Chapter 8 of 25 · 3640 words · ~18 min read

Part 8

Petitions from the subah of Bihar represented that Jahangir Quli Khan had had a battle with Sangram, one of the chief zamindars of Bihar, who had about 4,000 horse and innumerable foot, on account of certain opposition and disloyalty on rough land, and that on the field the aforesaid Khan had exerted himself manfully. In the end Sangram died of a gunshot wound; many of his men fell in the battle, and those saved from the sword took to flight. Since this distinguished affair had been brought about by Jahangir Quli Khan, I promoted him to the rank of 4,500 personal and 3,500 horse.

Three months and six days passed by in hunting; 581 animals were captured with the gun, hunting leopards and nets, and a qamargah; of these 158 were killed by my own gun. The qamargah was held twice; on one occasion in Girjhak, when the ladies were present, 155 animals were killed; and the second time, in Nandina, 110. [164] The details of the animals killed are as follows: mountain sheep, 180; mountain goats, 29; wild asses, 10; Nilgai, 9; antelope, etc., 348.

On Wednesday the 16th Shawwal I returned safe from my hunting, and when one watch and six gharis of day had passed I entered Lahore on the day named. During this hunting a strange affair was witnessed. At Chandwalah, where a minaret had been erected, I had wounded in the belly a black antelope. When wounded, a sound proceeded from him such as I have never heard from any antelope, except in the rutting season. Old hunters and those with me were astonished, and said they never remembered nor had they heard from their fathers that such a voice issued from an antelope except at rutting time. This has been written down because it is not void of strangeness. I found the flesh of the mountain goat more delicious than that of all wild animals, although its skin is exceedingly ill-odoured, so much so that even when tanned the scent is not destroyed. I ordered one of the largest of the he-goats to be weighed; it was 2 maunds and 24 seers, equal to 21 foreign maunds (Persian). I ordered a large ram to be weighed, and it came to 2 maunds and 3 seers Akbari, equal to 17 Persian (wilayati) maunds. The largest and strongest of the wild asses weighed 9 maunds and 16 seers, equal to 76 Persian (wilayati) maunds. I have frequently heard from hunters and those fond of the chase that at a certain regular time a worm develops in the horns of the mountain ram, and that this worm causes an irritation which induces the ram to fight with his hind, and that if he finds no rival he strikes his head against a tree or a rock to allay the irritation. After enquiry it seems that the same worm appears in the horn of the female sheep, and since the female does not fight the statement is clearly untrue. Though the flesh of the wild ass is lawful food and most men like to eat it, it was in no way suited to my taste.

Inasmuch as before this time the punishment of Dulip and of his father, Ray Ray Singh, had been ordered, there now came news that Zahid Khan, the son of Sadiq Khan, and `Abdu-r-Rahim, son of Shaikh Abu-l-fazl, and Rana Shankar and Mu`izzu-l-mulk, with another force of mansabdars and followers of the Court, had heard news of Dulip in the neighbourhood of Nagor, which is in the subah of Ajmir, and having moved against him had found him. As he could find no way of escape, of necessity he planted a firm foot and came to blows with the royal army. After a short encounter he was badly beaten and gave over many to slaughter, and himself, taking with him his own effects, fled into the vale of ruin.

"With broken arms and loosened belt, No power to fight and no care for head."

In spite of his old age, I continued Qilij Khan in his mansab because of his service under my father, and I ordered that he should get a jagir in the sarkar of Kalpi.

In the month Zi-l-qa`da the mother of Qutbu-d-din Khan Koka, who had given me her milk and was as a mother to me or even kinder than my own kind mother, and in whose lap I had been brought up from infancy, was committed to the mercy of God. I placed the feet of her corpse on my shoulders and carried her a part of the way (to her grave). Through extreme grief and sorrow I had no inclination for some days to eat, and I did not change my clothes.

FEAST OF THE SECOND NEW YEAR.

On Wednesday the 22nd Zi-l-qa`da, 1015 (10th March, 1607), when 3 1/2 gharis of the day had passed, the sun rose to his House of Honour. They decorated the palace after the usual fashion: a great entertainment was prepared, and having seated myself at an auspicious hour on the throne of accession I exalted the nobles and courtiers with kindness and favour. On this same auspicious day it was learned from the reports sent from Qandahar that the army sent under Mirza Ghazi, son of Mirza Jani, to succour (which had been appointed to assist) Shah Beg Khan, had entered the city of Qandahar on the 12th of Shawwal. When the Persians heard of the arrival of the victorious army at the last stage before the aforesaid city, [165] they became surprised and wretched and repentant, and did not draw rein until they had reached the Helmand, fifty or sixty kos distant.

In the second place it became known that the governor of Farah and a number of the officers of that neighbourhood had taken it into their heads, after the death of the late king, that in this confusion Qandahar might easily fall into their hands, and without waiting for an order from Shah `Abbas had collected together and won over the Chief of Sewistan (Sistan). Sending someone to Husain Khan, the governor of Herat they asked for support from him. He also sent a force. After that they turned to attack Qandahar. Shah Beg Khan, the governor of that place, seeing that battle has two heads, and that if (which God forbid!) he should be defeated he would lose possession of Qandahar, thought that to confine himself in a fort would be better than to fight. He therefore determined to hold the fort, and sent quick messengers to the Court. It happened that at this time the royal standards had started from Agra in pursuit of Khusrau, and had arrived at Lahore. Immediately on hearing this news (from Shah Beg Khan), a large force was sent off of amirs and mansabdars under Mirza Ghazi. Before the Mirza reached Qandahar the news had been carried to the Shah (of Persia) that the governor of Farah, with some of the jagirdars of that neighbourhood, had proceeded towards the province of Qandahar. Considering this an improper proceeding, he sent Husain Beg, a well-known man and one of his own intimates to make enquiries. He also sent a farman in their names that they should move away from the vicinity of Qandahar and go to their own places and abodes, because the friendship and amity of his ancestors with the dignified family of Jahangir Padshah were of old standing. That body, before the arrival of Husain Beg and the King's order, not being able to oppose the royal army, considered the opportunity of returning a favourable one. The said Husain Beg censured the men and started off to wait on me, which he had the honour to do at Lahore. He explained that the ill-fated army which had attacked Qandahar had acted without the order of Shah `Abbas. God forbid (he said) that in consequence of this any unpleasantness should remain in my mind. In short, after the victorious troops reached Qandahar, they, according to orders, delivered the fort over to Sardar Khan, and Shah Beg Khan returned to Court with the relieving force.

On the 27th Zi-l-qa`da, `Abdu-llah Khan, having brought Ram Chand Bandilah into captivity and chains, brought him before me. I ordered them to take the fetters from his legs, and bestowed on him a robe of honour, and handed him over to Raja Baso that he might take security and release him and a number of his relations who had been captured with him. This through my clemency and kindness came to pass. He had never imagined such clemency and kindness as I showed to him.

On the 2nd Zi-l-hijja I gave my son Khurram a tuman u tugh, a flag and drums, and bestowed on him the rank of 8,000 personal and 5,000 horse, and gave an order for a jagir. On the same day, having exalted Pir Khan, [166] son of Daulat Khan Lodi, who had come from Khandesh with the children of Daniyal, with the title of Salabat Khan and honoured him with the rank of 3,000 personal and 1,500 horse, and presented him with a standard and drums, I promoted him to the distinction of sonship (farzandi) beyond his fellows and equals. The ancestors and uncles of Salabat Khan's grandfather had been great and honourable among the tribe of Lodi. An earlier Daulat Khan, uncle of Salabat Khan's grandfather, when Ibrahim after his father Sikandar's death, began to behave ill to his father's amirs and destroyed many, became apprehensive, and sent his younger son, Dilawar Khan, to wait upon H.M. Babar in Kabul, and suggested to him the acquisition of Hindustan. As Babar also had this enterprise in mind, he at once proceeded in that direction, and did not turn his rein till he reached the neighbourhood of Lahore. Daulat Khan with his followers obtained the good fortune to wait upon him, and performed loyal service. As he was an old man, adorned with inward and outward excellencies, he did much good service. He (Babar) generally called him "father," and entrusting to him as before [167] the government of the Panjab placed its amirs and jagirdars under his jurisdiction. Taking Dilawar Khan with him he (Babar) returned to Kabul. When he (Babar) came a second time into the Panjab with intent to invade Hindustan, Daulat Khan waited on him, and about the same time died. Dilawar Khan was honoured with the title of Khankhanan and was with Babar in the battle he had with Ibrahim. In the same way he was permanently in waiting on the late king Humayun. In the thana of Mungir, at the time of his (Humayun's) return from Bengal, he fought bravely against Shir Khan Afghan, and was made prisoner on the field of battle. Although Shir Khan urged him to take service with him, he refused and said, "Thy ancestors were always the servants of mine: how, then, could I do this?" Shir Khan was enraged, and ordered him to be shut up in a wall. [168]

`Umar Khan, the grandfather of Salabat Khan Farzand, who was cousin of Dilawar Khan, had been treated with respect in the time of Salim Khan. After Salim Khan's death and the slaughter of Firuz, his son, at the hand of Muhammad Khan, `Umar Khan and his brethren became suspicious of Muhammad Khan and went to Gujarat, where `Umar Khan died. Daulat Khan, his son, who was a brave young man of pleasant appearance, and good at all things, chose the companionship of `Abdu-r-Rahim, son of Bairam Khan, who had been dignified with the title of Khankhanan in the reign of Akbar, and performed excellent service. The Khankhanan regarded him as his own brother, or even a thousand times better than his brother, and dearer. Most of the Khankhanan's victories were gained through Daulat Khan's valour and manliness. [169] When my revered father, having taken the province of Khandesh and the fort of Asir, returned to Agra, he left Daniyal in charge of that province and of all the provinces acquired from the rulers of the Deccan. At this time Daniyal had separated Daulat Khan from the Khankhanan, and was keeping him in attendance on himself and handing over to him for disposal all the business of the State. He showed him much favour and perfect affection until he died in his service. He left two sons, one Muhammad Khan, and the other Pir Khan; Muhammad Khan, who was the elder, died a short time after his father. Daniyal, too, wore himself out with drinking. After my accession I summoned Pir Khan to Court. As I discovered in him a good disposition and natural abilities, I raised the pedestal of regard for him to the point that has been described. To-day there is not in my government any person of greater influence than he, so much so that on his representation I pass over faults which are not pardoned at the intercession of any of the other servants of the Court. In short, he is a young man of good disposition, brave, and worthy of favour, and what I have done for him has been done rightly, and he will be exalted by further favours. [170]

As I had made up my exalted mind to the conquest of Mawara'a-n-nahr (Transoxiana), which was the hereditary kingdom of my ancestors, I desired to free the face of Hindustan from the rubbish of the factious and rebellious, and leaving one of my sons in that country, to go myself with a valiant army in due array, with elephants of mountainous dignity and of lightning speed, and taking ample treasure with me, to undertake the conquest of my ancestral dominions. In accordance with this idea, I despatched Parwiz to drive back the Rana, and intended to go myself to the Deccan, when just at that moment the improper action of Khusrau took place, and it became necessary to pursue him and put an end to that disturbance. For the same reason, the undertaking of Parwiz did not assume a promising appearance, and regarding the exigency of the time he gave a respite to the Rana. Bringing with him one of the Rana's sons, he came to wait on me, and had the bliss of attending me in Lahore. When I was at ease about Khusrau's disturbance, and the repulse of the Qizilbashes, who had invested Qandahar, had been brought about in a facile way, it came into my mind to make a hunting tour to Kabul, which is like my native land. After that I would return to Hindustan, when the purposes of my mind would pass from design to action. In pursuance of these steps, on the 7th Zi-l-hijja, at an auspicious hour, I left the fort of Lahore and took up my quarters in the Dil-amiz Garden, which is on the other side of the Ravi, and stayed there four days. Sunday, the 19th Farwardin, which is the culmination of His Majesty the Sun, I passed in the garden, and some of the servants of the Court were favourably and kindly honoured with increased rank. Ten thousand rupees were bestowed on Hasan Beg, the envoy of the ruler of Persia (Shah `Abbas). Leaving Qilij Khan, Miran Sadr Jahan, and Mir Sharif Amuli in Lahore, I ordered them to settle in consultation any matters that might present themselves. On Monday I marched from the garden mentioned, and encamped at the village of Harhar, 3 1/2 kos distant from the city. On Tuesday the royal standards alighted at Jahangirpur, which is one of my fixed hunting-places. In this neighbourhood had been erected by my order a manar at the head of the grave of an antelope called Mansaraj, [171] which was without equal in fights with tame antelopes and in hunting wild ones. On a stone of that manar was carved this prose composition, written by Mulla Muhammad Husain of Kashmir, who was the chief of the elegant writers of the day: "In this enchanting place an antelope came into the world-holding (jahan-giri) net of the God-knowing ruler Nuru-d-din Jahangir Padshah. In the space of one month, having overcome his desert fierceness, he became the head of the special antelopes." On account of the rare quality of this antelope, I commanded that no person should hunt the deer of this plain, and that their flesh should be to Hindus and Muhammadans as is the flesh of cows and pigs. They made the gravestone in the shape of an antelope. I ordered Sikandar Mu`in, the jagirdar of the aforesaid pargana, to build a strong fort in the village of Jahangirpur.

On Thursday, the 14th, I encamped in the pargana of Chandala. [172] Thence on Saturday, the 16th, making one stage in the middle, I came to Hafizabad. [173] I stayed in the station which had been erected by the exertions of the karori of that place, Mir Qiyamu-d-din. Having reached the Chenab in two marches on Thursday, the 21st Zi-l-hijja, I crossed the river by a bridge which had been built there and my camp was pitched in the neighbourhood of the pargana of Gujrat. At the time when His Majesty Akbar went to Kashmir, a fort had been built on that bank of the river. Having brought to this fort a body of Gujars who had passed their time in the neighbourhood in thieving and highway robbery, he established them here. As it had become the abode of Gujars, he made it a separate pargana, and gave it the name of Gujrat. They call Gujars a caste which does little manual work and subsists on milk and curds. On Friday I pitched at Khawasspur, five kos from Gujrat, founded by Khawass Khan, a slave of Shir Khan Afghan. Thence, with two halts in the middle, I pitched on the bank of the Bihat (Jhelam). On that night a great wind blew and a black cloud hid the face of the sky. The rain was of such violence that old men remembered none such. It turned to hail, and every hailstone was the size of a hen's egg. From the flooding of the river and the force of the wind and rain, the bridge broke. I, with the inmates of the harem, crossed in a boat. As there were few boats, I ordered the men not [174] to cross in these, but to rebuild the bridge. It was finished in a week, and the whole army crossed with ease. The source of the Bihat is a spring in Kashmir called the Vir-nag; in the language of India a snake is vir-nag. Clearly there had been a large snake at that place. I went twice to the spring in my father's lifetime; it is 20 kos from the city of Kashmir. It is an octagonal reservoir about 20 yards by 20. Near it are the remains of a place of worship for recluses; cells cut out of the rock and numerous caves. The water is exceedingly pure. Although I could not guess its depth, a grain of poppy-seed is visible until it touches the bottom. There were many fish to be seen in it. As I had heard that it was unfathomable, I ordered them to throw in a cord with a stone attached, and when this cord was measured in gaz it became evident that the depth was not more than once and a half the height of a man. After my accession I ordered them to build the sides of the spring round with stone, and they made a garden round it with a canal; and built halls and houses about it, and made a place such that travellers over the world can point out few like it. When the river reaches the village of Pampur, at a distance of ten kos from the city, it increases, and all the saffron of Kashmir is obtained in this village. I do not know if there is so much saffron in any other place in the world. The annual crop is 500 maunds by Hindustan weight, equal to 5,000 wilayat (Persian) maunds. In attendance on my revered father, I went to this place at the season when the saffron was in flower. On other plants of the world, first the branches (stems) shoot out and then the leaves and flowers. On the contrary, when the saffron stem is four fingers breadth from the dry ground, its flowers shoot out, of the colour of the iris, [175] with four petals, and in the middle are four threads (risha) of an orange colour like that of the flower, and of the length of a finger-joint. This is the saffron. The land is not ploughed [176] or irrigated, the plant springs up amongst the clods. In some places its cultivation extends for a kos, and in others for half a kos. It looks better from a distance. At the time of plucking, all my attendants got headache from its sharp scent. Though I drank wine and took a cup, I too got headache. I asked the animal-like Kashmiris, who were employed in picking the flowers how they felt. I ascertained that they had never experienced headache in their lives.

The waters from the spring Vir-nag and of other streams and nullahs that join from right and left form the river Bihat, which passes through the heart of the city. Its breadth in most places is not more than a bowshot. [177] No one drinks its water, because of its heaviness and indigestibility. All the people of Kashmir drink the water of a lake that is near the city, and is called Dall. The river Bihat enters this lake and flows through to the Panjab by the Baramula Pass, Pakli, and Dantur.