Chapter XXV
. In addition to the actual Treaty, an important declaration was made as to the rules of international maritime law, to be binding only on the signatory powers, dealing with the following points:--
(_a_) Abolition of Privateering. (_b_) Neutral flag to cover enemy's goods, other than contraband of war. (_c_) Neutral goods, other than contraband of war, under enemy's flag, to be exempt from seizure. (_d_) Blockades to be binding must be effective, _i.e._ maintained by adequate marine force.]
[Pageheading: TERMS ARRIVED AT]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
PICCADILLY, _30th March 1856._
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and in submitting the accompanying letter from Lord Clarendon, he begs to state that he informed Lord Clarendon by the messenger yesterday evening that all he had done and agreed to was approved, and that he might sign the Treaty to-day. It was to be signed at half-past twelve this day.
Viscount Palmerston begs to congratulate your Majesty upon an arrangement which effects a settlement that is satisfactory for the present, and which will probably last for many years to come, of questions full of danger to the best interests of Europe. Greater and more brilliant successes by land and sea might probably have been accomplished by the Allies if the war had continued, but any great and important additional security against future aggressions by Russia could only have been obtained by severing from Russia large portions of her frontier territory, such as Finland, Poland, and Georgia; and although by great military and financial efforts and sacrifices those territories might for a time have been occupied, Russia must have been reduced to the lowest state of internal distress, before her Emperor could have been brought to put his name to a Treaty of Peace finally surrendering his sovereignty over those extensive countries; and to have continued the war long enough for these purposes would have required greater endurance than was possessed by your Majesty's Allies, and might possibly have exhausted the good-will of your Majesty's own subjects....
[Pageheading: THE TREATY OF PARIS]
_The Earl of Clarendon to Queen Victoria._
PARIS, _30th March 1856._
Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and humbly begs to congratulate your Majesty upon the signature of peace this afternoon. It is not to be doubted that another campaign must have brought glory to your Majesty's arms, and would have enabled England to impose different terms upon Russia, but setting aside the cost and the horrors of war, in themselves evils of the greatest magnitude, we cannot feel sure that victory might not have been purchased too dearly--a continuation of the war would hardly have been possible either with or without France--if we had dragged her on with us it would have been most reluctantly on her part, her finances would have suffered still more, she would have borne us ill-will, would have acted feebly with us, and would on the first favourable occasion have left us in the lurch. If we had continued the war single-handed, France would feel that she had behaved shabbily to us, and would _therefore_ have hated us all the more, and become our enemy sooner than under any other circumstances; a coalition of Europe might then have taken place against England, to which the United States would but too gladly have adhered, and the consequence might have been most serious.
Lord Clarendon would not make such an assertion lightly, but he feels convinced that your Majesty may feel satisfied with the position now occupied by England--six weeks ago it was a painful position here, everybody was against us, our motives were suspected, and our policy was denounced; but the universal feeling now is that we are the only country able and ready, and willing, if necessary, to continue the war; that we might have prevented peace, but that having announced our readiness to make peace on honourable terms we have honestly and unselfishly acted up to our word. It is well known, too, that the conditions on which peace is made would have been different if England had not been firm, and everybody is, of course, glad _even here_ that peace should not have brought dishonour to France.
Lord Clarendon, therefore, ventures to hope that the language in England with respect to the peace will not be apologetic or dissatisfied. It would be unwise and undignified, and would invite criticism if such language were held before the conditions are publicly known.
[Pageheading: END OF THE WAR]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _31st March 1856._
The Queen thanks Lord Clarendon much for his two letters of Saturday and yesterday; and we congratulate _him_ on the success of his _efforts_ in obtaining the Peace, for to him _alone_ it is due, and also _to him alone_ is due the dignified position which the Queen's beloved country holds, and which she owes to a straightforward, steady, and unselfish policy throughout.
Much as the Queen disliked the idea of _Peace_, she has become reconciled to it, by the conviction that France would either not have continued the war, or continued it in such a manner that _no_ glory could have been hoped for for us.
We have a striking proof of this in Pelissier not having obeyed the Emperor's orders and never having thought of occupying Sak.[22] _This really might_ be hinted to the Emperor....
The Queen finds Lord Palmerston very well pleased with the Peace, though he struggled as long as he could for better conditions....
[Footnote 22: The word is so written in the original draft. There was a place of the name near Old Fort in the Crimea, but this is more probably an abbreviation for Sakatal in Caucasia.]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _1st April 1856_.
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--... _Peace is signed!_ But till the ratifications have taken place its terms cannot be known. That so _good_ a Peace _has_ been obtained, and that this country stands in the high position she now does by _having_ made peace, but _not_ yielding to _unworthy_ and dishonourable terms, is _all_ owing to Lord Clarendon, whose difficulties were immense, and who cannot be too highly praised.
May I beg to remind you to make enquiries, _quietly_, about the young Prince of Orange[23]--as to his education, _entourage_, and disposition? Pray also don't forget to try and let us have a _new_ Russian; it would be infinitely _better_.[24]
We were much grieved to hear the day before yesterday from Sommer that poor Stockmar had had a relapse, but the illness is clearly of a spasmodic nature and therefore _not_ at all dangerous, and the pain had speedily left him, but of course left him again weaker, which is most distressing.
Now with Albert's affectionate love and our reiterated _warmest_ thanks, in which Vicky is included, for your having so VERY kindly come over for her Confirmation, believe me, ever, your devoted Niece and Child,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 23: Prince William Nicholas, born 1840, elder son of King William III. of Holland.]
[Footnote 24: The new Russian Ambassador was Count Creptowitch.]
_Queen Victoria to the Emperor of the French._
PALAIS DE BUCKINGHAM, _le 3 Avril 1856_.
SIRE ET MON CHER FRERE,--V.M. me permettra de lui offrir toutes mes felicitations a l'occasion de la paix qui a ete conclue sous vos auspices, et peu de jours seulement apres l'heureux evenement qui vous a donne un fils. Quoique partageant le sentiment de la pluspart de mon peuple qui trouve que cette paix est peut-etre un peu precoce, j'eprouve le besoin de vous dire que j'approuve hautement les termes dans lesquels elle a ete concue, comme un resultat qui n'est pas indigne des sacrifices que nous avons faits mutuellement pendant cette juste guerre, et comme assurant autant que cela se peut, la stabilite de l'equilibre Europeen....
Le Prince me charge de vous offrir ses hommages les plus affectueux, et je me dis pour toujours, Sire et cher Frere, de V.M.I., la bien affectionnee S[oe]ur et Amie,
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: HONOURS GRATEFULLY DECLINED]
_The Earl of Clarendon to Queen Victoria._
PARIS, _6th April 1856_.
Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty to your Majesty....
Lord Clarendon humbly begs in Lord Cowley's name and his own most gratefully to acknowledge the kind and gracious intention of your Majesty to raise each of them a step in the Peerage, and they venture to hope that your Majesty will not have been displeased at their having respectfully declined this great distinction. Lord Cowley's reason was his extreme poverty, and the feeling that an accession of rank would only aggravate the inconvenience he already experiences from being a Peer....
Lord Clarendon felt that courtesy titles to his younger sons would be a positive injury to them in working for their bread, and he relied upon your Majesty's unvarying kindness for appreciating his reluctance to prefer himself to his children. He may, with entire truth, add that the knowledge that your Majesty has approved of their conduct is ample and abundant reward for Lord Cowley and himself. Lord Clarendon hopes it is not presumptuous in him to say that he would not exchange your Majesty's letters of approval for any public mark of your Majesty's favour....
[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON AND THE GARTER]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _11th April 1856_.
Now that the moment for the ratification of the Treaty of Peace is near at hand, the Queen wishes to delay no longer the expression of her satisfaction as to the manner in which both the War has been brought to a conclusion, and the honour and interests of this country have been maintained by the Treaty of Peace, under the zealous and able guidance of Lord Palmerston. She wishes as a public token of her approval to bestow the Order of the Garter upon him. Should the two vacant Ribbons already have been promised to the Peers whose names Lord Palmerston has on a former occasion submitted to the Queen, there could be no difficulty in his being named an extra Knight, not filling up the next vacancy which may occur; this course was followed when Lord Grey received the Garter from the hands of King William.
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
PICCADILLY, _11th April 1856_.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is unable to express in words the gratification and thankfulness which he feels upon the receipt of your Majesty's most gracious and unexpected communication of this morning. The utmost of his ambition has been so to perform the duties of the high position in which your Majesty has been pleased to place him, as to prove himself not unworthy of the confidence with which your Majesty has honoured him; and the knowledge that your Majesty has found no reason to be dissatisfied with your choice; and that his endeavour properly to discharge his duties to your Majesty and the country have met with your Majesty's approval would of itself be an ample reward for any labour or anxiety with which the performance of those duties may have been attended, and, therefore, the gracious communication which he has this morning received from your Majesty will be preserved by him as in his eyes still more valuable even than the high honour which it announces your Majesty's intention to confer upon him.
That high and distinguished honour Viscount Palmerston will receive with the greatest pride as a public mark of your Majesty's gracious approbation, but he begs to be allowed to say that the task which he and his colleagues have had to perform has been rendered comparatively easy by the enlightened views which your Majesty has taken of all the great affairs in which your Majesty's Empire has been engaged, and by the firm and steady support which _in_ all these important transactions your Majesty's servants have received from the Crown.
[Pageheading: SERVICE RETRENCHMENTS]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _12th April 1856_.
The Queen returns the draft of Treaty, which she approves, and of which she would wish to have a copy.
The Queen believes that the Cabinet are going to consider to-day the amount of retrenchments which may be necessary in the Army and Navy.
She trusts and _expects_ that this will be done with great _moderation_ and very _gradually_; and that the difficulties we have had, and the sufferings which we have endured, may not be forgotten, for to the miserable reductions of the last thirty years are entirely owing our state of _helplessness_ when the War began; and it would be unpardonable if we were to be found in a similar condition, when another War--and _who_ can tell _how_ soon there may be one?--breaks out.
We must _never_ for a moment forget the very peculiar state of France, and _how entirely all there_ depends upon _one_ man's life.
We _ought_ and _must_ be prepared for every _eventuality_, and we have splendid material in that magnificent little Army in the Crimea.
The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to show this letter to the Cabinet.
[Pageheading: LETTER FROM THE EMPEROR]
_The Emperor of the French to Queen Victoria._
PARIS, _le 12 Avril 1856_.
MADAME ET TRES CHERE S[OE]UR,--Votre Majeste m'a fait grand plaisir en me disant qu'elle etait satisfaite de la conclusion de la paix, car ma constante preoccupation a ete, tout en desirant la fin d'une guerre ruineuse, de n'agir que de concert avec le Gouvernement de votre Majeste. Certes je concois bien qu'il ait ete desirable d'obtenir encore de meilleurs resultats, mais etait-ce raisonnable d'en attendre de la maniere dont la guerre avait ete engagee? J'avoue que je ne le crois pas. La guerre avait ete trop lentement conduite par nos generaux et nos amiraux et nous avions laisse le temps aux Russes de se rendre presque imprenables a Cronstadt comme en Crimee. Je crois donc que nous aurions paye trop cherement sous tous les rapports les avantages que nous eussions pu obtenir. Je suis pour cette raison heureux de la paix, mais je suis heureux surtout que notre Alliance sorte intacte des conferences et qu'elle se montre a l'Europe aussi solide que le premier jour de _notre union_. (Je prie le Prince Albert de ne pas etre jaloux de cette expression.)
Nous avons appris avec la plus vive satisfaction que les projets que votre Majeste avait concus pour le bonheur de la Princesse Royale allaient bientot se realiser. On dit tant de bien du jeune Prince Frederic Guillaume que je ne doute pas que votre charmante fille ne soit heureuse. L'Imperatrice, qui attend avec impatience le moment de pouvoir ecrire a votre Majeste, a ete bien touchee de votre aimable lettre. Vers le commencement de Mai nous irons a St Cloud ou votre souvenir nous y accompagne toujours, car ces lieux nous rappellent le sejour de votre Majeste et nous faisons des v[oe]ux pour qu'un si heureux evenement puisse se renouveler.
Je prie votre Majeste de me rappeler au souvenir du Prince Albert et de recevoir avec bonte l'assurance des sentiments de respectueuse amitie avec lesquels je suis, de votre Majeste, le devoue Frere et Ami,
NAPOLEON.
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Hardinge._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _21st April 1856_.
The Queen has heard from Colonel Phipps that Lord Hardinge is most anxious for her sanction to the paper submitted yesterday, if even as merely a temporary measure, before the mail goes this evening, as all the shipping at Balaklava is waiting for it. She hopes Lord Hardinge will see how inconvenient and unpleasant it must be to the Queen to have important matters submitted at such short notice that they cannot even be discussed by her without detriment to the public service, and trusts that she may not again be placed in a similar position. She has now signed the paper, but _only_ as a temporary measure, and upon the understanding that Lord Hardinge will submit to her, between this and the next mail, the arrangements which are now wanting.
She has also signed the proposal about Canada, but must express her conviction that General Le Marchant,[25] as Civil Governor of the Colony, cannot possibly attend to the command of the Brigade, which ought to have a distinct Commander. There may be Artillery in Canada, but is it horsed? and in Batteries?
We are rapidly falling back into the old ways!
[Footnote 25: Sir John Gaspard Le Marchant, 1803-1874, Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia from 1852 to 1857.]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _6th May 1856_.
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Having returned late from a drive, I have but little time to spare to thank you for your kind letter of the 2nd. Last Thursday (1st) was our darling Arthur's sixth birthday, which he enjoyed duly. On the 3rd we received Brunnow[26]--who was so nervous and humble, and so _emu_ that he could hardly speak. He dines with us to-night, and the dinner is given for him, being a _funny collection of antagonistic elements_--Granville, Clarendon, Lansdowne, Aberdeen, Graham, John Russell, Derby, and Malmesbury! "The Happy Family," I call it.
The Opposition have taken the line of disapproving the Peace and showing great hostility to Russia.
To-morrow we have a Levee, and on Thursday a ball in our fine new room, which we open on that day; and on Friday there is a _Peace_ Fete at the Crystal Palace. On Saturday we go out of town; and now I must end, begging to be forgiven for so hurried a scrawl, but I had to write a long letter and to _sit_ to Winterhalter. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 26: He had come to England, charged with a special mission.]
[Pageheading: COLONIAL GOVERNORSHIPS]
_Queen Victoria to Mr Labouchere._
OSBORNE, _14th May 1856_.
The Queen has received Mr Labouchere's letter, and hastens to express her opinion that Mr Wilson[27] would not be at all a proper person to be Governor of so large and important a Colony as Victoria. It ought to be a man of higher position and standing, and who could represent his Sovereign adequately....
She wishes further to observe that Mr Labouchere should in future take care that, while he tries to ascertain the feelings of people as to their accepting the offer of a Colonial appointment, before he submits them to the Queen, that these enquiries should be made in such a manner as not to lead these persons to _expect_ the appointment, else, if the _Queen_ does not approve of them, the whole odium of the refusal will fall upon her. The best way, and the way in which similar appointments are conducted in the other Offices, would be to mention the names first to the Queen, and if she approves of them, to ascertain the feelings of the respective candidates. This would avoid all difficulties on the subject.
[Footnote 27: James Wilson, the founder of _The Economist_, was at this time Financial Secretary to the Treasury. In 1859 he accepted the new office of Financial Member of the Council of India, but died in the following year.]
_Queen Victoria to Mr Labouchere._
_14th May 1856_.
The Queen would quite approve of the selection of Sir H. Bulwer, Lord Lyttelton, or Sir H. Barkly for Victoria. She is decidedly of opinion that the Governor should be an Englishman and not a Colonist. Now that self-Government has been established in the Colonies, the person of the Governor is the only connection remaining with the Mother Country; and if the Government were once filled from among the public men in the Colonies, this would become a precedent most difficult to break through again, and possibly paving the way for total separation.[28]
[Footnote 28: Sir Henry Bulwer declined. Sir Henry Barkly was appointed.]
[Pageheading: NAVAL POLICY]
_Queen Victoria to Sir Charles Wood._
OSBORNE, _18th May 1856_.
The Queen has to thank Sir C. Wood for his long and clear statement as to the present position of the Naval Force, which she quite understands. She attaches the greatest importance to perfect faith being kept with the sailors, and on that account was distressed to hear of the misapprehension at Portsmouth the other day.
A good system for a Naval Reserve would be most important. The Queen thinks a Commission, composed chiefly of _younger officers_ still conversant with the _present_ feelings of our sailors, would best be able to advise on the subject; the old Admirals are always and not unnaturally somewhat behind their time.
With respect to the policy of not too rapidly reducing our naval armaments, Sir C. Wood only anticipates the Queen's most anxious wish on this subject, for we cannot tell what may not happen anywhere at any moment; our relations with America are very unsettled, and our Alliance with France _depends_ upon the life of one man. And it is best to be prepared, for else you excite suspicion if you have suddenly to make preparations without being _able_ to state for what they are intended.
With regard to the Sailors' Homes, the Queen concurs in the advantage of leaving them to private management; but the Government, having so large a stake in the sailors' welfare, would act wisely and justly to make a handsome donation to all of them at the present moment, taking care that this should be used by the different establishments for their permanent extension. Five thousand pounds amongst them would be by no means an unreasonable sum to give as a token of the interest taken in the well-being of these brave men when no immediate return in shape of service was expected for it.
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
OSBORNE, _21st May 1856_.
The Queen is very anxious about the fixing of our Peace establishment both for the Army and Navy. Although Lord Hardinge's proposals are before the Government already for some time, no proposal has yet been submitted to the Queen; and on enquiry from Sir C. Wood, he stated but two days ago that no reduction of the Navy was yet settled. On the other hand, the Queen sees from the Chancellor of the Exchequer's speech that he specifies the sums by which both Army and Navy estimates are to be reduced. This _prejudges_ the whole question, and will deprive the Government of all power freely to consider these important questions. The Queen was, moreover, sorry to find Mr Disraeli, Mr Gladstone, and Sir Francis Baring agreeing with the doctrine of the _Times_ and Lord Grey that we ought _not_ to improve our state of preparation for war; and if we had been better prepared for the late war, we should have been still more disappointed.[29]
[Footnote 29: In the course of an elaborate reply, Lord Palmerston stated that the country had never been in a better condition of defence than at the present time, but he insisted that the Militia, which from 1815 to 1832 had been allowed to become extinct, must be maintained in an efficient state--120,000 strong.]
[Pageheading: TITLE OF PRINCE CONSORT]
[Pageheading: PRECEDENCE OF PRINCE ALBERT]
_Memorandum by Queen Victoria._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _May 1856_.
It is a strange omission in our Constitution that while _the wife_ of a _King_ has the highest rank and dignity in the realm after her husband assigned to her by law, the _husband_ of a _Queen regnant_ is entirely ignored by the law. This is the more extraordinary, as a husband has in this country such particular rights and such great power over his wife, and as the Queen is married just as any other woman is, and swears to obey her lord and master, as such, while by law he has no rank or defined position. This is a strange anomaly. No doubt, as is the case _now_--the Queen _can_ give her husband the highest _place_ by _placing_ him _always near her person_, and the Nation would give it him as a _matter of course_. Still, when I first married, we had much difficulty on this subject; much bad feeling was shown, and several members of the Royal Family showed bad grace in giving precedence to the Prince, and the late King of Hanover positively resisted doing so. I gave the Prince precedence by issuing Letters Patent, but these give no rank in Parliament--or at the Council Board--and it would be far better to put this question beyond all doubt, and to secure its settlement for _all future Consorts of Queens_, and thus have this omission in the Constitution rectified. Naturally my own feeling would be to give the Prince the same title and rank as I have, but a Titular King is a complete novelty in this country, and might be productive of more inconveniences than advantages to the individual who bears it. Therefore, upon mature reflection, and after considering the question for nearly _sixteen years_, I have come to the conclusion that the title which is now by universal consent given him of "Prince Consort," with the highest rank in and out of Parliament immediately after the Queen, and before every other Prince of the Royal Family, should be the one assigned to the husband of the Queen regnant _once and for all_. This ought to be done before our children grow up, and it seems peculiarly easy to do so _now_ that none of the old branches of the Royal Family are still alive.
The present position is this: that while every British subject, down to the Knight, Bachelor, Doctor, and Esquire, has a rank and position by _Law_, the Queen's husband alone has one by _favour_--and by his wife's favour, who may grant it or not! When granted as in the present case, it does not extend to Parliament and the Council, and the children may deny the position which their mother has given to their father as a usurpation over them, having the law on their side; or if they waive their rights in his favour, he will hold a position granted by the forbearance of his children. In both cases this is a position most derogatory to the Queen as well as to her husband, and most dangerous to the peace and well-being of her family. If the children resist, the Queen will have her husband pushed away from her side by her children, and they will take precedence over the man whom she is bound to obey; if they are dutiful, she will owe her peace of mind to their continued generosity.
With relation to Foreign Courts, the Queen's position is equally humiliating in this respect. _Some_ Sovereigns (crowned heads) address her husband as "Brother," some as "Brother and Cousin," some merely as "Cousin." When the Queen has been abroad, her husband's position has always been a subject of negotiation and vexation; the position which has been accorded to him the Queen has always had to acknowledge as a grace and favour bestowed on her by the Sovereign whom she visited. While last year the Emperor of the French treated the Prince as a Royal personage, his uncle declined to come to Paris avowedly because he would not give precedence to the Prince; and on the Rhine in 1845 the King of Prussia could not give the place to the Queen's husband which common civility required, because of the presence of an Archduke, the third son of an uncle of the then reigning Emperor of Austria, who would not give the _pas_, and whom the King would not offend.
The only legal position in Europe, according to international law, which the husband of the Queen of England enjoys, is that of a younger brother of the Duke of Saxe-Coburg, and this merely because the English law does not know of him. This is derogatory to the dignity of the Crown of England.
But _nationally_ also it is an injury to the position of the Crown that the Queen's husband should have no other title than that of Prince of Saxe-Coburg, and thus be perpetually represented to the country as a foreigner. "The Queen and her foreign husband, the Prince Albert of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha!"
The Queen has a right to claim that her husband should be an Englishman, bearing an English title, and enjoying a legal position which she has not to defend with a wife's anxiety as a usurpation against her own children, her subjects, and Foreign Courts.
The question has often been discussed by me with different Prime Ministers and Lord Chancellors, who have invariably entirely agreed with me; but the wish to wait for a good moment to bring the matter before Parliament has caused one year after another to elapse without anything being done. If I become _now_ more anxious to have it settled, it is in order that it should be so before our children are grown up, that it might not appear to be done in order to guard their father's position against them personally, which could not fail to produce a painful impression upon their minds.
If properly explained to Parliament and the country, I cannot foresee the slightest difficulty in getting such a necessary measure passed,
## particularly if it be made quite clear to the House of Commons that it
is in no way connected with a desire to obtain an increased grant for the Prince.[30]
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 30: See _post_, 28th June, 1856, note 33.]
[Pageheading: SABBATARIANISM]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Hardinge._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _1st June 1856_.
The Queen understands that there is an attempt to be made to prevent the military bands from playing when the Troops march to church on a Sunday.
She is anxious to express to Lord Hardinge her very strong feeling on this subject, and her wish that he should on _no_ account give way to such a proposal. _Whatever_ has been the custom should be firmly adhered to, and Lord Hardinge is perfectly at liberty to make use of the Queen's name, and say he could not bring such a proposal before her, as he knew she would not consent to it.[31]
[Footnote 31: The custom of bands playing in the public parks on Sundays had been objected to by various religious bodies, and in April a letter on the subject was written to Lord Palmerston by the Archbishop of Canterbury, after which the performances were discontinued, the Government giving way before the threat of a vote of censure. A similar movement was made in opposition to the playing of regimental bands. See _ante_, 7th August, 1855, note 71.]
[Pageheading: WELLINGTON COLLEGE]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _3rd June 1856_.
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I hasten to thank you for your very kind letter of yesterday, just received. Your kind _question_ puts me into considerable perplexity, and I think I cannot do better than by putting you in full possession of the state of the case.
Our house is very full--and it is _possible_ that we may have very shortly the visit of Prince Oscar of Sweden. These Princes have very large _suites_, and I should therefore in such a case be totally unable to lodge you and _them_. But there is another reason. While Fritz Wilhelm is here, _every_ spare moment Vicky has (and _I_ have, for I must chaperon this loving couple--which takes away so much of my precious time) is devoted to her bridegroom, who is _so_ much in love, that, even if he is out driving and walking with her, he is not satisfied, and says he has not seen her, unless he can have her for an hour to himself, when I am naturally bound to be acting as chaperon. Under these circumstances I may truly say that dear Charlotte would have very little enjoyment; she would see very little of Vicky, _I could not_ take care of her, and I fear it would be anything but agreeable for her. Fritz Wilhelm would besides be miserable if I took Vicky more away from him than I already do, and therefore _while he_ is here, it would _not_, I think, be advisable that _Charlotte_ should come. Could you _not_ come a little in August when the Prince and Princess of Prussia have left us? Or would you prefer coming in October, when we return from Scotland? You will easily believe, dearest Uncle, _what_ pleasure it gives me to see you; but I know you will understand the reasons I here give for begging you to delay this dear visit either to August or October....
I had a little hope that the Archduke and Charlotte _might_ take a mutual liking; it would be such a good _parti_.
We had an interesting ceremony yesterday, the laying of the first stone of the Wellington College--which is the monument to the memory of the dear old Duke. Dear little Arthur appeared for the first time in public, and I hope you will approve my answer.[32]
Now, dearest Uncle, ever your truly devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 32: The Queen's reply to an address presented to her, on behalf of the College, by Lord Derby.]
[Pageheading: THE NATIONAL GALLERY]
_Queen Victoria to Lord Panmure._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _12th June 1856_.
The Queen and Prince had intended to take their visitors down to the Camp on Monday next--the _only day_ which we shall have for a fortnight free from other engagements--and hears, to her _utter astonishment_, that _all_ the troops are gone--not only the Militia, but the 3rd Battalion of the Rifles!--and this without the Queen's hearing _one_ word of it! The Queen is the more astonished and annoyed, as Lord Panmure had promised that the Militia regiments should _not_ be disembodied until there were other troops to replace them, which will not be the case for some little time. _What_ is the cause of this, sudden determination? The Queen is much vexed, as her visitors will not stay long, and are very anxious to visit the Camp; and it is of much importance that Foreign Princes should see what we have, and in what state of efficiency our troops are.
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _26th June 1856_.
The Queen hopes Lord Palmerston will make it quite clear to the subordinate Members of the Government that they cannot be allowed to vote against the Government proposal about the National Gallery to-morrow, as she hears that several fancy themselves at liberty to do so.
[Pageheading: TITLE OF PRINCE CONSORT]
_The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria._[33]
ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _28th June 1856_.
Lord Derby, with his humble duty ... will be prepared, as well as Lord Lyndhurst, to give his cordial support to such a Bill as that sketched out by the Lord Chancellor; but using that freedom which is invited by and due to the gracious confidence reposed in him by your Majesty, he hopes he may be pardoned for earnestly submitting to your Majesty's serious consideration the question whether it may be expedient to raise a discussion on such a subject during the short remainder of the present Session of Parliament. Measures of public importance already in progress are now beginning to be abandoned in consequence of the advanced period of the Session, and Lord Lyndhurst concurs very strongly in Lord Derby's apprehensions as to the result on public feeling of the introduction of such a measure at the present moment. If it could be stated that your Majesty contemplated a foreign visit in the course of the summer, which rendered it desirable that a measure should be passed to obviate the embarrassment which had been created on previous occasions of the same sort, some case might be made out for immediate legislation, though even then the question would arise why it was not thought of sooner; but in the absence of any change of circumstances, and in the present unfortunate temper of the House of Commons, of which a proof was given last night, such a course would probably lead to suspicions and remarks of the most painful character. It would be said, and with some justice, that the greater the constitutional importance of a settlement, the greater was also the necessity of ample opportunity for consideration being given to Parliament; and the hurry of passing the Bill would be cited as a proof that it covered some unavowed and objectionable design. If such suspicions should lead to the postponement of the measure, not only would the Crown have been subjected to a mortifying defeat, but the Bill would be open to the hostile criticisms of the Press during the whole summer and autumn, the effect of which might even endanger its ultimate success....
Should your Majesty be otherwise advised, Lord Derby will be ready to give the Bill his personal support, but he would be wanting in candour if he did not frankly state to your Majesty the serious apprehensions which he should entertain as to the result. Such an unreserved expression of his opinions is the only and very inadequate return which he can make to your Majesty for the gracious confidence with which your Majesty has honoured him, and for which he feels most deeply grateful.
The above is humbly submitted by your Majesty's most dutiful Servant and Subject,
DERBY.
[Footnote 33: The Queen had sent to Lord Derby a copy of her Memorandum, _ante_, May, 1856, a letter from Lord Palmerston to herself on the same subject, and the sketch of a Bill drawn up by the Lord Chancellor to give effect to her wishes. On the 25th of June 1857, the title of "Prince Consort" was conferred on Prince Albert by Royal Letters Patent. "I should have preferred," wrote the Queen, "its being done by Act of Parliament, and so it may still be at some future period; but it was thought better upon the whole to do it _now_ in this simple way."]
[Pageheading: RETIREMENT OF LORD HARDINGE]
_Viscount Hardinge to Queen Victoria._
15 GREAT STANHOPE STREET, _10th July 1856_.
Field-Marshal Viscount Hardinge,[34] with his most humble duty to your Majesty, is conscious that his power of serving your Majesty in the high position of General Commanding-in-Chief has ceased in consequence of the state of his health, which leaves him no other course to pursue than that of placing in your Majesty's hands the resignation of his office, the duties of which his sudden and severe illness has rendered him incapable of performing.
Lord Hardinge cannot take this step without thanking your Majesty for the great consideration and support which he has at all times received at a period of no ordinary difficulty, and which have impressed him with such sentiments of gratitude as can only cease with his life.
All of which is most humbly submitted to your Majesty by your Majesty's dutiful and devoted Servant,
HARDINGE.
[Footnote 34: A great review of the troops lately returned from the Crimea was held in most unfavourable weather at Aldershot, on the 8th of July, King Leopold among others being present; Lord Hardinge, who had brought with him the Report of the Military Commission which had been sitting at Chelsea, was struck by paralysis during an Audience with the Queen; the next day Lord Panmure wrote: "His leg is entirely useless, and his right arm visibly affected. I spoke to him for a moment as he got into his carriage, and his head is quite clear, but his public career is closed; and knowing his high mind as I do, I would not be surprised to learn that he made a communication to that effect to the Queen very shortly."]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _10th July 1856_.
The Queen has received the enclosed letter from Lord Hardinge, conveying his resignation, for which she was prepared. She asks Lord Palmerston to enable her, by the assistance of his advice, soon to appoint a successor to the important office of Commander-in-Chief. She has again considered the question, and is confirmed in her opinion that the Duke of Cambridge stands almost without a competitor.
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Hardinge._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _11th July 1856_.
The Queen received yesterday evening Field-Marshal Lord Hardinge's letter resigning his office of Commander-in-Chief. She cannot sufficiently express how deeply grieved she is to feel that from Lord Hardinge's state of health she must accept his resignation. The loss of his services will be immense to the Queen, the country, and the Army--and she trusts that he is well assured of her high sense of the very valuable services he has long rendered. She hopes, however, that she may still reckon on his advice and assistance on matters of importance, though he will no longer command her noble Army.
She cannot conclude without expressing the Prince's and her fervent wishes that he may rapidly recover, and his valuable life be long preserved to all his friends, amongst whom we shall ever consider ourselves.
[Pageheading: THE COMMANDERSHIP-IN-CHIEF]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
DOWNING STREET, _12th July 1856_.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs to state that he has consulted with his colleagues as to the advice to be tendered to your Majesty in regard to the appointment of a successor to Lord Hardinge as General Commanding-in-Chief; and upon a full consideration of the subject, the Cabinet are of opinion that your Majesty's choice could not fall upon any General Officer better suited to that important position than His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge, and Lord Panmure will have the honour of taking your Majesty's pleasure upon the matter officially.
It seems quite clear that there is no General Officer senior to His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge to whom it would in all respects be desirable to intrust the duties of the command of the Army, and there is no General Officer below him in seniority who has claim sufficiently strong to justify his being preferred to His Royal Highness....
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _13th July 1856_.
The Queen wishes to ask, before she sanctions this draft, whether the Cabinet have fully considered the consequences of this declaration to the Persians, which may be war;[35] and if so, whether they are prepared to go to war with Persia, and have provided the means of carrying it on? The draft itself the Queen approves.
[Footnote 35: The Shah, availing himself of the departure of the British Minister from Teheran, laid siege to Herat, in direct violation of a treaty of 1853.]
[Pageheading: THE DUKE OF CAMBRIDGE]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
OSBORNE, _21st July 1856_.
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--... We had a delightful little _sejour_ at Aldershot--much favoured by fine weather. The first day, Wednesday, the wind was too high for _me_ to ride, but the second (Thursday) we had one of the prettiest and _most_ interesting field days I ever remember. I rode about everywhere and enjoyed it so much. On Thursday and Friday morning we visited the Camp. The new Troops from the Crimea which we saw were the 34th, 41st, and 49th, particularly fine Regiments; the 93rd Highlanders, the 2nd Rifle Battalion, and three Companies of splendid Sappers and Miners, all very fine; and the Scots Greys and Enniskillen Dragoons. The Prussians[36] were _emerveilles_ at the looks of our Troops on returning from the Crimea! We came here on the 18th, and have really _hot_ weather.
George has been appointed Commander-in-Chief. There was really _no one_ who could have been put over him; though in some respects it may be a weakness for the Crown, it is a great strength for the Army....
I fear I must end here for to-day. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 36: The Prince and Princess of Prussia were on a visit to the Queen and Prince.]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
PICCADILLY, _24th July 1856_.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and will give directions for the Council at Osborne at one o'clock on Monday, according to your Majesty's desire; and he would beg to submit for your Majesty's gracious consideration that the General Commanding-in-Chief has usually been a Privy Councillor, and that His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge might, if your Majesty thought fit, be sworn in on Monday.
Viscount Palmerston will communicate with Dr. Goodford, but he finds that he was misled by the Headmaster and one of the Governors of Harrow at the Speech Day; he understood from them that an additional week's holiday would at his request be given to the boys at this vacation in commemoration of the Peace. He has now received a letter from the Governors to say that the school had an additional week on the occasion of the Peace at Easter, and that an additional week will be given, not now, but at Christmas, in commemoration of the laying the first stone of the new Chapel. If, therefore, the Eton boys had an additional week at Easter in honour of the Peace, as the Harrow boys had, there will be no reason for any addition to the Eton holidays now....
[Pageheading: SOUTH AFRICA]
_Mr Labouchere to Queen Victoria._
_26th July 1856._
With Mr Labouchere's humble duty to Her Majesty. Mr Labouchere begs to submit the following observations in reply to Her Majesty's enquiries respecting the Free States in the vicinity of the British Colonies in South Africa.
There are two independent States there:--
(1.) The Transvaal Republic, founded by Boers who left the Colony for the most part from ten to fifteen years ago. The territory on which they are established never was British. The Government of the day, thinking it useless and impolitic to pursue them there, entered into a capitulation with them and recognised their independent existence. They inhabit the plains north of the Vaal or Yellow River.
(2.) The Orange River Free State. This occupies the territory between the Vaal River to the north and the Orange River to the south. This territory, like the former, was occupied originally by emigrant Boers, and was beyond the boundaries of the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope. But Sir Harry Smith, in 1849, after a severe military struggle with the Boers, thought proper without authority from home to annex it to British Dominion.[37] This annexation was ratified by Lord Grey, and the country remained for three or four years under British rule. Afterwards it was resolved to abandon it, during the administration of the Duke of Newcastle, as a result of the general revision of our affairs which took place at the conclusion of the Kaffir War. The Orange River Territory was recognised as a separate Republic in 1854.
It is certainly true that the existence of these Free States may complicate our relations with the Kaffirs, and possibly be a source of danger to the security of British dominion in South Africa. But the latter danger seems very remote. They possess _no_ portion of the sea coast, and are altogether a pastoral people, and are engaged in a constant struggle with the barbarous tribes in their neighbourhood.
To retain and protect these territories would have involved an immense expenditure, and been attended with great difficulties. Besides, the same question would have speedily recurred, as these emigrant Boers would have soon gone further into the interior, and again have asserted their independence. Our present relations with both these States are very amicable. When Governor Sir George Grey went to the Cape all these questions had been finally disposed of.[38]
There seems to be good reason to hope that the apprehensions of a Kaffir War will not be realised. The Colony is very prosperous, and is beginning to export wool in large quantities. The new legislature appears to be disposed to act harmoniously with the Governor, and to be actuated by a spirit of loyalty and attachment to this country. What they most want is a supply of European settlers, which it is to be hoped that the soldiers of the German and Swiss Legions will give them.
[Footnote 37: See _ante_, vol. ii., Introductory Note to