Part 20

In these days I increased the mansab of Mahabat Khan by 1,000 personal and 500 horse, which thus became 4,000 personal and 3,500 horse. The mansab of I`timadu-d-daulah, original and increased, was fixed at 4,000 personal and 1,000 horse. To the mansab of Maha Singh also an increase of 500 personal and horse was given: it was originally and with increase 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse. The mansab of I`tiqad Khan was increased by 500 personal and 200 horse, and made up to 1,000 personal and 300 horse. Khwaja Abu-l-hasan in these days came from the Deccan and waited on me. Daulat Khan, who had been appointed to the faujdarship of Allahabad and of the Sarkar of Jaunpur, came and paid his respects: an increase of 500 was made to his mansab, which was 1,000. On the day of culmination (ruz-i-sharaf), which was the 19th Farwardin, I raised the mansab of Sultan Khurram, which was 10,000, to 12,000, and made that of I`tibar Khan, which was 3,000 personal and 1,000 horse, up to 4,000. I raised the mansab of Muqarrab Khan from 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse by 500 personal and horse; and increased that of Khwaja Jahan, which was 2,000 personal and 1,200 horse, by 500. As these were the days of the New Year, many of the servants (of the State) obtained an increase of their mansabs. On the same day Dulip came from the Deccan and waited on me. As his father Ray Ray Singh had died, I honoured him with the title of Ray and clothed him in a dress of honour. Ray Ray Singh had another son, by name Suraj Singh. Although Dulip was his tika (marked with the tika) son, he wished Suraj Singh to succeed him, in consequence of the love that he bore to his mother. When the circumstances of his death were reported to me, Suraj Singh, in consequence of his want of intelligence and tender years, represented to me: "My father has made me his successor and given me the tika." This remark was not to my liking, and I said: "If thy father has given the tika to thee, we shall give it to Dulip." Then marking the tika with my own hand, I presented the latter with his father's jagir and hereditary possessions. I bestowed on I`timadu-d-daulah an inkstand and jewelled pen. Rudar, the father of Lakhmi Chand, Raja of Kumaon, who is one of the considerable Rajas of the hill country, had come in the time of the late King Akbar, [361] and when he came had petitioned [362] that the son of Raja Todar Mal might take him by the hand and bring him to wait on him. In consequence, the Raja's (Todar Mal's) son had been appointed to bring him. Lakhmi Chand now similarly asked that the son of I`timadu-d-daulah might bring him to pay his respects. I sent Shapur [363] to bring him to wait on me. He laid before me rare things from his own hill country, such as gunth ponies, and birds of prey, such as hawks, jurra (falcons), royal falcons, qatas (yaks), navels of musk, and skins of the musk antelope with the musk-bags on them, swords which in their language they call khanda, and daggers which they call katar, and all kinds of things. Amongst the Rajas of this hill country this Raja is well known for the large quantities of gold he has. They say there is a gold-mine in his territory. [364]

In order to lay the foundation of a palace at Lahore, I sent there Khwaja Jahan Khwaja Dust Muhammad, who is well skilled in this kind of business.

As the affairs of the Deccan, in consequence of the disagreements among the Sardars and the carelessness of Khan A`zam, did not look well, and the defeat of `Abdu-llah Khan had taken place, I had sent for Khwaja Abu-l-hasan to make enquiries into the real state of these quarrels. After much enquiry and investigation it became clear that the defeat of `Abdu-llah Khan had been caused by his pride and his sharp temper, and not listening to words (of advice) and partly by the quarrels and want of agreement between the Amirs. Briefly, it had been determined that `Abdu-llah Khan should start from the direction of Nasik and Trimbak with the Gujarat army and the Amirs who had been appointed to accompany him. This army had been brought into proper order by trustworthy leaders and zealous Amirs, such as Raja Ram Das, Khan A`lam, Saif Khan, `Ali Mardan Bahadur, Zafar Khan, and other servants of the State. The number of the army had passed 10,000 and come up to near 14,000. On the side of Berar it was settled that Raja Man Singh, Khan Jahan, the Amiru-l-umara, and many other leaders should proceed. These two armies should be aware of each other's marches and halts, so that on an appointed day they might catch the enemy between the two. If this rule had been observed and their hearts had been in unison, and self-interest had not come between, it is most probable that Almighty God would have given them the victory of the day. When `Abdu-llah Khan passed the Ghats and entered the enemy's country, he did not take care to send runners (qasidan) to bring intelligence from the other army, nor did he, in accordance with the arrangements, make his movements harmonise with theirs, so that on an appointed day they might take the enemy between two armies. Rather he relied on his own strength, and considered that if he could gain the victory alone it would be better. This idea fixed itself in his mind, and however much Ram Das desired him to promise to go forward with due deliberation, it was of no use. The enemy, who were observing him closely, had sent a large number of leaders and Bargis (Mahrattas) against him, and encounters took place with them every day. They did not fail to throw rockets and different fireworks at night. At last the enemy drew near, and yet he obtained no intelligence about the other army, though he had approached Daulatabad, which was the place of assembly of the Dakhanis. `Ambar, the black-faced, had raised to sovereignty a child who, in his opinion, bore relationship to the family of Nizamu-l-mulk. In order that men might fully accept his (the child's) sovereignty, he raised him up and took him by the hand, and made himself the Peshwa and leader. He sent men again and again (against `Abdu-llah), and the number of the enemy was continually increasing till at last they made an attack, and by throwing rockets and other fireworks made matters hot for him. [365] At length the loyalists thought it best, as no assistance had come to them from the other army and all the Dakhanis had turned against them, to retreat at once and try some other arrangement. All agreed, and with one consent started off before dawn. The Dakhanis followed them to the boundaries of their own country, and the two armies, meeting every day, did not fail in fighting. In these days several of the ambitious and zealous young men were killed. `Ali Mardan Khan Bahadur, behaving like a brave man, carried away terrible wounds and fell into the hands of the enemy, and showed his companions an example of fidelity to his salt and of life-sacrifice. Zu-l-faqar Beg also displayed manly actions, and a rocket struck him on the leg, and two days afterwards he died. When they entered the country of Raja Bharju, [366] who was one of those loyal to the throne, that body (the enemy) turned back, and `Abdu-llah Khan proceeded towards Gujarat. The real truth is this, that if in going he had drawn his rein (gone slowly) and allowed the other army to have come up to him, the matter would have turned out according to the wish of the chief men of the victorious State. [367] As soon as the news of the retreat of `Abdu-llah Khan reached the leaders of the army that was advancing from Berar, not seeing any advantage from further stay, they also retired, and joined the camp of Parwiz at `Adilabad in the neighbourhood of Burhanpur. When this intelligence reached me at Agra I was greatly agitated, and proposed to go there myself and destroy root and branch those servants who had become masters. The Amirs and other devoted ones would in no way consent to this. Khwaja Abu-l-hasan represented that as no one understood the business of that region as the Khankhanan did I ought to send him, and that he should again arrange matters that had fallen into disorder, and according to the exigencies of the time should compose differences so that affairs might return to their original condition. Other well-wishers being consulted, all their opinions were at one in this, that the Khankhanan must be sent and that Khwaja Abu-l-hasan should accompany him. Agreeing with this determination, those who had charge of the affairs of the Khankhanan and his companions obtained leave to go on Sunday, the 17th Urdibihisht, in the 7th year. Shah-nawaz Khan, Khwaja Abu-l-hasan, Razzaq-birdi Uzbeg, and several others of his associates paid their parting salutations on the same day. The Khankhanan was promoted to the rank of 6,000 personal, Shah-nawaz Khan to that of 3,000 and horse, that of Darab Khan increased by 500 personal and 300 horse (altogether 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse), and to Rahman-dad, his (the Khankhanan's) younger son, I also gave a fitting mansab. I presented the Khankhanan with a grand dress of honour, a jewelled dagger, a special elephant with talayir (accoutrements), and an Iraq horse. In the same way I bestowed on his sons and companions dresses of honour and horses. In the same month Mu`izzu-l-mulk came from Kabul with his sons, and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. Shyam Singh and Ray Mangat Bhadauriya, who belonged to the army of Bangash, according to the request of Qilij Khan, were promoted to higher mansabs. Shyam Singh had 1,500 personal and was increased by 500, and Ray Mangat was also raised to a higher rank.

For a long time past news had come of the illness of Asaf Khan; sometimes the disease was got under and sometimes recurred, until he died at Burhanpur in the 63rd year of his age. His understanding and capacity were very good. He was very quick-witted. He also wrote poetry. He composed "Khusrau and Shirin," dedicating it to me, and called it the "Nur-nama" (the writing of light). [368] He had been ennobled in the time of my revered father and made Vizier. In the days when I was a prince he had several times done foolish things, and most men, and indeed Khusrau himself, were of opinion that after my accession I would do unpleasant things (with regard to him). In a manner contrary to what had entered the minds of himself and others, I favoured him and promoted him to the rank of 5,000 personal and horse, and after he had for some time been Vizier with full authority, neglected no point in increasing favour towards him. After his death I gave mansabs to his sons and bestowed kindnesses on them. At last it was clear that his disposition and sincerity were not as they should be, and, considering his own evil deeds, he had always been suspicious with regard to me. They say he was aware of the conspiracy and disturbance that took place on the Kabul expedition, and had given support to the wretches. Indeed, I had no confidence that notwithstanding my favour and kindness to him he was not disloyal and of perverse fortune.

After a short space of time, on the 25th of the same month of Urdibihisht, the news of Mirza Ghazi's death arrived. The said Mirza was of the ruling family of Thatta (Tatta), of the tribe of Tarkhani. His father, Mirza Jani, in the time of my revered father became loyal, and with the Khankhanan, who had been appointed to his province, he had the good fortune to have the honour of waiting on Akbar near Lahore. By the royal favour he was given his own province, and, choosing himself to serve at Court, he sent his men to the charge and administration of Thatta, and remained in the service while he lived. At last he died at Burhanpur. Mirza Ghazi Khan, his son, who was at Thatta, in accordance with the firman of the late king obtained the government of that country. Sa`id Khan, who was at Bhakar (Bukkur), received an order to console him and bring him to Court. The aforesaid Khan sent men to him to recommend loyalty to him. At last, having brought him to Agra, he procured him the honour of kissing the feet of my revered father. He was at Agra when my father died and I ascended the throne. After I arrived at Lahore for the pursuit of Khusrau news came that the Amirs on the borders of Khurasan had assembled together and proceeded against Qandahar, and that Shah Beg, the governor of that place, was shut up in the fort and looking out for assistance. Of necessity an army was appointed for the relief of Qandahar under the leadership of Mirza Ghazi and other Amirs and generals. When this army reached the neighbourhood of Qandahar, the army of Khurasan, not seeing in themselves the power to await it, returned. Mirza Ghazi, having entered Qandahar, handed over the country and the fort to Sardar Khan, who had been appointed to the government of the place, and Shah Beg went to his own jagir. Mirza Ghazi started for Lahore by way of Bhakar. Sardar Khan was only a short time at Qandahar before he died, and that province was again in need of a leader and master. This time I added Qandahar to Thatta and handed it over to Mirza Ghazi. From that time till his death he remained there continuously in performance of the duties of its protection and government. His conduct towards the disaffected was excellent. As it was necessary to send a leader to Qandahar in the place of Mirza Ghazi, I appointed Abu-l-bi Uzbeg, [369] who was at Multan and in that neighbourhood, to that post. I promoted him in rank from 1,500 personal and 1,000 horse to 3,000 personal and horse, and honoured him with the title of Bahad Khan and a standard. The governorship of Delhi and the protection and administration of that province was conferred on Muqarrab Khan. I dignified Rup Khawass, who was one of the personal servants of my revered father, with the title of Khawass Khan, and, giving him the rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, bestowed on him the faujdarship of the Sarkar of Qanuj. As I had sought the daughter [370] of I`tiqad Khan, son of I`timadu-d-daulah, in marriage for Khurram, and the marriage festival had been arranged for, I went on Thursday, 18th Khurdad, to his house, and stayed there one day and one night. He (Khurram) presented offerings (to me) and he gave jewels [371] to the Begams, and to his mothers (including stepmothers) and to the female servants of the harem, and dresses of honour to the Amirs.

I sent `Abdu-r-Razzaq, the bakhshi of the palace (darkhana), to settle the country of Thatta (Sind) until a Sardar should be appointed who could conciliate the soldiery and the cultivators, and so bring the province into order. I increased his rank and presented him with an elephant and a shawl (parmnarm), and sent him off. I made Mu`izzu-l-mulk bakhshi in his room. Khwaja Jahan, who had been sent to inspect the buildings in Lahore and to arrange about them, came in the end of this month and waited on me. Mirza `Isa Tarkhan, one of the relations of Mirza Ghazi, had been appointed to the army of the Deccan. I sent for him to arrange about the business of Thatta, and on the same day he had the good fortune to pay his respects. As he was deserving of favour, he was given the rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse. The disease of khun-para [372] had affected my health. By the advice of the physicians on Wednesday, the (date not given) of the said month, I drew about a sir (asar) [373] of blood from my left arm. As great lightness resulted, it occurred to me that if they were to call blood-letting 'lightening' it would be well. Nowadays this expression is made use of. To Muqarrab Khan, who had bled me, I gave a jewelled khapwa (dagger). Kishan Das, accountant of the elephant department and stable, who from the time of the late king until now has been the clerk in charge of two departments, and for ages had been hopeful of the title of Raja and the rank of 1,000 personal, and before this had been gratified with a title, now had the rank of 1,000 conferred on him. Mirza Rustam, son of Sultan Husain Mirza Safawi, who had been appointed to the army of the Deccan, I sent for at his request. On Saturday, the 9th of the month of Tir, he came with his sons and waited on me. He made an offering of a ruby and forty-six royal pearls. I increased the rank of Taj Khan, the governor of Bhakar, who was one of the old Amirs of this State, by 500 personal and horse.

The tale of the death of Shaja`at Khan is a very strange affair. After he had performed such services and Islam Khan had given him leave to go to the Sarkar of Orissa, one night on the road he was riding on a female elephant chaukandi-dar [374] (? in a square howdah or four-pillared canopy), and had given a young eunuch a place behind him. When he left his camp they had fastened up an elephant that was in heat on the road. From the noise of the horses' hoofs and the movement of the horsemen he attempted to break his chain. On this account a great noise and confusion took place. When this noise reached the ear of the eunuch, he in a state of bewilderment awoke Shaja`at Khan, who was asleep or in the insensibility of wine, and said: "An elephant in heat has got loose and is coming in this direction." As soon as he heard this he became confused and threw himself down from the front of the chaukandi. When he threw himself off his toe struck against a stone and was torn open, and he died in two or three days of that same wound. In short, from hearing this affair I was completely bewildered. That a brave man on the mere hearing of a cry or a word coming from a child should become so confused and throw himself down without control from the top of an elephant is in truth a matter of amazement. The news of this event reached me on the 19th of the month of Tir. I consoled his sons with kindnesses and the conferring of offices. If this accident had not happened to him, as he had done notable service, he would have obtained exaltation with greater favours and kindnesses.

"One cannot strive against destiny."

Islam Khan had sent 160 male and female elephants from Bengal; they were brought before me and placed in my private elephant stables. Raja Tekchand, the Raja of Kumaon, asked for leave to depart. As in the time of my father there had been given to his father 100 horses, I gave him the same number as well as an elephant, and while he was at Court bestowed on him dresses of honour and a jewelled dagger. Also to his brothers I gave dresses of honour and horses. I presented him with his territory according to previous arrangements, and he went back to his home happy and successful.

It happened incidentally that this verse of the Amiru-l-umara was quoted:--

"Pass, O Messiah, o'er the heads of us slain by love; Thy restoring one life is worth a hundred murders." [375]

As I have a poetical disposition I sometimes intentionally and sometimes involuntarily compose couplets and quatrains. So the following couplet came into my head:--

"Turn not thy cheek, without thee I cannot live a moment; For thee to break one heart is equal a hundred murders."

When I had recited this, everyone who had a poetical vein composed a couplet in the same mode. Mulla `Ali Ahmad, [376] the seal-engraver, of whom an account has been given previously, had not said badly--

"O Censor, fear the weeping of the old vintner; Thy breaking one jar is equal to a hundred murders."

Abu-l-fath Dakhani, [377] who was one of the most considerable of `Adil Khan's Amirs, and had two years previously taken to being loyal and had entered himself among the leaders of the victorious army, on the 10th of Amurdad waited on me, and being accepted by my grace and favour had bestowed on him a special sword and a robe of honour, and after some days I also gave him a special horse. Khwajagi Muhammad Husain, [378] who had gone to Kashmir as the deputy for his brother's son, when he was satisfied in his mind with the state of affairs of that place, came on the same day and waited on me. As a Sardar was needed to be sent for the governorship of Patna and the rule of that place, it occurred to me to send Mirza Rustam. Having raised his rank from 5,000 personal and 1,500 horse to 5,000 personal and horse, on the 26th Jumada-s-sani, corresponding to the 2nd Shahriwar, I gave him the government of Patna, and bestowing on him a special elephant, a horse with a jewelled saddle, a jewelled sword, and a superb dress of honour, I dismissed him. His sons and the sons of his brother Muzaffar Husain Khan Mirza'i were exalted with increased rank, elephants, horses, and dresses of honour, and sent off with him. I appointed Ray Dulip to support Mirza Rustam. As his residence was near that place, he collected a good body of men for that service. I increased his rank by 500 personal and horse, so that it became 2,000 with 1,000 horse, and also gave him an elephant. Abu-l-fath Dakhani had obtained a jagir in the Sarkar of Nagpur and that neighbourhood. He was dismissed in order that he might administer his jagir and look to the guarding and government of that country as well. Khusrau Bi Uzbeg was appointed to the faujdarship of the Sarkar of Mewar. His rank of 800 personal and 300 horse was now increased to 1,000 personal and 500 horse, and I also presented him with a horse. As I had my eye on the old service of Muqarrab Khan, it occurred to me that I must not pass by the desire of his heart. I had increased his rank and he had obtained good jagirs, but he longed for a standard and drums, and he was now honoured with these as well. Salih, the adopted son of Khwaja Beg-Mirza Safawi, was a youth of great bravery and zeal. I gave him the title of Khanjar Khan, and made him eager in the service.