Part 6

At the time that Khusrau had left Delhi and was proceeding to Panipat, it happened that Dilawar Khan had arrived there. When shortly before Khusrau's arrival he heard of this affair, he sent his children across the Jumna and bravely determined to hasten on and throw himself into the fort of Lahore before Khusrau should arrive. About this time `Abdu-r-Rahim also reached Panipat from Lahore, and Dilawar Khan suggested to him that he too should send his children across the river, and should stand aside and await the victorious standards of Jahangir. As he was lethargic and timid, he could not make up his mind to do this, and delayed so much that Khusrau arrived. He went out and waited on him, and either voluntarily or in a state of agitation agreed to accompany him. He obtained the title of Malik Anwar and the position of vizier. Dilawar Khan, like a brave man, turned towards Lahore, and on his road informed everyone and everybody of the servants of the court and the karoriyan, and the merchants whom he came across, of the exodus of Khusrau. Some he took with him, and others he told to stand aside out of the way. After that, the servants of God were relieved of the plundering by robbers and oppressors. Most probably, if Sayyid Kamal in Delhi, and Dilawar Khan at Panipat, had shown courage and determination, and had blocked Khusrau's path, his disorderly force would not have been able to resist and would have scattered, and he himself would have been captured. The fact is that their talents (himmat) were not equal to this, but afterwards each made amends for his fault, viz., Dilawar Khan, by his rapid march, entered the fort of Lahore before Khusrau reached it, and by this notable service made amends for his earlier shortcoming, and Sayyid Kamal manfully exerted himself in the engagement with Khusrau, as will be described in its own place.

On Zi-l-hijja 17th the royal standards were set up in the pargana of Karnal. Here I raised `Abidin Khwaja, son of Khwaja Kalan Juybari and pirzada (spiritual adviser), son of `Abdu-llah Khan Uzbeg, who had come in the time of my revered father, to the rank of 1,000. Shaikh Nizam Thaneswari, who was one of the notorious impostors (shayyadan) of the age, waited on Khusrau, and having gratified him with pleasant news, again [123] led him out of the (right) path, and then came to wait on me. As I had heard of these transactions, I gave him his road expenses and told him to depart for the auspicious place of pilgrimage (Mecca). On the 19th the halt was in pargana Shahabad. Here there was very little water, but it happened that heavy rain fell, so that all were rejoiced.

I promoted Shaikh Ahmad Lahori, who from my princehood had filled the relationship of service and discipleship and the position of a house-born one (khanazada) to the office of Mir-i-`Adl (Chief Justice). Disciples [124] and sincere followers were presented on his introduction, and to each it was necessary to give the token [125] and the likeness (shast u shabah). They were given on his recommendation (?). At the time of initiation some words of advice were given to the disciple: he must not confuse or darken his years with sectarian quarrels, but must follow the rule of universal peace with regard to religions; he must not kill any living creature with his own hand, and must not flay anything. The only exceptions are in battle and the chase.

"Be not the practiser of making lifeless any living thing. Save in the battlefield or in the time of hunting."

Honour the luminaries (the Sun, Moon, etc.), which are manifesters of God's light, according to the degree of each, and recognize the power and existence of Almighty God at all times and seasons. Be careful indeed that whether in private or in public you never for a moment forget Him.

"Lame or low [126] or crooked or unrefined, Be amorous of Him and seek after Him."

My revered father became possessed of these principles, and was rarely void of such thoughts.

At the stage of Aluwa(?) [127] I appointed Abu-n-nabi(?) [128] Uzbeg with fifty-seven other mansabdars to assist Shaikh Farid, and gave the force 40,000 rupees for its expenses. To Jamil Beg were given 7,000 rupees to divide among the Aimaqs (cavalry). I also presented Mir Sharif Amuli [129] with 2,000 rupees.

On Tuesday the 24th of the same month they captured five of the attendants and comrades of Khusrau. Two of these, who confessed to his service, I ordered to be thrown under the feet of elephants, and three who denied were placed in custody that enquiry might be made. On Farwardin 12th of the first year of my reign, Mirza Husain and Nuru-d-din Quli the kotwal entered Lahore, and on the 24th of the same month a messenger of Dilawar Khan arrived (there) with news that Khusrau was moving on Lahore and that they should be on their guard. On the same day the city gates were guarded and strengthened, and two days later Dilawar Khan entered the fort with a few men and began to strengthen the towers and walls. Wherever these were broken and thrown down he repaired them, and, placing cannon and swivel guns on the citadel, he prepared for battle. Assembling the small number of the royal servants who were in the fort, they were assigned their several duties, and the people of the city also with loyalty gave their assistance. Two days later, and when all was ready, Khusrau arrived, and, having fixed a place for his camp, gave orders to invest [130] the city and to prepare for battle, and to burn one of the gates on any side where one could be got at. "After taking the fort," he said to his wicked crew, "I will give orders to plunder the city for seven days and to make captive the women and children."

This doomed lot set fire to a gate, and Dilawar Beg Khan, Husain Beg the diwan, and Nuru-d-din Quli the kotwal built a wall inside opposite the gateway.

Meantime Sa`id Khan, who was one of those appointed to Kashmir and was now encamped on the Chenab, having heard the news, started rapidly for Lahore. When he reached the Ravi he sent word to the garrison of the fort that he came with a loyal intention and that they should admit him. They sent someone at night and conducted him and some of his men inside. When the siege had lasted nine days, news of the approach of the royal army came repeatedly to Khusrau and his adherents. They became helpless (bi pa), and made up their minds that they must face the victorious army.

As Lahore is one of the greatest places in Hindustan, a great number of people gathered in six or seven days. It was reported on good authority that 10,000 or 12,000 horse were collected, and had left the city with the view of making a night attack on the royal vanguard. This news was brought to me at the saray of Qazi `Ali on the night of Thursday the 16th. Although it rained heavily in the night I beat the drum of march and mounted. Arriving in Sultanpur at dawn I remained there till noon. By chance, at this place and hour the victorious army encountered that ill-fated band. Mu`izzu-l-mulk had brought a dish of roast meat, [131] and I was turning towards it with zest when the news of the battle was brought to me. Though I had a longing to eat the roast meat, I immediately took a mouthful by way of augury and mounted, and without waiting for the coming up of men and without regard to the smallness of my force I went off in all haste. However much I demanded my chiltah (wadded coat), they did not produce it. My only arms were a spear and sword, but I committed myself to the favour of God and started off without hesitation. At first my escort did not number more than fifty horsemen; no one had expected a fight that day. In fine, when I reached the head of the bridge of Gobindwal, [132] 400 or 500 horse, good and bad, had come together. When I had crossed the bridge the news of a victory was brought to me. The bearer of the good news was Shamsi, tushakchi (wardrobe man), and for his good news he obtained the title of Khush-khabar Khan. Mir Jamalu-d-din Husain, whom I had sent previously to advise Khusrau, came up at the same time and said such things about the number and bravery of Khusrau's men as frightened his hearers. Though news of the victory came continuously, this simple-minded Sayyid would not believe it, and expressed incredulity that such an army as he had seen could be defeated by Shaikh Farid's force, which was small and not properly equipped. When they brought Khusrau's litter [133] with two of his eunuchs, the Mir admitted what had happened. Then, alighting from his horse, he placed his head at my feet and professed every kind of humility and submission, and said that there could be no higher or more lofty fortune than this.

In this command Shaikh Farid behaved with sincerity and devotion. The Sayyids of Barha, who are of the brave ones of the age, and who have held this place in every fight in which they have been, formed the van. Saif Khan, son of Sayyid Mahmud Khan Barha, the head of the tribe, had shown great bravery and had received seventeen wounds. Sayyid Jalal, also of the brethren of this band, received an arrow in his temple and died a few days later. At the time when the Sayyids of Barha, who were not more than fifty or sixty in number, having received wounds from 1,500 Badakhshi horsemen, had been cut to pieces, Sayyid Kamal, who, with his brothers, had been appointed to support the van, came up on the flank and fought with wondrous bravery and manliness. After that the men of the right wing raised the cry of Padshah salamat ("Long live the King") and charged, and the rebels hearing the words, gave up and scattered abroad to various hiding-places. About 400 Aimaqs became crushed on the plain of anger and overcome by the victorious army. Khusrau's box of jewels and precious things which he had always with him, fell into our hands.

"Who thought that this boy of few years Would behave so badly to his sire? At the first taste of the cup he brings up the lees. He melts away my glory and his own modesty. He sets on fire [134] the throne of Khurshid, He longs for the place of Jamshid."

Short-sighted men in Allahabad had urged me also to rebel against my father. Their words were extremely unacceptable and disapproved by me. I know what sort of endurance a kingdom would have, the foundations of which were laid on hostility to a father, and was not moved by the evil counsels of such worthless men, but acting according to the dictates of reason and knowledge I waited on my father, my guide, my qibla, [135] and my visible God, and as a result of this good purpose it went well with me.

In the evening of the day of Khusrau's flight I gave Raja Baso, who is a trusty zamindar of the hill-country of Lahore, leave to go to that frontier, and, wherever he heard news or trace of Khusrau, to make every effort to capture him. I also appointed Mahabat Khan and Mirza `Ali Akbarshahi to a large force, which was to pursue Khusrau in whatever direction he might go. I resolved with myself that if Khusrau went to Kabul, I would follow him and not turn back till he was captured. If not delaying in Kabul he should go on to Badakhshan and those regions, I would leave Mahabat Khan in Kabul and return myself (to India). My reason for not going to Badakhshan was that that wretch would (in that case) certainly ally himself with the Uzbegs, and the disgrace would attach to this State.

On the day on which the royal troops were ordered to pursue Khusrau, 15,000 rupees were given to Mahabat Khan and 20,000 to the ahadis, and 10,000 more were sent with the army to be given to whom it might be necessary to give it on the way.

On Saturday, the 28th, the victorious camp was pitched at Jaipal, [136] which lies seven kos from Lahore. On the same day Khusrau arrived with a few men on the bank of the Chenab. The brief account of what had happened is that after his defeat those who had escaped with him from the battle became divided in opinion. The Afghans and Indians, who were mostly his old retainers, wished to double back like foxes into Hindustan, and to become a source of rebellion and trouble there. Husain Beg, whose people and family and treasure were in the direction of Kabul, suggested going to Kabul. In the end, as action was taken according to the wish of Husain Beg, the Hindustanis and the Afghans decided to separate themselves from him. On arriving at the Chenab, he proposed to cross at the ferry of Shahpur, which is one of the recognized crossings, but as he could find no boats there he made for the ferry of Sodharah, where his people got one boat without boatmen and another full of firewood and grass.

The ferries over the rivers had been stopped because before Khusrau's defeat orders had been given to all the jagirdars and the superintendents of roads and crossings in the subah of the Panjab that as this kind of dispute had arisen they must all be on the alert. Husain Beg wished to transfer the men from the boat with firewood and grass to the other, so that they might convey Khusrau across. At this juncture arrived Kilan, [137] son-in-law of Kamal Chaudhari of Sodharah, and saw a body of men about to cross in the night. He cried out to the boatmen that there was an order from the king Jahangir forbidding unknown men from crossing in the night, and that they must be careful. Owing to the noise and uproar, the people of the neighbourhood gathered together, and Kamal's son-in-law took from the boatmen the pole with which they propel the boat, and which in Hindustani is called balli, and thus made the boat unmanageable. Although money was offered to the boatmen, not one would ferry them over. News went to Abu-l-Qasim Namakin, who was at Gujarat, near the Chenab, that a body of men were wanting to cross the river by night, and he at once came to the ferry in the night with his sons and some horsemen. Things went to such a length that Husain Beg shot arrows at the boatmen, [138] and Kamal's son-in-law also took to shooting arrows from the river-bank. For four kos the boat took its own way down the river, until at the end of the night it grounded, and try as they would they could not get it off. Meantime it became day. Abu-l-Qasim and Khwaja Khizr Khan, who by the efforts of Hilal Khan had assembled on this (? the west) side of the river, fortified its west bank, and the zamindars fortified it on the east.

Before this affair of Khusrau's, I had sent Hilal Khan as sazawal to the army appointed for Kashmir under Sa`id Khan, and by chance he arrived in the neighbourhood (of the ferry) that same night; he came in the nick of time, and his efforts had great effect in bringing together Abu-l-Qasim Khan Namakin, and Khwaja Khizr Khan in the capture of Khusrau.

On the morning of Sunday, the 24th of the aforesaid month, people on elephants and in boats captured Khusrau, and on Monday, the last day of the month, news of this reached me in the garden of Mirza Kamran. I immediately ordered the Amiru-l-umara to go to Gujarat and to bring Khusrau to wait on me.

In counsels on State affairs and government it often happens that I act according to my own judgment and prefer my own counsel to that of others. In the first instance I had elected to wait on my revered father from Allahabad in opposition to the advice of my faithful servants, and I obtained the blessing of serving him, and this was for my spiritual and temporal good. By the same course of conduct I had become king. The second instance was the pursuit of Khusrau, from which I was not held back by taking time to ascertain the (auspicious) hour, etc., and from which I took no rest until I captured him. It is a strange thing that after I had started I asked Hakim `Ali, who is learned in mathematics, how the hour of my departure had been (i.e. whether propitious or not), and he replied that in order to obtain my object if I had wished to select an hour, there could not have been for years one selected better than that in which I mounted.

On Thursday, Muharram 3rd, 1015, in Mirza Kamran's garden, they brought Khusrau before me with his hands tied and chains on his legs from the left side [139] after the manner and custom of Chingiz Khan. They made Husain Beg stand on his right hand and `Abdu-r-Rahim on his left. Khusrau stood weeping and trembling between them. Husain Beg, with the idea that it might profit him, began to speak wildly. When his purport became apparent to me I did not allow him to continue talking, but handed over Khusrau in chains, and ordered these two villains to be put in the skins of an ox and an ass, and that they should be mounted on asses with their faces to the tail [140] and thus taken round the city. As the ox-hide dried more quickly than that of the ass, Husain Beg remained alive for four watches and died from suffocation. `Abdu-r-Rahim, who was in the ass's skin and to whom they gave some refreshment from outside, remained alive.

From Monday, the last day of Zi-l-hijja, until the 9th of Muharram of the aforesaid year, I remained in Mirza Kamran's garden because the time was unpropitious. [141] I bestowed Bhairawal, [142] where the battle had taken place, on Shaikh Farid, and rewarded him with the high title of Murtaza Khan. For the sake of good government I ordered posts to be set up on both sides of the road from the garden to the city, and ordered them to hang up and impale the seditious Aimaqs and others who had taken part in the rebellion. Thus each one of them received an extraordinary punishment. I gave headship to those landholders who had shown loyalty, and to every one of the Chaudharis between the Jhelam and the Chenab I gave lands for their support.

Of Husain Beg's property there were obtained from the house of Mir Muhammad Baqi nearly seven lakhs of rupees. This was exclusive of what he had made over to other places and of what he had with him. After this, whenever his name is mentioned, the words [143] gawan u kharan (bullocks and asses) will be used. When he came to this Court in company with Mirza Shahrukh he had one horse. By degrees his affairs flourished so that he became possessed of treasure both visible and buried, and projects of this kind entered his mind.

While Khusrau's affair was still in the will of God, as there was no actual governor between Afghanistan and Agra, which is a source of sedition and mischief, and, fearing that Khusrau's affair might be prolonged, I ordered my son Parwiz to leave some of the sardars to look after the Rana and to come to Agra with Asaf Khan and a body of those nearly connected with him in the service. He was to consider the protection and management of that region his special charge. But by the blessed favour of Allah, Khusrau's affair was settled before Parwiz arrived in Agra; I accordingly ordered my aforesaid son to come and wait on me.