Part 11

No emphasis, however strong, upon the mere consecutive personal successes of Hamilton's life is sufficient to show the measure of his importance in American history. That importance lies, to a large extent, in the political ideas for which he stood. His mind was eminently "legal." He was the unrivalled controversialist of the time. His writings, which are distinguished by clarity, vigour and rigid reasoning, rather than by any show of scholarship--in the extent of which, however solid in character Hamilton's might have been, he was surpassed by several of his contemporaries--are in general strikingly empirical in basis. He drew his theories from his experiences of the Revolutionary period, and he modified them hardly at all through life. In his earliest pamphlets (1774-1775) he started out with the ordinary pre-Revolutionary Whig doctrines of natural rights and liberty; but the first experience of semi-anarchic states'-rights and individualism ended his fervour for ideas so essentially alien to his practical, logical mind, and they have no place in his later writings. The feeble inadequacy of conception, infirmity of power, factional jealousy, disintegrating particularism, and vicious finance of the Confederation were realized by many others; but none other saw so clearly the concrete nationalistic remedies for these concrete ills, or pursued remedial ends so constantly, so ably, and so consistently. An immigrant, Hamilton had no particularistic ties; he was by instinct a "continentalist" or federalist. He wanted a strong union and energetic government that should "rest as much as possible on the shoulders of the people and as little as possible on those of the state legislatures"; that should have the support of wealth and class; and that should curb the states to such an "entire subordination" as nowise to be hindered by those bodies. At these ends he aimed with extraordinary skill in all his financial measures. As early as 1776 he urged the direct collection of federal taxes by federal agents. From 1779 onward we trace the idea of supporting government by the interest of the propertied classes; from 1781 onward the idea that a not-excessive public debt would be a blessing[16] in giving cohesiveness to the union: hence his device by which the federal government, assuming the war debts of the states, secured greater resources, based itself on a high ideal of nationalism, strengthened its hold on the individual citizen, and gained the support of property. In his report on manufactures his chief avowed motive was to strengthen the union. To the same end he conceived the constitutional doctrines of liberal construction, "implied powers," and the "general welfare," which were later embodied in the decisions of John Marshall. The idea of nationalism pervaded and quickened all his life and works. With one great exception, the dictum of Guizot is hardly an exaggeration, that "there is not in the Constitution of the United States an element of order, of force, of duration, which he did not powerfully contribute to introduce into it and to cause to predominate."

The exception, as American history showed, was American democracy. The loose and barren rule of the Confederation seemed to conservative minds such as Hamilton's to presage, in its strengthening of individualism, a fatal looseness of social restraints, and led him on to a dread of democracy that he never overcame. Liberty, he reminded his fellows, in the New York Convention of 1788, seemed to be alone considered in government, but there was another thing equally important: "a principle of strength and stability in the organization ... and of vigour in its operation." But Hamilton's governmental system was in fact repressive.[17] He wanted a system strong enough, he would have said, to overcome the anarchic tendencies loosed by war, and represented by those notions of natural rights which he had himself once championed; strong enough to overbear all local, state and sectional prejudices, powers or influence, and to control--not, as Jefferson would have it, to be controlled by--the people. Confidence in the integrity, the self-control, and the good judgment of the people, which was the content of Jefferson's political faith, had almost no place in Hamilton's theories. "Men," said he, "are reasoning rather than reasonable animals." The charge that he laboured to introduce monarchy by intrigue is an under-estimate of his good sense.[18] Hamilton's thinking, however, did carry him foul of current democratic philosophy; as he said, he presented his plan in 1787 "not as attainable, but as a model to which we ought to approach as far as possible"; moreover, he held through life his belief in its principles, and in its superiority over the government actually created; and though its inconsistency with American tendencies was yearly more apparent, he never ceased to avow on all occasions his aristocratic-monarchical partialities. Moreover, his preferences for at least an aristocratic republic were shared by many other men of talent. When it is added that Jefferson's assertions, alike as regards Hamilton's talk[19] and the intent and tendency of his political measures, were, to the extent of the underlying basic fact--but discounting Jefferson's somewhat intemperate interpretations--unquestionably true,[20] it cannot be accounted strange that Hamilton's Democratic opponents mistook his theoretic predilections for positive designs. Nor would it be a strained inference from much that be said, to believe that he hoped and expected that in the "crisis" he foresaw, when democracy should have caused the ruin of the country, a new government might be formed that should approximate to his own ideals.[21] From the beginning of the excesses of the French Revolution he was possessed by the persuasion that American democracy, likewise, might at any moment crush the restraints of the Constitution to enter on a career of licence and anarchy. To this obsession he sacrificed his life.[22] After the Democratic victory of 1800, his letters, full of retrospective judgments and interesting outlooks, are but rarely relieved in their sombre pessimism by flashes of hope and courage. His last letter on politics, written two days before his death, illustrates the two sides of his thinking already emphasized: in this letter he warns his New England friends against dismemberment of the union as "a clear sacrifice of great positive advantages, without any counterbalancing good; administering no relief to our real disease, which is democracy, the poison of which, by a subdivision, will only be more concentrated in each part, and consequently the more virulent." To the end he never lost his fear of the states, nor gained faith in the future of the country. He laboured still, in mingled hope and apprehension, "to prop the frail and worthless fabric,"[23] but for its spiritual content of democracy he had no understanding, and even in its nationalism he had little hope. Yet probably to no one man, except perhaps to Washington, does American nationalism owe so much as to Hamilton.

In the development of the United States the influence of Hamiltonian nationalism and Jeffersonian democracy has been a reactive union; but changed conditions since Hamilton's time, and particularly since the Civil War, are likely to create misconceptions as to Hamilton's position in his own day. Great constructive statesman as he was, he was also, from the American point of view, essentially a reactionary. He was the leader of reactionary forces--constructive forces, as it happened--in the critical period after the War of American Independence, and in the period of Federalist supremacy. He was in sympathy with the dominant forces of public life only while they took, during the war, the predominant impress of an imperfect nationalism.[24] Jeffersonian democracy came into power in 1800 in direct line with colonial development; Hamiltonian Federalism was a break in that development; and this alone can explain how Jefferson could organize the Democratic Party in face of the brilliant success of the Federalists in constructing the government. Hamilton stigmatized his great opponent as a political fanatic; but actualist as he claimed to be,[25] Hamilton could not see, or would not concede, the predominating forces in American life, and would uncompromisingly have minimized the two great political conquests of the colonial period--local self-government and democracy.

Few Americans have received higher tributes from foreign authorities. Talleyrand, personally impressed when in America with Hamilton's brilliant qualities, declared that he had the power of divining without reasoning, and compared him to Fox and Napoleon because he had "devine l'Europe." Of the judgments rendered by his countrymen, Washington's confidence in his ability and integrity is perhaps the most significant. Chancellor James Kent, and others only less competent, paid remarkable testimony to his legal abilities. Chief-justice Marshall ranked him second to Washington alone. No judgment is more justly measured than Madison's (in 1831): "That he possessed intellectual powers of the first order, and the moral qualities of integrity and honour in a captivating degree, has been awarded him by a suffrage now universal. If his theory of government deviated from the republican standard he had the candour to avow it, and the greater merit of co-operating faithfully in maturing and supporting a system which was not his choice."

In person Hamilton was rather short and slender; in carriage, erect, dignified and graceful. Deep-set, changeable, dark eyes vivified his mobile features, and set off his light hair and fair, ruddy complexion. His head in the famous Trumbull portrait is boldly poised and very striking. The captivating charm of his manners and conversation is attested by all who knew him, and in familiar life he was artlessly simple. Friends he won readily, and he held them in devoted attachment by the solid worth of a frank, ardent, generous, warm-hearted and high-minded character. Versatile as were his intellectual powers, his nature seems comparatively simple. A firm will, tireless energy, aggressive courage and bold self-confidence were its leading qualities; the word "intensity" perhaps best sums up his character. His Scotch and Gallic strains of ancestry are evident; his countenance was decidedly Scotch; his nervous speech and bearing and vehement temperament rather French; in his mind, agility, clarity and penetration were matched with logical solidity. The remarkable quality of his mind lay in the rare combination of acute analysis and grasp of detail with great comprehensiveness of thought. So far as his writings show, he was almost wholly lacking in humour, and in imagination little less so. He certainly had wit, but it is hard to believe he could have had any touch of fancy. In public speaking he often combined a rhetorical effectiveness and emotional intensity that might take the place of imagination, and enabled him, on the coldest theme, to move deeply the feelings of his auditors.

BIBLIOGRAPHY.--Hamilton's _Works_ have been edited by H. C. Lodge (New York, 9 vols., 1885-1886, and 12 vols., 1904); all references above are first to the latter edition, secondly (in brackets) to the former. There are various additional editions of _The Federalist_, notably those of H. B. Dawson (1863), H. C. Lodge (1888), and--the most scholarly--P. L. Ford (1898); cf. _American Historical Review_, ii. 413, 675. See also James Bryce, "Predictions of Hamilton and de Tocqueville," in _Johns Hopkins University Studies_, vol. 5 (Baltimore, 1887); and the capital essay of Anson D. Morse in the _Political Science Quarterly_, v. (1890), pp. 1-23. For a bibliography of the period see the _Cambridge Modern History_, vol. vii. pp. 780-810. The unfinished _Life of Alexander Hamilton, by his Son_, J. C. Hamilton, going only to 1787 (New York, 2 vols., 1834-1840), was superseded by the same author's valuable, but partisan and uncritical _History of the Republic ... as traced in the Writings of Alexander Hamilton_ (New York, 7 vols., 1857-1864; 4th ed., Boston, 1879). Professor W. G. Sumner's _Alexander Hamilton_ (Makers of America series, New York, 1890) is appreciative, and important for its criticism from the point of view of an American free-trader; see also, on Hamilton's finance and economic views, Prof. C. F. Dunbar, _Quarterly Journal of Economics_, iii. (1889), p. 32; E. G. Bourne in ibid. x. (1894), p. 328; E. C. Lunt in _Journal of Political Economy_, iii. (1895), p. 289. Among modern studies must also be mentioned J. T. Morse's able _Life_ (1876); H. C. Lodge's (in the American Statesmen series, 1882); and G. Shea's two books, his _Historical Study_ (1877) and _Life and Epoch_ (1879). C. J. Riethmuller's _Hamilton and his Contemporaries_ (1864), written during the Civil War, is sympathetic, but rather speculative. The most vivid account of Hamilton is in Mrs Gertrude Atherton's historical romance, _The Conqueror_ (New York, 1902), for the writing of which the author made new investigations into the biographical details, and elucidated some points previously obscure; see also her _A Few of Hamilton's Letters_ (1903). F. S. Oliver's brilliant _Alexander Hamilton: An Essay on American Union_ (London, 1906), which uses its subject to illustrate the necessity of British imperial federation, is strongly anti-Jeffersonian, but no other work by a non-American author brings out so well the wider issues involved in Hamilton's economic policy. (F. S. P.; H. Ch.)

FOOTNOTES:

[1] These facts were first definitely determined by Mrs Gertrude Atherton from the Danish Archives in Denmark and the West Indies; see article in _North American Review_, Aug. 1902, vol. 175, p. 229; and preface to her _A Few of Hamilton's Letters_ (New York, 1903).

[2] These were written in answer to the widely read pamphlets published over the _nom de plume_ of "A Westchester Farmer," and now known to have been written by Samuel Seabury (q.v.). Hamilton's pamphlets were entitled "A Full Vindication of the Measures of the Congress from the Calumnies of their Enemies," and "The Farmer Refuted." Concerning them George Ticknor Curtis (_Constitutional History of the United States_, i. 274) has said, "There are displayed in these papers a power of reasoning and sarcasm, a knowledge of the principles of government and of the English constitution, and a grasp of the merits of the whole controversy, that would have done honour to any man at any age. To say that they evince precocity of intellect gives no idea of their main characteristics. They show great maturity--a more remarkable maturity than has ever been exhibited by any other person, at so early an age, in the same department of thought."

[3] George Bancroft was the first to point out that there is small evidence that Hamilton ever really appreciated Washington's great qualities; but on the score of personal and Federalist indebtedness he left explicit recognition.

[4] For Hamilton's letter to General Schuyler on this episode--one of the most important letters, in some ways, that he ever wrote--see the _Works_, ix. 232 (8: 35).

[5] Especially the letter of September 1780 to James Duane, _Works_, i. 213 (1: 203); also the "Continentalist" papers of 1781.

[6] His most famous case at this time (_Rutgers_ v. _Waddington_) was one that well illustrated his moral courage. Under a "Trespass Law" of New York, Elizabeth Rutgers, a widow, brought suit against one Joshua Waddington, a Loyalist, who during the war of American Independence, while New York was occupied by the British, had made use of some of her property. In face of popular clamour, Hamilton, who advocated a conciliatory treatment of the Loyalists, represented Waddington, who won the case, decided in 1784.

[7] As Mr Oliver points out (_Alexander Hamilton_, p. 156), Hamilton's idea of the British constitution was not a correct picture of the British constitution in 1787, and still less of that of the 20th century. "What he had in mind was the British constitution as George III. had tried to make it." Hamilton's ideal was an elective monarchy, and his guiding principle a proper balance of authority.

[8] Briefly, he proposed a governor and two chambers--an Assembly elected by the people for three years, and a Senate--the governor and senate holding office for life or during good behaviour, and chosen, through electors, by voters qualified by property; the governor to have an unqualified veto on federal legislation; state governors to have a similar veto on state legislation, and to be appointed by the federal government; the federal government to control all militia. See _Works_, i. 347 (1: 331); and cf. his correspondence, which is scanty, _passim_ in later years, notably x. 446, 431, 329 (8: 606, 596, 517), and references below.

[9] Nearly all the papers in _The Federalist_ first appeared (between October 1787 and April 1788) in New York journals, over the signature "Publius." Jay wrote only five. The authorship of twelve of them is uncertain, and has been the subject of much controversy between partisans of Hamilton and Madison. Concerning _The Federalist_ Chancellor James Kent (_Commentaries_, i. 241) said: "There is no work on the subject of the Constitution, and on republican and federal government generally, that deserves to be more thoroughly studied. I know not indeed of any work on the principles of free government that is to be compared, in instruction and intrinsic value, to this small and unpretending volume.... It is equally admirable in the depth of its wisdom, the comprehensiveness of its views, the sagacity of its reflections, and the fearlessness, patriotism, candour, simplicity, and elegance, with which its truths are uttered and recommended."

[10] The position was offered first to Robert Morris, who declined it, expressing the opinion that Hamilton was the man best fitted to meet its problems.

[11] Hamilton's _Report on Manufactures_ (1791) by itself entitles him to the place of an epoch-maker in economics. It was the first great revolt from Adam Smith, on whose _Wealth of Nations_ (1776) he is said to have already written a commentary which is lost. In his criticism on Adam Smith, and his arguments for a system of moderate protective duties associated with the deliberate policy of promoting national interests, his work was the inspiration of Friedrich List, and so the foundation of the economic system of Germany in a later day, and again, still later, of the policy of Tariff Reform and Colonial Preference in England, as advocated by Mr Chamberlain and his supporters. See the detailed account given in the article PROTECTION.

[12] That is, while Jefferson hated British aristocracy and sympathized with French democracy, Hamilton hated French democracy and sympathized with British aristocracy and order; but neither wanted war; and indeed Jefferson, throughout life, was the more peaceful of the two. Neutrality was in the line of commonplace American thinking of that time, as may be seen in the writings of all the leading men of the day. The cry of "British Hamilton" had no good excuse whatever.

[13] e.g. his prediction in 1789 of the course of the French Revolution; his judgments of Burr from 1792 onward, and of Burr and Jefferson in 1800.

[14] After the Democrats won New York in 1799, Hamilton proposed to Governor John Jay to call together the out-going Federalist legislature, in order to choose Federalist presidential electors, a suggestion which Jay simply endorsed: "Proposing a measure for party purposes which it would not become me to adopt."--_Works_, x. 371 (8: 549). Compare also with later developments of ward politics in New York City, Hamilton's curious suggestions as to Federalist charities, &c., in connexion with the Christian Constitutional Society proposed by him in 1802 to combat irreligion and democracy (_Works_, x. 432 (8: 596).

[15] Hamilton's widow, who survived him for half a century, dying at the age of ninety-seven, was left with four sons and four daughters. He had been an affectionate husband and father, though his devotion to his wife had been consistent with occasional lapses from strict marital fidelity. One intrigue into which he drifted in 1791, with a Mrs Reynolds, led to the blackmailing of Hamilton by her husband; and when this rascal, shortly afterwards, got into trouble for fraud, his relations with Hamilton were unscrupulously misrepresented for political purposes by some of Hamilton's opponents. But Hamilton faced the necessity of revealing the true state of things with conspicuous courage, and the scandal only reacted on his accusers. One of them was Monroe, whose reputation comes very badly out of this unsavoury affair.

[16] In later years he said no debt should be incurred without providing simultaneously for its payment.

[17] He warmly supported the Alien and Sedition Laws of 1798 (in their final form).

[18] The idea, he wrote to Washington, was "one of those visionary things none but madmen could undertake, and that no wise man will believe" (1792). And see his comments on Burr's ambitions, _Works_, x. 417, 450 (8: 585, 610). We may accept as just, and applicable to his entire career, the statement made by himself in 1803 of his principles in 1787: "(1) That the political powers of the people of this continent would endure nothing but a representative form of government. (2) That, in the actual situation of the country, it was itself right and proper that the representative system should have a full and fair trial. (3) That to such a trial it was essential that the government should be so constructed as to give it all the energy and the stability reconcilable with the principles of that theory."

[19] Cf. Gouverneur Morris, _Diary and Letters_, ii. 455, 526, 531.

[20] Cf. even Mr Lodge's judgments, pp. 90-92, 115-116, 122, 130, 140. When he says (p. 140) that "In Hamilton's successful policy there were certainly germs of an aristocratic republic, there were certainly limitations and possibly dangers to pure democracy," this is practically Jefferson's assertion (1792) that "His system flowed from principles adverse to liberty"; but Jefferson goes on to add: "and was calculated to undermine and demolish the republic." As to the intent of Hamilton to secure through his financial measures the political support of property, his own words are honest and clear; and in fact he succeeded. Jefferson merely had exaggerated fears of a moneyed political engine, and seeing that Hamilton's measures of funding and assumption did make the national debt politically useful to the Federalists in the beginning he concluded that they would seek to fasten the debt on the country for ever.

[21] Cf. Gouv. Morris, _op. cit._ ii. 474.

[22] He dreamed of saving the country with an army in this crisis of blood and iron, and wished to preserve unweakened the public confidence in his personal bravery.

[23] His own words in 1802. In justification of the above statements see the correspondence of 1800-1804 _passim_--_Works_, vol. ix.-x. (or 7-8); especially x. 363, 425, 434, 440, 445 (or 8: 543, 591, 596, 602, 605).

[24] Cf. Anson D. Morse, article cited below, pp. 4, 18-21.

[25] Chancellor Kent tells us (_Memoirs and Letters_, p. 32) that in 1804 Hamilton was planning a co-operative Federalist work on the history and science of government on an inductive basis. Kent always speaks of Hamilton's legal thinking as deductive, however (ibid. p. 290, 329), and such seems to have been in fact all his political reasoning: i.e. underlying them were such maxims as that of Hume, that in erecting a stable government every citizen must be assumed a knave, and be bound by self-interest to co-operation for the public good. Hamilton always seems to be reasoning deductively from such principles. He went too far and fast for even such a Federalist disbeliever in democracy as Gouverneur Morris; who, to Hamilton's assertion that democracy must be cast out to save the country, replied that "such necessity cannot be shown by a political ratiocination. Luckily, or, to speak with a reverence proper to the occasion, providentially, mankind are not disposed to embark the blessings they enjoy on a voyage of syllogistic adventure to obtain something more beautiful in exchange. They must feel before they will act" (_op. cit._ ii. 531).