ PETROGNATHA, _Leach._

Character

_Caput_ thorace paulo latius. _Antennæ_ (_maris_ corpore duplo longiores et ultra,) articulo secundo longiore flexuoso. _Labrum_ lineare transversum nudum utrinque rotundatum. _Mandibulæ_ petrosæ (MARIS interne apicem versus obtuse unidentatæ,) infra et externe irregulariter carinatas. _Palpi maxillares_ et _labiales_ articulo ultimo basi subattenuato, apice externe oblique truncato-acuminato.

THORAX transversus utrinque 1-spinosus. _Elytra_ humeris 1-spinosis, apiceque ad saturam spinoso-subproducto.

_Sp._ 1. _Gigas_.

Lamia Gigas, _Fabr._

Fantee.

_Gen._ CALLICHROMA, _Latreille._

_Sp._ 1. _Festivum_.

Cerambyx festivus, _Oliv. Fabr._

Fantee.

_Gen._ MANTIS.

_Sp._ 1. _Superstitiosa_, _Fabr_.

Fantee

This species, as well as its congeners, is an object of superstitious veneration amongst the natives of north-western Africa, Syria, and India. It agrees in all points with the original specimen of _Superstitiosa_, so named by Fabricius in the Banksian Cabinet.

_Gen._ GRYLLUS, _Fabr._

_Sp._ 1. _Squarrosus_, _Fabr._

Fantee.

_Gen._ REDUVIUS, _Fabr._

_Sp._ 1. _Barbicornis_, _Fabr._

Fantee.

I have received this species from the Cape of Good Hope.

_Gen._ CANOPUS, _Rodhe._

_Sp._ 1. _Punctatus_, _Leach._

Supra olivaceo-ater impresso-punctulatus rubro punctatus, subtus ruber segmentis marginibus stigmatibus tibiis tarsisque nigris, capite rubro irrorato.

Gaboon.

APPENDIX, No. V.

* * * * *

_Mr._ TEDLIE’S _Account of the Thermometer._

Date. | A.M. | M. | P.M. | Weather. | | | | April 28 |6 74 | | | | | | | 29 |7½ 75 | | | | | | | |11 80 | | | | | | | 30 | | |2 88½ | | | | | | | |7 82½ | | | | | May 1 |8 77 | | | | | | | 2 |8 76½ | |1 91 | | | | | 3 |6 76 |12 89 | | | | | | May 4. |The Thermometer was broken last night at Asharaman. | | | | At Coomassie, from the 7th June to the 11th, it varied from 80 to 85, between 12 and 2. | | | | June 15 | | |1 82 | | | | | 16 |10 79 | | | | | | | 17 | |12 82 | | | | | | 18 |9 79 | |2 84 | | | | | 19 |7½ 73 | |2½ 78 | | | | | | | |5 78 | | | | | 20 |10 78 | |1 81 | | | | | | | |2½ 82 | | | | | 21 |8 74 | |2½ 82 | | | | | 22 |8 76 |12 82 |1 74 |Tornado. | | | | 23 |8½ 74 | |1 81 |Tornado. | | | | 24 |11½ 76 | |2 73 |Rain. | | | | 25 |9 75 | |1 76 | | | | | 26 |9 76 |12 76 |2 78 | | | | | 27 |8½ 79 | |3½ 80 | | | | | 28 |8½ 74 |12 77 | | | | | | 29 |9½ 74 | |2 77 |Fair. | | | | 30 |9 77 | |1 80 |Rain. | | | | July 1 |9 76 | |1 80 | | | | | 2 |8 73 |12 78 | | | | | | 3 |9 78 | |1 78 | | | | | | | |6 75 | | | | | 4 |8 72 |12 74 | | | | | | 5 |8 72 | |1 78 |Fair. | | | | 6 |6 71 |12 76 | | | | | | 7 |6 71 | |2 80 |Rain. | | | | | | |6 75 | | | | | 8 |6 72 |12 78 | |Fair. | | | | | | |3 80 |Tornado. | | | | 9 |6 72 | | |Fair. | | | | | | |1 79 |Rain. | | | | 10 |7 73 | |2½ 81 | | | | | 11 |8 73 | |2 81 |Fair. | | | | | | |6 72 | | | | | 12 |6 72 | |2½ 80 | | | | | | | |6 76 | | | | | 13 |8 77 | | | | | | | |11 73 | |3 77 |Rain. | | | | 14 |8 71 | |2 77 | | | | | 15 |8 70 |12 74 |6 72 |Fair. | | | | 16 |7 69 | |2 78 | | | | | | | |7 73 | | | | | 17 |7 69 | |2½ 79 | | | | | 18 |8 71 | |3 79 | | | | | | | |6 76 | | | | | 19 |6 70 | | |Fair. | | | | | | |2½ 76 |Fair, | | | | | | |7 74 | | | | | 20 |8 72 | |2½ 78 | | | | | 21 |7½ 71 |12 75 |2½ 78 | | | | | | | |6½ 75 | | | | | 22 |6 70 | |2 78 | | | | | | | |7 73 |Rain. | | | | 23 |6 70 | |2 78 | | | | | | | |8 72 | | | | | 24 |8 70 | |2 74 | | | | | | | |8 72 | | | | | 25 |8 69 | |1 74 | | | | | | | |6 72 | | | | | 26 |7 70 | |2 75 | | | | | | | |6 74 | | | | | 27 |7 68 | |3½ 80½ | | | | | | | |8 71 | | | | | 28 |8 70 | | |Fair. | | | | | | |3 77 | | | | | | | |7½ 73 | | | | | 29 |7 70 | |2 78 | | | | | | | |8 73 | | | | | 39 |7 66½ | |2 78 | | | | | | | |7 73 | | | | | 31 |8 70 |12 76 |2 78 | | | | | | | |7 73 | | | | | Aug. 1 |7 70 | |2 77 | | | | | | | |7 73 |Rain. | | | | 2 |7 71 | |2 73 | | | | | | | |8 70 | | | | | 3 |7 69½ |12 72 |3 73 |Rain. | | | | | | |8 70½ |Fair. | | | | 4 |7 70 | |2 78 | | | | | | | |8 74 | | | | | 5 |7 71 | |2 79 | | | | | | | |6 75 |Rain. | | | | 6 |7 70 | | |Rain. | | | | | | |2 78½ | | | | | | | |8 73 |Fair. | | | | 7 |7 71 | |2 78 | | | | | | | |6 76 | | | | | 8 |6 70 |12 73 |2½ 77 | | | | | | | |7 73 | | | | | 9 |6 70 | |2½ 78 | | | | | | | |7 75 | | | | | 10 |7 71 | |2 76 |Rain. | | | | | | |7 74 |Rain. | | | | 11 |7 71 | |2 78 | | | | | | | |8 73 |Rain. | | | | 12 |7 70½ | |3 76 |Rain. | | | | | | |6 73 | | | | | | | |8 71 | | | | | 13 |7 70 | |2 77 | | | | | | | |8 73 | | | | | 14 |7 70 | |2 74 |Fair. | | | | | | |6 73 | | | | | | | |8 71 | | | | | 15 |7 70 | |2 72 | | | | | | | |7 73 | | | | | 16 |7 70 | |2 75 | | | | | | | |7 73 | | | | | 17 |7 70 | |2 80 | | | | | | | |7 74 | | | | | 18 |7 71 |12 77 |2 80½ | | | | | | | |3 81 | | | | | | | |7 77 | | | | | 19 |7 71 | |2 75 |Rain. | | | | | | |8 73 | | | | | 20 |7 68½ | | |Rain. | | | | | | |2 72½ | | | | | | | |6 71 | | | | | 21 |6 69 | | |Fair. | | | | | | |1 77 | | | | | | | |7 74 | | | | | 22 |6 68 |12 73 |2 77 | | | | | | | |7 71 | | | | | 23 |7 68 | |1 76 | | | | | | | |8 73 | | | | | 24 |7 69 | |3 74 | | | | | | | |7 71½ | | | | | 25 |6 68 | |6 74 | | | | | 26 |6 68 | |3 78½ | | | | | | | |7 74 | | | | | 27 |7 69 | | |Hazy. | | | | | | |1 72 | | | | | | | |3 72 | | | | | | | |7 70½ | | | | | 28 |6 69 ½ | | |Rain. | | | | | | |2 74 | | | | | | | |8 72 |Rain. | | | | 29 |7 70 | |3 78 |Fair | | | | | | |6 77 | | | | | 30 |7 70 | | |Fair. | | | | | | |2½ 76 | | | | | | | |7 73 |Rain. | | | | 31 |7 70½ | |3 77 | | | | | | | |7 73 | | | | | Sept. 1 |7 71 | | |Fair. | | | | | | |3 80 | | | | | | | |7 77 | | | | | 2 |6 71 | | |Hazy. | | | | | | |2 75 | | | | | | | |7 74 |Slight showers | | | | 3 |6 71 |12 74 | |Rain. | | | | | | |1 80 | | | | | | | |6 74 | | | | | 4 |7 71 |12 77 |7 74 | | | | | 5 |5 71 | |3 79 | | | | | | | |7 76 |Fair. | | | | 6 |6 70 | |2 74 | | | | | | | |7 73 | | | | | 7 |8 71 | |3 76 | | | | | | | |8 73 |Slight showers | | | | 8 |7 71 |12 76 | | | | | | | | |2 80 | | | | | | | |8 73 | | | | | 9 |6 71 | |2 80 | | | | | | | |8 74 | | | | | 10 |7 71 | | |Rain. | | | | | | |3 80 | | | | | | | |7 76 | | | | | 11 |6 72 | | |Heavy rain. | | | | | | |2 77 |Rain. | | | | | | |10 72 |Rain. | | | | 12 |7 72 |12 78 |3½ 80½ | | | | | | | |10 76 | | | | | 13 |7 22 | |2 78 | | | | | | | |3½ 80 |Rain. | | | | | | |9 76 | | | | | 14 |7 72 | | |Hazy. | | | | | | |2½ 79 | | | | | | | |6 76 | | | | | | | |8 75 | | | | | 15 |5 71 | |3 80 | | | | | | | |7 75 | | | | | 16 |7 72 | |2½ 80 | | | | | | | |8 75 | | | | | 17 |7 72 |12 78 |2½ 81 | | | | | | | |9 75 | | | | | 18 |7 72 | |2 77 |Rain. | | | | | | |8 73 | | | | | 19 |7 71 | |3 81 | | | | | | | |9 75 | | | | | 20 |7 72 | |2 79 |Rain. | | | | | | |8 74 | | | | | 21 |7 72 | |2½ 81 |Rain. | | | | | | |8 72 | | | | | 22 |8 71 | | |Hazy. | | | | |12½ 71 | |2 82½ |

_Mr._ HUTCHISON’S _Account of the Thermometer, after the Departure of Mr. Tedlie._

Date. | A.M. | M. | P.M. | Weather. | | | | Sept. 23 |8 73 | | |Thunder, with rain. | | | | | | |2 80 | | | | | | | |8 75 | | | | | 24 |6 72 | | |Rain. | | | | | |12 78 | | | | | | | | |2 82 |Fair, but cloudy | | | | | | |8 75 |Rain. | | | | 25 |6 71½ | | | | | | | |10 76 | | |Fair. | | | | | |12 83 | |Rain. | | | | | | |2 75 |Violent tornado | | | | | | |8 71½ |Rain. | | | | 26 |6 70 | | | | | | | | |12 73 | |Hazy. | | | | | | |2 80 |Cloudy | | | | | | |4 77 |Wind | | | | | | |8 71 |Heavy rain. | | | | 27 |6 73 | | | | | | | |10 75 | | |Fair. | | | | | |12 80½ |6 75 | | | | | 28 |6 71 | |2 81½ | | | | | | | |6 74 | | | | | 29 |6 71½ | |2 82 | | | | | 30 |6 73 | | |Cloudy. | | | | | | |2 80 | | | | | | | |7 71½ | | | | | Oct. 1 |6 72½ | |2 82 | | | | | |10 70 | |8 76 | | | | | 2 |6 70 | |2 79 |Rain. | | | | | | |8 78 |Sultry. | | | | 3 |6 71 | | |Rain. | | | | | | |2 82 |Fair. | | | | | | |6 80 | | | | | 5 |6 72 | |2 79 | | | | | | | |6 74 | | | | | 6 |6 72 | | |Rain. | | | | | | |2 79 |Much rain, thunder. | | | | | | |8 75 | | | | | 7 |6 72 | |2 79 | | | | | | | |6 74 | | | | | 8 |6 71 |12 79 |2 73 | | | | | | | |6 71 | | | | | 9 |6 71 | |2 79 |Sultry and cloudy. | | | | | | |6 78 | | | | | 10 |6 73 | | | | | | | | |12 78 | |Fair. | | | | | | |2 71½ | | | | | | | |6 73½ |Much rain, thunder. | | | | 11 |6 73 | | |Heavy fog. | | | | | | |2 76½ |Fair, cloudy. | | | | 12 |6 71½ | | |Sultry, foggy. | | | | | | |2 80½ |Fair. | | | | | | |6 78 | | | | | 13 |6 73 | | |Foggy. | | | | | |12 78 | |Sultry. | | | | | | |2 79 | | | | | | | |6 77 |Rain, thunder. | | | | 14 |6 74½ | | |Rain, foggy. | | | | | | |2 78½ |Fair. | | | | | | |6 74 | | | | | 15 |6 72½ | | |Rain, foggy. | | | | | | |2 74 |Hazy. | | | | | | |6 73 | | | | | 16 |6 72½ | | |Foggy. | | | | | | |2 80½ |Fair. | | | | | | |6 75 | | | | | 17 |6 73½ | | |Rain, foggy. | | | | | | |2 78 | | | | | | | |6 74½ | | | | | 18 |6 73 | | |Fair. | | | | | | |2 80 | | | | | | | |6 75 |Rain and thunder. | | | | 19 |73½ | | | | | | | |71½ | | |Much rain. | | | | 20 |6 70½ | | |Dense fogs. | | | | | | |2 73 |Foggy, with showers. | | | | | | |6 74 | | | | | 21 |6 72½ | | |Fair. | | | | | | |2 79 | | | | | | | |8 78½ | | | | | 22 |6 73 |12 77 | |Foggy. | | | | | | |2 82½ |Fair. | | | | | | |8 75 | | | | | 23 |6 72½ | | |Foggy, with thr. showers. | | | | | |12 80 |2 83 | | | | | | | |8 77 | | | | | 24 |6 73 | | |Foggy. | | | | | |12 80 | |Fair. | | | | | | |3 78½ |Rain. | | | | | | |8 75 | | | | | 25 |6 74½ |12 82 | |Foggy. | | | | | | |2 82 |Fair. | | | | | | |6 74 | | | | | 26 |6 72½ | | |Foggy. | | | | | | |2 80 | | | | | | | |78 |Rain, thunder. | | | | 27 |6 72 | | |Foggy. | | | | | | |2 80 | | | | | | | |6 76 |Thunder shrs. | | | | 29 |6 7 | | |Rain. | | | | | | |2 82 |Fair. | | | | | | |6 75 | | | | | 30 |6 73 | | |Foggy. | | | | | | |2 83 |Fair. | | | | | | |8 78 | | | | | 31 |6 72½ | | |Foggy. | | | | | | |2 82 |Fair. | | | | | | |8 76 | | | | | Nov. 1 |6 72½ | | |Foggy. | | | | | | |2 81 | | | | | | | |6 80 |Sultry. | | | | 2 |6 73 | | |Fair. | | | | | | |2 81½ | | | | | | | |8 75 |Rain. | | | | 3 |6 73 | | |Rain. | | | | | | |2 82½ |Fair. | | | | | | |6 78 | | | | | 4 |6 72 | |2 78 |Rain, foggy. | | | | | | |6 74½ |Sultry. | | | | 5 |6 72½ | |2 79½ | | | | | | | |6 78 | | | | | 6 |6 74 | |2 80½ |Fair. | | | | | | |8 79 |Rain, sultry. | | | | 7 |6 72½ | |2 82½ |Fair, thunder | | | | | | |3 79 |Rain. | | | | | | |8 77 | | | | | 8 |6 72 | |2 78½ |Thunder. | | | | | | |8 75 |Hazy. | | | | 10 |6 71 | | |Foggy. | | | | | | |2 82 |Fair. | | | | | | |8 76 | | | | | 11 |6 72½ | | |Foggy. | | | | |2 81½ | | |Fair. | | | | | | |8 78 | | | | | 12 |6 74½ | |2 79 |Cloudy. | | | | | | |6 78 |Sultry. | | | | 13 |6 73 | |2 83½ |Fair. | | | | | | |8 75 | | | | | 14 |6 69 | |2 78½ | | | | | | | |8 75 | | | | | 15 |6 70½ | |2 82½ | | | | | | | |8 79 | | | | | 16 |6 69 | |2 82 | | | | | | | |8 80 | | | | | 17 |6 70½ | |2 82½ | | | | | | | |6 79 | | | | | 18 |6 72 | |2 82½ | | | | | | | |8 80 | | | | | 19 |6 72½ | |2 80½ | | | | | | | |8 78 | | | | | 20 |6 70½ | |2 81 | | | | | | | |8 76 | | | | | 21 |6 72½ | |2 83½ | | | | | | | |8 79 | | | | | 22 |6 72 | |2 83 | | | | | | | |8 78 | | | | | 23 |6 75 | |2 82 |Rain. | | | | | | |8 78 |Foggy. | | | | 24 | | |6 72 | | | | | | | |2 81 | | | | | | | |8 76 | | | | | 26 |6 71 | |2 83 | | | | | | | |8 75 | | | | | 27 |6 73 | | |Slight showers. | | | | | | |2 80 |Foggy. | | | | | | |8 76 | | | | | 28 |6 70 | |2 80½ | | | | | | | |8 74 | | | | | 29 |6 78 | |2 82 | | | | | | | |8 75½ | | | | | 30 |6 78½ | |2 81 | | | | | | | |8 76 | | | | | Dec. 1 | | |6 78 | | | | | | | |2 80½ | | | | | | | |8 74 | | | | | 2 |6 77½ | |2 80 | | | | | | | |8 74 | | | | | 3 |6 68½ | |2 79 |Rain. | | | | | | |8 74 |Fair. | | | | 4 |6 67 | |2 81 |Foggy. | | | | | | |8 77 | | | | | 5 |6 68 | |2 80½ | | | | | | | |8 77 | | | | | 6 |6 65 | |2 78 | | | | | | | |8 76 | | | | | 7 |6 63 | |2 80 | | | | | | | |8 77 | | | | | 8 |6 70 | |2 78½ | | | | | | | |8 76 | | | | | 9 |6 63 | |2 79 | | | | | | | |8 76 | | | | | 10 |6 71 | |2 79 | | | | | | | |8 75 | | | | | 11 |6 73 | |2 80½ | | | | | | | |6 74 | | | | | 12 |6 74 | |2 81 | | | | | | | |8 75 | | | | | 13 |6 74½ | |2 79½ | | | | | | | |8 77 | | | | | 14 |6 72 | |2 79 | | | | | | | |8 76 | | | | | 15 |6 73¼ | |2 79 | | | | | | | |8 76 | | | | | 16 |6 74 | |2 80½ | | | | | | | |8 74 | | | | | 17 |6 73½ | |2 80 | | | | | | | |8 75 | | | | | 18 | | |6 71½ | | | | | | | |2 79 |Tornado. | | | | | | |8 76 | | | | | 19 |6 68 | |2 79½ |Foggy. | | | | | | |8 74 | | | | | 20 |6 64½ | |2 79 |Foggy. | | | | | | |8 76 | | | | | 21 |6 75 | |2 80 |Tornado. | | | | | | |8 78 |Rain. | | | | 22 |6 76 | |2 81 |Foggy. | | | | | | |6 78 | | | | | 23 |6 76½ | |2 83½ | | | | | | | |8 80 | | | | | 24 |6 79 | |2 84 | | | | | | | |4 82 |Thunder. | | | | | | |7 80 |Tornado. | | | | 25 |6 78 | | |Foggy. | | | | | | |2 81 | | | | | | | |8 78 |Tornado. | | | | 26 |6 69 | |2 81 |Foggy. | | | | | | |6 80 |Tornado. | | | | 27 |6 70 | |2 82 |Foggy. | | | | | | |8 76 | | | | | 28 |6 74 | |2 82 | | | | | | | |8 78 | | | | | 29 |6 73 | |2 80½ | | | | | | | |8 76½ | | | | | 30 |6 74 | |2 79 | | | | | | | |8 76 | | | | | 31 |6 72 | |2 81 | | | | | | | |8 78 | | | | | Jan. 1 1818. |6 70½ | |2 81 | | | | | | | |8 78 | | | | | 2 |6 72 | | | | | | | 3 |6 72 | |2 85 |Thunder. | | | | | | |8 76 |Rain. | | | | From sickness, the Thermometer was not attended to till the 10th, during the interval the weather was excessive cold, and the fogs very dense. | | | | 10 | | |2 74 |Foggy. | | | | | | |8 68 | | | | | 11 |6 62½ | |2 76 | | | | | | | |8 70½ | | | | | 12 |6 60 | |2 77 | | | | | | | |8 70 | | | | | 13 |6 61½ | |2 74½ | | | | | | | |8 68 | | | | | 14 |6 58 | |2 74 | | | | | | | |8 66 | | | | | 15 |6 60 | |2 75½ | | | | | | | |8 70 | | | | | 16 |6 61½ | |2 76 | | | | | | | |8 72½ | | | | | 17 |6 62 | |2 76½ | | | | | | | |8 71 | | | | | 18 |6 60 | |2 74 | | | | | | | |8 73 | | | | | 19 |6 62½ | |2 79 | | | | | | | |8 75 | | | | | 20 |6 64 | |2 78½ | | | | | | | |8 76 | | | | | 21 |6 64½ | |2 79 | | | | | | | |8 74 | | | | | 22 |6 66 | |2 80 | | | | | | | |8 78 | | | | | 23 |6 64 | |2 82 | | | | | | | |8 76 | | | | | 24 |6 62 | |2 82½ | | | | | | | |8 74 | | | | | 25 |6 64 | |2 84 | | | | | | | |8 80 | | | | | 26 |6 68 | |2 83½ | | | | | | | |8 67½ | | | | | 27 |6 68½ | |2 84 | | | | | | | |8 80½ | | | | | 28 |6 72 | |2 84¼ | | | | | | | |8 78 | | | | | 29 |6 72 | |2 85 | | | | | | | |8 80 | | | | | 30 |6 74 | |2 85 | | | | | | | |8 80 | | | | | 31 |6 76 | |2 86 | | | | | | | |8 80 | | | | | Feb. 1 |6 74 | |2 84½ | | | | | | | |8 79 | | | | | 2 |6 73½ | |2 86½ |

APPENDIX. No. VI.

* * * * *

I will now submit the numerals of 31 nations, which, with the exception of three, the Fantee, the Accra, and the Bornoo, (and those but imperfectly,) have never been reported before. I will arrange them according to their geographical approximation, remarking any apparent affinity which occurs to me, in notes. I shall place the Inta first, because it is the most remote, inland, which can be assimilated to the Fantee, Ahanta, Aöwin, and Amanaheä; and may, probably, from that circumstance, be the root of these languages; as it has been shewn, in the history, that the nations of the water side have been gradually pressed down, or have emigrated from the interior, and it is consequently to be expected that the etymology of the names of these countries are not to be found in the languages of the people who _now_ inhabit them, but more probably in the languages of their southern neighbours. Thus,

_Inta_ is likely to be derived from the _Booroom_ word _inta_, _water_, as it has been noticed as an alluvial country.

_Yngwa_, a northern province of Dagwumba, from the Ashantee _anggwa_, _fat, rich_, or the Booroom, _yngia_, _a wood_.

_Soko_ from _Soko_, _one_, in the Badaggry (below Dahomy) as _Yahndi_ the capital of Dagwumba was so called from _yahndo_ the numeral _one_, to indicate its pre-eminence.

_Assin_ from the Ashantee _Assoon_, an elephant. But this expectation is not further supported in the two or three other probable etymologies which occur to me, as _Takima_ from the Ashantee _takramma_, tongue. _Akim_ (formerly the greatest trading country,) from the Booroom _Akimmie_, cloth; _Booroom_ from _boora_, full, in that language.

It is curious how nearly the _word_ for _God_ in the Malemba, _M’Poungoo_, approaches the native name, _Empoongwa_, of the country Europeans call _Gaboon_. _Wonga_ is fear in the Malemba, and _Woonga- woonga_ is the name of an uninhabited savannah of three days extent, between Empoöngwa and Adjoomba.

1. _Inta._ 2. 3. 4. _Aöwin._ 5. _Booroom._ _Ashantee._ _Amanaheä._

One Koko Ekoo Akoon Aconë Aconë (_a_)

Two Anyoe Enoo Anoo Enyow Enyow (_b._)

Three Assa Essa Mensa Inza Insa (_c_)

Four Anna Enna Ennung Inna Enna (_d_)

Five Annoo Annoo Ennoom Noo Enoo (_e_)

Six Assee Esseä Inseëä Inzeah Inseah (_f_)

Seven Assoonno Assoono Inshong Inzoo Insoon (_g_)

Eight Adoobrooa Aquiay Woquee Motteä Mottuay (_h_)

Nine Digrakoono Akonno Oonkonnong Ongoona Ongona

Ten Koodoo Edoo Edoo Boloo Booloo (_i_)

6. _Ahanta_ 7. _Fantee_ 8. 9. 10. _Affootoo_ _Inkran_ _Adampë_ [159]

One Akoon Akoor Achoomee Ekkoo Kakee

Two Ayue Abeeën Ennuë Ennuë

Three Assan Abiasseh Assah Ettayh

Four Arra Anan Annah Edjuë

Five Aoonoo Ennoom Ennoo Ennoomó

Six Ayshing Asseeä Isshin Eghpah

Seven Assooa Ashong Isshennooh Paghwooh

Eight Awotchay Awotwee Ettchee Paghnue

Nine Awonna Akoon Assan Nahoon

Ten Boonoo Edoo Eddoo Nongmah

11. 12. 13. _Yngwa_ 14. _Hio_ 15. _Mosee_ _Kerrapay_ _Dagwumba_

One Eddee Yahndo Lakoo Innee Yimbo

Two Effee Ayee Ayee Eygee Ayeeboo

Three Eltong Attah Attah Etta Ataboo

Four Ennay Nasee Anāhee Ernee Annasee

Five Altong Ennoon Leerennoo Aroon Annoo

Six Adday Yohbee Ayoboo Effa Ayobee

Seven Adrinnee Poice Ayapaï Eggay Owhi

Eight Ennee Nehenoo Annee Eggo Ennee

Nine Indee Wyhee Awai Essun Aïhopoi

Ten Owoo Edoo Peä Eywaw Peega

16. 17. _Gaman_ 18. _Kong_ 19. _Fobee_ 20. _Kumsallahoo_ _Callana_

One Yumbo Tah Kiddee Koroom Kodoom

Two Yeebo Noo Filla Nalay Naboolla

Three Tabo Sah Sowa Poompevarra Nawedazoo

Four Nasee Nah Nanoo Leetaynalee Nabonaza

Five Annoo Taw Looroa Kakwassee Nabonoa

Six Yobo Torata Wora Mannassa Lodoo

Seven Poihee Toorifeenoo Ooranfilla Noottoosoo Logwa

Eight Nehee Toorifeessa Leeaygee Borafay Littaïzoo

Nine Wahee Toorifeena Konunto Pirrifay Nako

Ten Pega Noonoo Tah Nanooa Yewoo

21. 22. 23. 24. 25. _Bambarra_ _Garangi_ _Mallowa_ _Kallaghee_ _Bornoo_

One Killi Kerriminna Daia Gadee Leskar

Two Foolla Ferriminna Beeyoo Silill Ahndee

Three Sabba Sowaninna Okoo Quan Yaskar

Four Nani Firrima Odoo Foolloo Deegah

Five Looroo Fahtima Beä Vydee Ooögoo

Six Wora Tata Seddah Zoodoo Araskoo

Seven Worroola Mannima Becquay Etkassa Tooloor

Eight Sagi Pirima Tacquass Shiddowka Woskoo

Nine Konunto Missirima Tarra Woollaä Likkar

Ten Ta Gwahee Gwoma Woma Meeägoo

26. _Maïha_ _Quolla- _Badaggry_ 27. 28. liffa_ by Mr. _Sheekan_ _Kaylee_ by Mr. Hutchison. Hutchison.

One Lagen Da Soko Ilwawtoe Woto

Two Indë Bue Auwee Ibba Ibba

Three Eäska Okoo Atong Bittach Battach

Four Daäger Hodoo Inna Binnay Binnay

Five Ohoo Bakwee Ato Bitta Bittan

Six Araska Shida Trukoo

Seven Tooloor Bockwa Chauto

Eight Weska Sidda Quouie

Nine Lekar Tarra Kennee

Ten Inagoon Goman Owoo Duëoom Duëoom

Twenty Emboomebba

Hundred Kama

29. 30. 31. _Oongoomo_ _Oongobaï_ _Empoöngwa._ See p. 439 for character.

One Wootta Rappeek Hemoödee

Two Beeba Ramboise Mban

Three Bittach Mittasee Ntcharoo

Four Binnay Binnay Nahee

Five Bitten Bittan Nehanee

Six Sambal Oroöba

Seven Bittooba Ragginnoömoo

Eight Bissamen Ennanahee

Nine Bwoi Eno go öm

Ten Deëoom Hegoöm

(_a_) The words for the numeral one assimilate in the specimens 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9: again, but distinctly, in 14, 12, 15, 16: also in 26, 25, 13: in 21, 18, 20, 19: in 27, 28, 29, (making apparently five roots), but they remain solitary in 11, 17, 22, 23, 24 30 and 31. The numeral one in 14 is not unlike the two in 8, 9, 2, 3, and the one in 12, would, with the prefix of y, be precisely the same as the two of 25. Excepting _Kakee_, _one_, the Inkran numerals seem to have been adopted as those of Adampë, for the convenience of trade and intercourse, but I will add a few words, to show that the languages are radically different:

_Adampë._ _Inkran._

House Aoosoo Wheay.

Fire [160]Odja Lla.

Man Ossa Noon.

Woman Ossĕ Yeo.

Victuals Odë Neeaynee.

Father Attay Tchay.

Mother Awoo Nneay.

(_b_) The numeral _two_ is the most general word, and may be assimilated in 2, 3, 8, 9, 4, 5, 1, 6, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17. There is little difference between the numerals _two_ and _five_ in most of these, and _five_ in 15 and 16, precisely answers to _two_ in 1 and 2.

(_c_) _Three_ may be assimilated in 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17. In 12, 13, 14, 16, it approaches to the Congo and Mozambique _tatoo_ and _atatoo_.

(_d_) I have observed that in most African languages there is less distinction in the words for four and five, than between any other of the numerals and that frequently the word for _five_ in one language, is identical with that for _four_ in another, geographically remote. _Four_ may be assimilated in 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 11, 6, 14, for the two latter deviate only in the substitution of one liquid for another, which is as common in the languages of Africa as in those of America. The words for four in the above suite do not seem of a different root from those in 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, and 21, from which it only varies in 20 by the prefix of _nabo_. With the difference of a single letter, the same word for _four_ is found in the Yngwa (13) and the Empoöngwa (31) which are 1000 miles distant. Four in Congo is _m’na_, in Empoöngwa, _nahee_. _Sanu_, the Kaffer _four_, is approached in 18.

(_e_) Five may be assimilated from 1 to 17, (11 excepted) one liquid being substituted for another in 14, an _leer_ being prefixed in 13. It is remarkable too that we again identify this numeral in the Malemba, Embomma, and Empoöngwa languages, by removing the prefixes _t_, _to_, and _neh_, from the words _tanoo_, _toanoo_, and _nehanee_. Below five, the numerals in the Inkran lose all identity with those of the languages with which it has been hitherto assimilated.

(_f_) _Six_ assimilates from 1 to 9, in 12 to 17 (14 excepted) in 20, 23, 24, in 17 and 22; but remains distinct in all the others. The Sanbal of Oöngobai (30) approaches the Sambanoo of the Embomma.

(_g_) _Seven_ assimilates in 1 to 9; in 12, 13, 16, but in no others.

(_h_) _Eight_ assimilates in 2, 3, 6, 7; in 11 to 17, (14 excepted) all of which, with 31, approximate to E’nana, the word for eight in the Malemba.

(_i_) _Ten_ assimilates in 1, 2, 3, 7, 8, 12, in 4, 5, 6, in 17, 19, 25, 26, 29, in 13, 15, and in 14, 20, 22, 23, 24.

* * * * *

The following is the skeleton of a _Vocabulary_, of which the enlarged or perfect copy was blown out of the cabin-window, in a sudden squall, (with some specimens of music), during my voyage home.

|_English._| _Ashantee._ |_Fantee_[161].| _Booroom._ | _Various._ | | | | | |Above |wattefee | | | | | | | | |Advice |matoorh | | | | | | | | |Afraid |osooroh | |efweedammee | | | | | | |Afternoon |inumirree |ingubirh |ennie | | | | | | |Again |impray | |meära | | | | | | |Alike |oninnisie | |minnamata | | | | | | |Alive |nannuwomie |uannekan |issaboobwaw |n’chema | | | | |Malemba | | | | |Inchema a | | | | |fruit in | | | | |Empoöngwa. | | | | | |All |nenarra | |inkaken | | | | | | |Alone |waunkoo | |ohwoorie | | | | | | |Angry |mōbwaf |moboäf |moobiaf | | | | | | |Another |ebissoo | |ekoo | | | | | | |Arm |wabow | |serrekoonkoo | | | | | | |Ashamed |wennatoo | |woifarrie | | | | | | |Asleep |werda |wadda |awdirrie | | | | | | |Awake |waihen | |otinnie | | | | | | |Back |wakee | |atterra | | | | | | |Bad |omoo | |ohmara | | | | | | |Bead |aoonee | |aboroo[162] | | | | | | |Beard |aboidwee | |annoque |the same | | | | |as _chin_, | | | | |a frequent | | | | |surname. | | | | | |Beat |whaoonoo |wabomë |babeëm | | | | | | |Bed |empa | |kerray | | | | | | |Before |wawquoorasoo |waw_quan_ |oïyo |ovetide | | | | |_quande_. | | | | |Malemba. | | | | | |Beg |ekkaydie |_empoikeöw_ |dibbim |_mpanou_. | | | | |Malemba. | | | | | |Behind |owakee | |odioterra |the noun | | | | |_back_ with | | | | |_o_ & _odia_ | | | | |prefixed | | | | | |Below |asnadie | | | | | | | | |Big |kookrookoo | |otchwaw | | | | | | |Bird |anima | |abooree |for names of | | | | |animals, see | | | | |p. 328. | | | | | |Bite |whakum | |inkadooa | | | | | | |Black |tintoom | |oboobie | | | | | | |Blind |frafoo | |atenna | | | | | | |Blood |mugga | |moogga |menga. Mal. | | | | |Emb. | | | | | |Boil |woaroo |wooworh |ohfoo | | | | | | |Bone |ebiou | |ebou | | | | | | |Boy |afra | |ayebee | | | | | | |Burn |whahim | |ohwho | | | | | | |Buy |mekoto | |meashoor | | | | | | |Call |aferen |afren |ateëm | | | | | | |Carry |atooron | |dumta | | | | | | |Catch |makin | |mekeeram | | | | | | |Change |wahseesun | | | | | | | | |Cheeks |wafoon | |afeehe | | | | | | |Child |ebbah | |obee | | | | | | |Clean |wafie | |aulay | | | | | | |Cloth |ettum |entama |_akim_mie | | | | | | |Cold |oiwoo | |afoo |differs | | | | |little from | | | | |_boil_ | | | | | |Come |rraba | | | | | | | | |Cry |oroosoor | |orissoo | | | | | | |Cut |witwa | |wawtung | | | | | | |Dance |saw | |attcha | | | | | | |Dark |oiheesoom | |mayoo | | | | | | |Daughter |mebăbā | |mebee |_coomba_. Em. | | | | |which is a | | | | |common female | | | | |name in Fantee | | | | | |Day[163] | | | | | | | | | |Dead |wow | |ohoo | | | | | | |Deaf |nasheeasie |teetĭfoo |sinteelaboo | | | | | | |Deep |eboonie | | | | | | | | |Devil |ayen[164] | | |Amoonie a | | | | |proper name | | | | | |Dig |amoonna | | | | | | | | |Door |aboo | |ebunabooná | | | | | | |Drink |noom | |noo |_noa_. Mal. | | | | |_noi_. Em. | | | | | |Drop |wawto |awtarradi |otore | | | | | | |Drown |eboon | | | | | | | | |Drunk |wassoo |wawboo |hassoo | | | | | | |Ear |assoor | | | | | | | | |Eat |edee | | |_dea_. Mal. | | | | | |Egg |kessua |kirrifooa |akaddie | | | | | | |Empty |eppun | | | | | | | | |Enough |ojëay | |obahrìe | | | | | | |Eye |wunnie |ennua |ennyass | | | | | | |Eyebrow |wunnĕwee |entun | | | | | | | |Face |wynim | |anyasirra | | | | | | |Far |akirh’ | |aterh’ | | | | | | |Fat |anggwa | |oomfoä | | | | | | |Father |aggáh | |missee | | | | | | |Fear |sooroo | |efweedam | | | | | | |Feather |takirrie | |eetta | | | | | | |Feel |_soom_whay | |kirrada |_seem_bede. | | | | |Mal. | | | | |Kirradee, | | | | |a river of | | | | |Booroom. | | | | | |Fetch |ekkoon | |becquaw |a town in | | | | |Booroom | | | | | |Fifty |edoonoom | | |10. 5. | | | | | |Fight |orrokoo | |obuquooa | | | | | | |Fill |eënnama | |boorra | | | | | | |Find |maoo |maoon |maioom | | | | | | |Finger |insa | |eserrĭbee | | | | | | |Fire |ogiäh |egah |ogha |boogoom. Mosee | | | | | |Fish |enum | |eyay | | | | | | |Flower |nadjua | |ewooda | | | | | | |Fly |watoo | |oqueshoo | | | | | | |Fool |woigimmie |_abooa_ |woigimmie |booba. Mal. | | | | | |Foot |wannunsa | |aīah | | | | | | |Forget |moorafie | |sessĕro | | | | | | |Forgive |edimămoo | |inkawffinsow | | | | | | |Fowl |akoo | |karrabee | | | | | | |Friend |ankoo | |oonkoosĭba | | | | | | |Fruit |quadiäteä |impooa |quadiateä | | | | | | |Girl |bisēä | |otchay | | | | | | |Give |fummum | |tāsămi | | | | | | |Glad |yam |yamma |amirra | | | | | | |Go |kaw | |narry | | | | | | |God |yankoompon | |oodoobwarrie | | | | | | |Gold |sikkă | | | | | | | | |Good |oëyay | |obwārie | | | | | | |Green |boioöma | | | | | | | | |Grow |owynee |oeen |ohodan | | | | | | |Hair |hewhee | |hemoonie |Amoonie, a | | | | |proper name. | | | | | |Half |effeh | |baggah | | | | | | |Hand |mensa | |assaddie |Mensa, a | | | | |proper name. | | | | | |Handsome |oia | |obweefay | | | | | | |Hang |osesan | | | | | | | | |Hard |oiătin | |oöqua | | | | | | |Head |tirrie | |egnoon | | | | | | |Hear |matr’ | |maynoon | | | | | | |Heart |akoomo | |akirrăbie | | | | | | |Heavy |oiadoor | |obodoor | | | | | | |Here |hah | |oomboh | | | | | | |Hide |mōhoo | |manghoo | | | | | | |High |essoor | |oskasoor | | | | | | |Hill |cooqua | |iffoo | | | | | | |Hit |aboor | |odum | | | | | | |Hold |soom | |karrara | | | | | | |Hole |watchoo | |osarrie | | | | | | |Horn |aben | |abay | | | | | | |Horse |panquaw | | | | | | | | |Hot |oiayue | |owuegua | | | | | | |House |efee |odan |eban |paseebah, | | | | |Kumsallahoo. | | | | |deeo, | | | | |Dagwumba. | | | | |gidda, | | | | |Mallowa. | | | | |koopella, | | | | |Mosee. | | | | |Kokoopella, | | | | |capital of | | | | |ditto. | | | | | |Hundred |ehha | | | | | | | | |Hungry |oquandummie |comagin |aquandum | | | | | | |Husband |mookoon | |mookooddie | | | | | | |Idle |nehuff | | | | | | | | |Iron |dadee | | | | | | | | |Jump |oroo | |fay | | | | | | |Keep |intamaseea |ysee |afeeërra | | | | | | |Kick |chayche | |orraychum | | | | | | |Kill |coom | |bamoem | | | | | | |King |ohennie | | | | | | | | |Knot |eppo | |ippo | | | | | | |Know |innim | |nayoom | | | | | | |Lame |opakkie | |ebbeä | | | | | | |Land |fum |dadi |sebooroo |tenga. Mosee | | | | |kaisa Mallo. | | | | | |Last |naddou | |afoorinay | | | | | | |Laugh |sicroo |sroo |orroomuss | | | | | | |Law |widdooffoo | | | | | | | | |Lead |soomwie | | | | | | | | |Learn |akirren | |ekērow | | | | | | |Leg |asirrie | |inwoonnie | | | | | | |Lie (down)|daoo | |oyadee | | | | | | |Lie |etwapō | |afoorenie | |(falsity) | | | | | | | | | |Little |kakra |kakrabi |bahttee | | | | | | |Long |ohwar’ | |ohbissay | | | | | | |Look |fway | |kaye | | | | | | |Love |poopa | | | | | | | | |Mad |same as | | | | |‘fool’ | | | | | | | | |Man |binin | |oninnie |pagga, Kums. | | | | |boodasa, Dag. | | | | |noon, Accra. | | | | |nedda, Mosee. | | | | |moottanee, | | | | |M. moontau, | | | | |Male. muntu, | | | | |Mozam. | | | | | |Many |peenarra | |otuä | | | | | | |Market |egwass |egoom |ebiass | | | | | | |Mat |keraw |empa |kerray | | | | | | |Mend |pam | |bărā | | | | | | |Moon |serrānee |boossoom |ofoorie |wattacha, | | | | |Ku. marraga, | | | | |Dag. oöota | | | | |Mallowa. | | | | |choogoo, Mos. | | | | | |More |mambissoo | |samoko | | | | | | |Mother |mna |minna |minnee |nneay, Accra. | | | | | |Mouth |wannoom |ennoom |annoo | | | | | | |Much |dooroo | |otchoo | | | | | | |Nails |oomboiray | |ungwarrie |‘_unguis_’ | | | | | |Name | |dgin | | | | | | | |Neck |ekkone | |ekkoona | | | | | | |Nest |anĭmaboo | | |anĭma, | | | | |a bird. | | | | |Annămāboo, a | | | | |Fantee town. | | | | | |Net |ebbwau | | | | | | | | |Never |dabbiada | |as _no!_ | | | | | | |New |fofoor | |ofroofoo | | | | | | |No |dabbi | |an | | | | |inarticulate | | | | |noise with | | | | |the lips | | | | |closed | | | | | | |Noise |deddie | |boolāo | | | | | | |Nose |ewhin | |ewhoonie | | | | | | |Oil |engoo | |oomfwaie | | | | | | |Old |quodda | |aquŏdā | | | | | | |Open |boi | |booë | | | | | | |Owe |mintēka |dinnekow |indāqua | | | | | | |Pay |tchamkou | |kamëquow | | | | | | |Play |agoor’ | |feearee | | | | | | |Poison |otoowādoo | |otoowādoo | | | | | | |Poor |haynil | |ohēä | | | | | | |Pot |quonsun | |adinna | | | | | | |Pregnant |orrŏhoo | | | | | | | | |Present |wahoo | |okōë | |(gift) | | | | | | | | | |Pull |twin | |sheeay | | | | | | |Quarrel |irriquaw |orriyow |batōë | | | | | | |Quick |tetimrĭka | |serrie | | | | | | |Quiet |gyaë |yafoo |yaië | | | | | | |Rain |osoorăba |yankoom |bwārie | | | | | | |Rat |quissie | | | | | | | | |Red |memmia |betcheä |okooquaw | | | | | | |Ring |inkaä | |apateä | | | | | | |River |bāk | |oboom | | | | | | |Rob |odomādi | |odoiyā | | | | | | |Round |kandinginnŭma| |koorookooddie | | | | | | |Run |gwan | |serrie |as ‘_quick_,’ | | | | |B. sirr, run, | | | | |Arabic. | | | | | |Salt |inkkim | |imfoorie | | | | | | |Sand |aghweä | |issay | | | | | | |Say |assie |ass |aberrie | | | | | | |Sea |eppoo | | | | | | | | |See |aweeh | |akayh | | | | | | |Sell |tum | |fah | | | | | | |Send |wahsmum | |ocheow | | | | | | |Shake |wosoo | |ediddie | | | | | | |Shell |oorabba | |owoora | | | | | | |Short |takoteä |tchaba |akoteä | | | | | | |Shut |toom | |toroo | | | | | | |Sick |yirrie |yarrie |mimmielal | | | | | | |Silver |gwettay | |odume | | | | | | |Sing |enyoom | |ennum | | | | | | |Sister |akirrawa |akirrăba |moofwa | | | | | | |Sit |tinnahoe |kooaugh |tchinna | | | | | | |Sleep |waughda | |oädie | | | | | | |Smell |gwooa | | | | | | | | |Smoke |wishshue | |djessie | | | | | | |Soft |mirrou | |omooqua | | | | | | |Son |ebba | |ebee | | | | | | |Sorry |oimiyow | |boomega | | | | | | |Speak |akas | |osasin | | | | | | |Stand |ginnaoh |ginnah |yerrie | | | | | | |Steal |wawwoo |weyweädie |oëwee |windega, Kum. | | | | |wintanga, | | | | |Dag. lana, | | | | |Mallowa. | | | | | |Strong |waginna |ohwidein |oshoneyöo | | | | | | |Sun |ayowea | |oöe |As an | | | | |exclamation | | | | |of wonder. | | | | | |Swear |shua | | | | | | | | |Sweet |oiaday |oiadow |obooding | | | | | | |Swim |abhoorh | |abboor | | | | | | |Soil |afoonna | |affung | | | | | | |Tail |dooah | |odoo | | | | | | |Take |afwa | |maytah | | | | | | |Tell |abim | |aiyow | | | | | | |Thief |krumfoe |aiwee |ohwie | | | | | | |Throat |komen | |ekoonnie | | | | | | |Throw |too | |ohtoo | | | | | | |Tie |tittieh |kikhieh |keay | | | | | | |To-morrow |otchinna |akinna |otchay | | | | | | |Tongue |takramma | |dannoo | | | | | | |Tooth |essie | |engyie | | | | | | |Touch |kah | |tah | | | | | | |Town |croom | |eban | | | | | | |Tree |dooa | |assah |dawgo, Kums. | | | | |dawro, Dagw. | | | | |rahoo, Mosee. | | | | |ittachee, | | | | |Mall. chee, | | | | |Embom. | | | | | |True |umpa | |kerram | | | | | | |Turn |dahen | |darie | | | | | | |Twenty |eddooän | |edooh | | | | | | |Wake |wyen | |otinnie | | | | | | |[165]Walk |nanchoo | |narree | | | | | | |Warm |oyahue | |obiguh | | | | | | |Wash |gwarr | |orrohooroo | | | | | | |Water |inshoo |insoo |inta |kome, Kumsal. | | | | |looa, | | | | |Mallowa. | | | | |quom, Mosee. | | | | | |Weep |oroosoo |oroosoo |oreesh | | | | | | |White |foofoo | |intoofoofoorie|Intiffa, a | | | | |proper name. | | | | | |Wife |ayerh | |mekkah | | | | | | |Wild |wadoohem |wadoohem |dooafay | | | | | | |Wind |ooframma | |affoo | | | | | | |Wing |ataban | |ittay | | | | | | |Woman |bisea | |tchee | | | | | | |Work |adjooma | |orilaloo |adawwah, Ku. | | | | |matah, Mallow. | | | | | |Year |affrieyay | |otee | | | | | | |Yes |yeö | |matee | | | | | | |Yesterday |endodra |ennida |indeay |

* * * * * London: Printed by W. Bulmer and Co. Cleveland-row, St. James’s.

[Footnote 159: _Inkran_, an _ant_, is the native name of the country Europeans call _Accra_, which name was probably given by the Portuguese to their settlement there (the earliest they made according to the traditions of the natives) to commemorate the voyage of Hanno; Accra being one of the five cities raised by him between the Soloe Promontory, or Cape Bojador, and the River Lixus or Ouro.]

[Footnote 160: This word approximates to _ogha_, _ogiah_, and _egah_, the words for _fire_ in the Booroom, Ashantee, and Fantee: but all the other Adampë words I have ever heard, cannot be assimilated to those which denote the same objects in any other African language.]

[Footnote 161: Where there is no word in the Fantee column, it is the same as the Ashantee.]

[Footnote 162: I have before stated (Superstitions, p. 270.) that _aggry_ is a generic name, probably exotic, of the derivation of which the Negroes are wholly ignorant. It is remarkable that the Boorooms call these beads _sikka koonkoorie_, and never use the common word for _bead_ (aboroo,) when they speak of them: this name imports their value (_sikka_ being _gold_) and one would fancy something connected with their locality, _Koonkoorie_ being a range of hills seven days northward of Kong, (see p. 182.) but I never could obtain the least explanation on this subject from the natives.]

[Footnote 163: They distinguish different times of the day, thus

Morning, or before 12. napa.

Mid-day, or 12. aweeabillee aweeabil emfass.

Afternoon, 4. ingubee noobwawss.

Evening, 6. adiasa adjasa eybeen.

Night noofa aniaberra. ]

[Footnote 164: This reminds me that I ought to have noticed, in the Superstitions of Ashantee, that they believe the devil to be a wandering evil spirit, occasionally entering into a human being, immediately to be destroyed for the safety of mankind.]

[Footnote 165: It is curious that in both these radically distinct languages, the verb _walk_ should assimilate so closely to the noun _cow_.]

Transcriber's note:

The changes in the ERRATA regarding the text have been made.

Inconsistent chapter numbering between Contents and Part I of the text has been left as is.

pg 19, Changed: "place 1° 46′ 30′ W. and" to: "30″"

pg 22, Changed: "The courses N. ½ N. N. W. ¼ N. b W. ⅛." to: "N.½, N.N.W.¼, N.bW.⅛."

pg 23, Changed: "the courses N. ⅓ N. b W. ⅕." to: "N.⅓, N.bW.⅕."

pg 36, Changed: "their long Danish mukets" to: "muskets"

pg 40, Changed: "minors, or young caboceeers" to: "caboceers"

pg 45, Changed: "and again,) “that he thanked" to: "and again,) that he thanked"

pg 49, Changed: "my captains. “The Dutch" to: "my captains. The Dutch"

pg 63, Changed: "an ouline of the Fantee war" to: "outline"

pg 94, Changed: "inauspicious circumstance has been unvoidable" to: "unavoidable"

pg 98, Added ” after: "he will do you good:"

pg 108, Changed: "I sent a cane to Adooçee" to: "Adocee"

pg 110, Changed: "promised that I shoul hear from him" to: "should"

pg 132, Changed: "into every trivial occurrrence" to: "occurrence"

pg 145, Changed: "have more to-morrow ”" to: "have more to-morrow;”"

pg 151, Changed: "I had exeprienced whilst" to: "experienced"

pg 196, footnote 37, Added “ before "The Chaymas"

pg 204, footnote 47, Changed: "of Arabs) “Wadie." to: "of Arabs) Wadie."

pg 253, Changed: "exercising his judical authority" to: "judicial"

pg 256, Changed: "accused against arbitary judgment" to: "arbitrary"

pg 268 (270), footnote 83, Changed: "inlaid, at it were, in the body" to: "as it were"

pg 268 (271), footnote 83, Added ” after "ignorant of their origin."

pg 279, Changed: "the tribatary chiefs who pay but" to: "tributary"

pg 288, Changed: "discharge of muketry, proportionate" to: "musketry"

pg 322, Changed: "with 1000 mukets you could not" to: "muskets"

pg 333, Changed: "as a corrective to the unplatable" to: "unpalatable"

pg 345 (346), footnote 112, Changed: "we are asily mistaken" to: "easily"

pg 348, footnote 113, Added “ at the start.

pg 352, Changed: "corsespond exactly in meaning" to: "correspond"

pg 419, Changed: "wow!” “death! “death" to: "wow!” “death! death"

pg 433, footnote 132, Changed: "spoke to agreeing tha after" to: "that"

pg 451, Changed: "and phrenzy of the perfomer" to: "performer"

pg 469, Changed: "clompletely blockaded on the land-side" to: "completely"

pg 473, Changed: "bring future good conse-sequences" to: "consequences"

pg 479, footnote 149, Changed: "or ship, “adding, that" to: "or ship, adding, that"

pg 479-480, The footnote 152 referred to in the text is missing.

pg 484, footnote 157, Changed: "had the advanage of correcting" to: "advantage"

pg 487, Changed: "Shagho — شَيْعُ" to: "شَيْغُ"

pg 487, Changed: "Rakka — رَافَا" to: "رَاقَا"

pg 491, Changed: "Yajoury (doubtlels Yawoorie)" to: "doubtless"

pg 492, Changed: "Massir — سصر" to: "مصر"

Minor changes in punctuation have been done silently.

Other spelling inconsistencies have been left unchanged.