CHAPTER XXVII
1858
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _12th January 1858_.
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Accept my warmest thanks for your kind and affectionate letter of the 8th. I hope and trust to hear that your cold has left you, and that on Monday I shall have the immense happiness of embracing you.
It is a time of immense bustle and agitation; I _feel_ it is terrible to give up one's poor child, and _feel_ very nervous for the coming time, and for the departure. But I am glad to see Vicky is quite well again and _unberufen_ has got over her cold and is very well. But she has had ever since January '57 a succession of emotions and leave-takings--most trying to any one, but particularly to so young a girl with such _very_ powerful feelings. She is so much improved in self-control and is so clever (I may say wonderfully so), and so sensible that we can talk to her of anything--and therefore shall miss her sadly. But we try _not_ to dwell on or to think of _that_, as I am sure it is much better _not_ to do so and not get ourselves _emus_ beforehand, or she will break down as well as we, and that never would do.
To-day arrive (on a visit _here_) _her_ Court--which is a very good thing, so that she will get acquainted with them....
The affection for her, and the loyalty shown by the country at large on this occasion is _most_ truly gratifying--and for so young a child really _very, very_ pleasing to our feelings. The Nation look upon her, as Cobden said, as "_England's_ daughter," and as if they married a child of their own, which is _very_ satisfactory, and shows, in spite of a few newspaper follies and absurdities, how really _sound_ and _monarchical_ everything is in this country. Now, with Albert's love, ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: MARRIAGE OF THE PRINCESS ROYAL]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _9th February 1858_.
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Accept my warmest thanks for your very kind and affectionate letter of the 4th, with such kind accounts of our dear child, who was so thankful for your kindness and affection, and of whose immense and universal success and admirable behaviour--natural yet dignified--we have the most charming accounts. I send you a letter from Augusta[1] (Mecklenburg), which will give you an idea of the impression produced, begging you to let me have it back soon. She is quite well and _not_ tired. But the separation was _awful_, and the poor child was _quite_ broken-hearted, particularly at parting from her dearest beloved papa, whom she _idolises_. _How_ we miss her, I can't say, and never having been separated from her since thirteen years above a fortnight, I am in a constant fidget and impatience to know everything about _every_thing. It is a _great, great_ trial for a _Mother_ who has watched over her child with such anxiety day after day, to see her far away--dependent on herself! But I have great confidence in her good sense, clever head, kind and good heart, in Fritz's excellent character and devotion to her, and in faithful E. Stockmar, who possesses her _entire_ confidence.
The blank she has left behind is _very great_ indeed....
To-morrow is the eighteenth anniversary of my blessed marriage, which has brought such universal blessings on this country and Europe! For _what_ has not my beloved and perfect Albert done? Raised monarchy to the _highest_ pinnacle of _respect_, and rendered it _popular_ beyond what it _ever_ was in this country!
The Bill proposed by the Government to improve the law respecting conspiracy and assassination will pass, and Lord Derby has been most useful about it.[2] But people are very indignant here at the conduct of the French officers, and at the offensive insinuations against this country.[3]....
Hoping to hear that you are quite well, and begging to thank Leopold very much for his very kind letter, believe me, your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 1: Elder daughter of Adolphus, Duke of Cambridge, and now Grand Duchess-Dowager of Mecklenburg-Strelitz.]
[Footnote 2: Lord Derby and his party, however, changed their attitude in the next few days, and succeeded in putting the Government in a minority.]
[Footnote 3: On the 14th of January, the assassination of the French Emperor, which had been planned in England by Felice Orsini and other refugees, was attempted. On the arrival of the Imperial carriage at the Opera House in the Rue Lepelletier, explosive hand-grenades were thrown at it, and though the Emperor and Empress were unhurt, ten people were either killed outright or died of their wounds, and over one hundred and fifty were injured. Notwithstanding the scene of carnage, their Majesties maintained their composure and sat through the performance of the Opera. In the addresses of congratulation to the Emperor on his escape (published, some of them inadvertently, in the official _Moniteur_), officers commanding French regiments used language of the most insulting character to England, and Count Walewski, the French Foreign Minister, in a despatch, recommended the British Government to take steps to prevent the right of asylum being abused.]
[Pageheading: DEFEAT OF THE GOVERNMENT]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
PICCADILLY, _19th February 1858_.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is sorry to have to inform your Majesty that the Government were beat this evening on Mr Milner Gibson's[4] Amendment by a majority of 19,[5] the numbers being for his Amendment, 234, and against it 215.
Mr Milner Gibson began the Debate by moving his Amendment in a speech of considerable ability, but abounding in misrepresentation, which nevertheless produced a marked effect upon the House. Mr Baines followed, but only argued the Bill without replying to Mr Gibson's speech. This was remarked upon by Mr Walpole, who followed him, and who said that though he approved of the Bill he could not vote for reading it a second time until Count Walewski's despatch had been answered. Mr MacMahon supported the Amendment, as did Mr Byng. Sir George Grey, who followed Mr Walpole, defended the Bill and the course pursued by the Government in not having answered Count Walewski's despatch until after the House of Commons should have affirmed the Bill by a Second Reading. Mr Spooner remained steady to his purpose, and would vote against the Amendment, though in doing so he should differ from his friends. Lord Harry Vane opposed the Amendment, as interfering with the passing of the Bill, and Mr Bentinck took the same line, and replied to some of the arguments of Mr Milner Gibson. Mr Henley said he should vote for the Amendment. The Lord Advocate made a good speech against it. Mr Gladstone spoke with his usual talent in favour of the Amendment, and was answered by the Attorney-General in a speech which would have convinced men who had not taken a previous determination. He was followed by Mr Disraeli, who seemed confident of success, and he was replied to by Viscount Palmerston, and the House then divided.
It seems that Lord Derby had caught at an opportunity of putting the Government in a minority. He saw that there were ninety-nine Members who were chiefly of the Liberal Party, who had voted against the Bill when it was first proposed, and who were determined to oppose it in all its stages. He calculated that if his own followers were to join those ninety-nine, the Government might be run hard, or perhaps be beaten, and he desired all his friends[6] to support Mr Milner Gibson; on the other hand, many of the supporters of the Government, relying upon the majority of 200, by which the leave to bring the Bill in had been carried, and upon the majority of 145 of last night, had gone out of town for a few days, not anticipating any danger to the Government from Mr Gibson's Motion, and thus an adverse division was obtained. Moreover, Count Walewski's despatch, the tone and tenor of which had been much misrepresented, had produced a very unfavourable effect on the mind of members in general, and there was a prevailing feeling very difficult to overcome, that the proposed Bill was somehow or other a concession to the demand of a Foreign Government. The Cabinet will have to consider at its meeting at three o'clock to-morrow what course the Government will have to pursue.
[Footnote 4: Mr Milner Gibson had found a seat at Ashton-under-Lyne.]
[Footnote 5: The Conspiracy Bill aimed at making conspiracy to murder a felony, instead of, as it had previously been, a misdemeanour, and leave had been given by a large majority to introduce it; but when Count Walewski's despatch to Count de Persigny came to be published, the feeling gained ground that the Government had shown undue subservience in meeting the representations of the French Ambassador. The despatch had not actually been answered, although verbal communications had taken place. The opposition to the Bill was concerted by Lord John Russell and Sir James Graham; see Parker's _Sir James Graham_, vol. ii. p. 236, and the observation of the Prince, _post_, 21st February, 1858. The purport of the Amendment was to postpone any reform in the criminal law till the French despatch had been replied to.]
[Footnote 6: See Ashley's _Life of Lord Palmerston_, vol. ii. p. 146.]
[Pageheading: RESIGNATION OF THE GOVERNMENT]
[Pageheading: LORD DERBY SUMMONED]
[Pageheading: OFFER TO LORD DERBY]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _21st February 1858_.
Lord Palmerston came at five o'clock from the Cabinet, and tendered his resignation in his own name, and that of his Colleagues. The Cabinet had well considered their position and found that, as the vote passed by the House, although the result of an accidental combination of parties, was virtually a vote of censure upon their conduct, they could not with honour or with any advantage to the public service carry on the Government.
The combination was the whole of the Conservative Party (Lord Derby's followers), Lord John Russell, the Peelites, with Mr Gladstone and the whole of the Radicals; but the Liberal Party generally is just now very angry with Lord Palmerston personally, chiefly on account of his apparent submission to French dictation, and the late appointment of Lord Clanricarde as Privy Seal, who is looked upon as a reprobate.[7] Lord Clanricarde's presence in the House of Commons during the Debate, and in a conspicuous place, enraged many supporters of Lord Palmerston to that degree that they voted at once with the Opposition.
[Footnote 7: Since his triumph at the polls in 1857, Lord Palmerston had been somewhat arbitrary in his demeanour, and had defied public opinion by taking Lord Clanricarde into the Government, after some unpleasant disclosures in the Irish Courts. While walking home on the 18th, after obtaining an immense majority on the India Bill, he was told by Sir Joseph Bethell that he ought, like the Roman Consuls in a triumph, to have some one to remind him that he was, as a minister, not immortal. Next day he was defeated.]
The Queen wrote to Lord Derby the letter here following;[8] he came a little after six o'clock. He stated that nobody was more surprised in his life than he had been at the result of the Debate, after the Government had only a few days before had a majority of more than 100 on the introduction of their Bill. He did not know how it came about, but thought it was the work of Lord John Russell and Sir James Graham in the interest of the Radicals; Mr Gladstone's junction must have been accidental. As to his own people, they had, owing to his own personal exertions, as the Queen was aware, though many very unwillingly, supported the Bill; but the amendment of Mr Milner Gibson was so skilfully worded, that it was difficult for them not to vote for it; he had to admit this when they came to him to ask what they should do, merely warning them to save the Measure itself, which the Amendment did. He then blamed the Government very much for leaving Count Walewski's despatch unanswered before coming before Parliament, which he could hardly understand.
[Footnote 8: Summoning him to advise her.]
On the Queen telling him that the Government had resigned, and that she commissioned him to form a new Administration, he begged that this offer might not be made to him without further consideration, and would state clearly his own position. After what had happened in 1851 and 1855, if the Queen made the offer he _must_ accept it, for if he refused, the Conservative Party would be broken up for ever. Yet he would find a majority of two to one against him in the House of Commons, would have difficulty in well filling the important offices, found the external and internal relations of the country in a most delicate and complicated position, war in India and in China, difficulties with France, the Indian Bill introduced and a Reform Bill promised; nothing but the forbearance and support of some of his opponents would make it possible for him to carry on any Government. The person who was asked first by the Sovereign had always a great disadvantage; perhaps other combinations were possible, which, if found not to answer, would make him more readily accepted by the country. The position of Lord Palmerston was a most curious one, the House of Commons had been returned chiefly for the purpose of supporting him _personally_, and he had obtained a working majority of 100 (unheard of since the Reform Bill), yet his supporters had no principles in common and they generally suspected him; the question of the Reform Bill had made him and Lord John run a race for popularity which might lead to disastrous consequences. Lord Derby did not at all know what support he would be able to obtain in Parliament.
The Queen agreed to deferring her offer, and to take further time for consideration on the understanding that if she made it it would at once be accepted. Lord Derby expressed, however, his fear that the resignation of the Palmerston Cabinet might only be for the purpose of going through a crisis in order to come back again with new strength, for there existed different kinds of resignations, some for this purpose, others really for abandoning office.
A conversation which I had with Lord Clarendon after dinner, convinced me that the Cabinet had sent in their resignations from the real conviction of the impossibility to go on with honour and success; all offers of the friends of the Government to pass a vote of confidence, etc., etc., had been rejected. Lord Derby was the only man who could form a Government; Mr Gladstone would probably join him. The whole move had been planned, and most dexterously, by Sir James Graham.
ALBERT.
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _21st February 1858_.
The Queen has reconsidered the question of the formation of a new Government as she had settled with Lord Derby yesterday, and now writes to him to tell him that further reflection has only confirmed her in her former resolution to offer the task to Lord Derby. The resignation of the present Government is the result of a conscientious conviction on their part, that, damaged by the censure passed upon them in the House of Commons, they cannot with honour to themselves, or usefulness to the country, carry on public affairs, and Lord Derby is at the head of the only Party which affords the materials of forming a new Government, is sufficiently organised to secure a certain support, and which the country would accept as an alternative for that hitherto in power. Before actually offering any specific office to anybody, Lord Derby would perhaps have another interview with the Queen; but it would be right that he should have satisfied himself a little as to his chances of strengthening his hands before she sees him. With regard to the position of the India Bill, the Queen must also have a further conversation with him.
[Pageheading: LORD DERBY'S VIEW]
_The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria._
ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _21st February 1858_.
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, begs your Majesty to accept his grateful acknowledgment of the signal mark of your Majesty's favour, with which he has this morning been honoured. Encouraged by your Majesty's gracious confidence, he does not hesitate to submit himself to your Majesty's pleasure, and will address himself at once to the difficult task which your Majesty has been pleased to entrust to him. He fears that he can hardly hope, in the formation of a Government, for much extrinsic aid; as almost all the men of eminence in either House of Parliament are more or less associated with other parties, whose co-operation it would be impossible to obtain. Lord Derby will not, however, hesitate to make the attempt in any quarters, in which he may think he has any chance of success. With regard to the filling up of particular offices, Lord Derby would humbly beg your Majesty to bear in mind that, although among his own personal friends there will be every desire to make individual convenience subservient to the public interest, yet among those who are not now politically connected with him, there may be some, whose co-operation or refusal might be greatly influenced by the office which it was proposed that they should hold; and, in such cases, Lord Derby must venture to bespeak your Majesty's indulgence should he make a definite offer, subject, of course, to your Majesty's ultimate approval.
As soon as Lord Derby has made any progress in his proposed arrangements, he will avail himself of your Majesty's gracious permission to solicit another Audience.
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _21st February 1858_.
The Queen has just received Lord Derby's letter, and would wish under all circumstances to see him at six this evening, in order to hear what progress he has made in his plans. The two offices the Queen is most anxious should not be prejudged in any way, before the Queen has seen Lord Derby again, are the Foreign and the War Departments.
[Pageheading: MR GLADSTONE AND LORD GREY]
_The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria._
ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _21st February 1858_.
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, submits to your Majesty the two letters which he has this evening received from Lord Grey and Mr Gladstone.[9] The reasons contained in the latter do not appear to Lord Derby to be very conclusive; but he fears the result must be that he cannot look, in the attempt to form a Cabinet, to much extraneous assistance. With deep regret Lord Derby is compelled to add that he finds he cannot rely with certainty on the support of his son as a member of his proposed Cabinet.[10] Still, having undertaken the task he has in obedience to your Majesty's commands, Lord Derby will not relax in his efforts to frame such a Government as may be honoured with your Majesty's gracious approval, and prove itself equal to the emergency which calls it together.
While in the very act of putting up this letter, Lord Derby has received one, which he also presumes to enclose to your Majesty, from Lord St Leonards, alleging his advanced age as a reason for not accepting the Great Seal which he formerly held. This reply has been wholly unexpected; and it is yet possible that Lord St Leonards may be induced, at least temporarily, to withdraw his resignation. Should it, however, prove otherwise, and Lord Derby should succeed in making his other arrangements, he would humbly ask your Majesty's permission to endeavour to persuade Mr Pemberton Leigh to accept that high office, of course accompanied by the honour of the Peerage, which he is aware has been already on more than one occasion offered to him. Lord Derby begs to add that he has not had the slightest communication with Mr Pemberton Leigh on the subject, nor has the least idea as to his feelings upon it.
[Footnote 9: Lord Grey wrote--"I am much obliged to you for the manner in which you have asked my assistance in performing the task confided to you by Her Majesty.
"I am not insensible to the danger of the present crisis, or to the duty it imposes on public men, of giving any aid in their power towards forming an Administration which may command respect. I am also aware that the settlement of the important political questions, on which we have differed, has removed many of the obstacles which would formerly have rendered my acting with you impracticable. Upon the other hand, upon carefully considering the present state of affairs and the materials at your disposal (especially in the House of Commons) for forming an Administration, and that all the political friends with whom I have been connected, would probably be opposed to it, I do not think it would be either useful to you or honourable to myself that I should singly join your Government."
Mr Gladstone wrote--"I am very sensible of the importance of the vote taken on Friday, and I should deeply lament to see the House of Commons trampled on in consequence of that vote. The honour of the House is materially involved in giving it full effect. It would therefore be my first wish to aid, if possible, in such a task; and remembering the years when we were colleagues, I may be permitted to say that there is nothing in the fact of your being the Head of a Ministry, which would avail to deter me from forming part of it.
"Among the first questions I have had to put to myself in consequence of the offer, which you have conveyed to me in such friendly and flattering terms, has been the question, whether it would be in my power by accepting it, either alone, or in concert with others, to render you material service.
"After the long years, during which we have been separated, there would be various matters of public interest requiring to be noticed between us; but the question I have mentioned is a needful preliminary.
"Upon the best consideration which the moment allows, I think it plain that alone, as I must be, I could not render you service worth your having.
"The dissolution of last year excluded from Parliament men with whom I had sympathies, and it in some degree affected the position of those political friends with whom I have now for many years been united, through evil and (much more rarely) good report.
"Those who lament the rupture of old traditions may well desire the reconstruction of a Party; but the reconstitution of a Party can only be effected, if at all, by the return of the old influences to their places, and not by the junction of one isolated person.
"The difficulty is now enhanced in my case by the fact that in your party, reduced as it is at the present moment in numbers, there is a small but active and not unimportant section, who avowedly regard me as the representative of the most dangerous ideas. I should thus, unfortunately, be to you a source of weakness in the heart of your own adherents, while I should bring you no Party or group of friends to make up for their defection or discontent.
"For the reasons which I have thus stated or glanced at, my reply to your letter must be in the negative.
"I must, however, add that a Government formed by you at this time will in my opinion have strong claims upon me, and upon any one situated as I am, for favourable presumptions, and in the absence of conscientious difference on important questions, for support.
"I have had an opportunity of seeing Lord Aberdeen and Sidney Herbert, and they fully concur in the sentiment I have just expressed."]
[Footnote 10: See _ante_, 31st October, 1855, note 87.]
[Pageheading: THE CHANCELLORSHIP]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _22nd February 1858_.
The Queen acknowledges Lord Derby's letter of yesterday, and returns him these three letters. She much regrets that he cannot reckon on the support and assistance in the Government, which he is about to form, of such able men. The Queen authorises Lord Derby to offer the office of Lord Chancellor with a Peerage to Mr Pemberton Leigh; but she fears from what passed on previous occasions that he is not likely to accept it.[11]
[Footnote 11: He declined the office, and the Great Seal was offered to and accepted by Sir Frederick Thesiger, who was created Lord Chelmsford.]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _22nd February 1858_.
The Queen has had a long conversation with the Duke of Newcastle, which however ended, as Lord Derby will have expected from what the Duke must have told him, in his declaring his conviction that he could be of no use to the new Government by joining it, or in persuading his friends to change their minds as to joining. The Duke was evidently much pleased by the offer, but from all he said of his position, the Queen could gather that it was in vain to press him further.
[Pageheading: THE NEW CABINET]
_The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria._
ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _25th February 1858_.
Lord Derby presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and fears that after your Majesty's most gracious acceptance of the propositions which he has made, he may appear to your Majesty very vacillating, in having at the last moment to submit to your Majesty another change.... But he finds that Lord John Manners, though he consented to take the Colonial Department, would infinitely prefer resuming his seat at the Board of Works; and on the urgent representation of his Colleagues that the Government would be strengthened by such a step, Lord Stanley has consented to accept office; and the arrangement which he would now venture humbly to submit to your Majesty would be the appointment of Lord Stanley to the Colonial Secretaryship, and Lord John Manners to the Board of Works....
The Ministry as it The Ministry as formed stood on the 1st of by the Earl of Derby January 1858. in February 1858.
VISCOUNT PALMERSTON _First Lord of the_ EARL OF DERBY. _Treasury_
MARQUIS OF LANSDOWNE (_Without Office_).
LORD CRANWORTH _Lord Chancellor_ LORD CHELMSFORD.
EARL GRANVILLE _President of the_ MARQUIS OF SALISBURY. _Council_
MARQUIS OF CLANRICARDE _Lord Privy Seal_ EARL OF HARDWICKE.
Sir GEORGE GREY _Home Secretary_ Mr WALPOLE.
EARL OF CLARENDON _Foreign Secretary_ EARL OF MALMESBURY.
MR LABOUCHERE _Colonial Secretary_ LORD STANLEY (afterwards LORD (afterwards EARL TAUNTON) OF DERBY).
LORD PANMURE _War Secretary_ GENERAL PEEL. (afterwards EARL OF DALHOUSIE)
Sir G. C. LEWIS _Chancellor of the_ Mr DISRAELI _Exchequer_ (afterwards EARL OF BEACONSFIELD)
Sir CHARLES WOOD _First Lord of the_ Sir JOHN PAKINGTON (afterwards VISCOUNT _Admiralty_ (afterwards LORD HALIFAX) HAMPTON).
Mr VERNON SMITH _President of the_ EARL OF ELLENBOROUGH. (afterwards LORD _Board of Control_ LYVEDEN)
LORD STANLEY OF _President of the_ Mr HENLEY. ALDERLEY _Board of Trade_
Mr M. T. BAINES _Chancellor of the_ (_Not in the Cabinet._) _Duchy of Lancaster_
DUKE OF ARGYLL _Postmaster-General_ (_Not in the Cabinet._)
(_Not in the Cabinet_) _First Commissioner_ LORD JOHN MANNERS _of Works and_ (afterwards _Public Buildings_ DUKE OF RUTLAND).
[Pageheading: THE ORSINI PLOT]
[Pageheading: THE EMPEROR AND THE CARBONARI]
_The Earl of Malmesbury to Queen Victoria._
WHITEHALL, _7th March 1858_.
The Earl of Malmesbury presents his humble duty to the Queen, and has the honour to thank your Majesty for the interesting letter[12] sent to him by your Majesty, and which he returns to your Majesty by this messenger. Lord Malmesbury hopes and believes that much of the excitement that prevailed on the _other_ side the water is subsiding. All his letters from _private_ sources, and the account of Colonel Claremont, agree on this point. In this country, if our differences with France are settled, it is probable that the popular jealousy of foreign interference will be killed; but at least for some time it will show foreign Courts how dangerous it is _even to criticise_ our _domestic_ Institutions. Lord Malmesbury has carefully abstained from giving Lord Cowley or M. de Persigny the slightest hope that we could alter the law, but has confined himself to saying that the law was itself as much on its trial as the prisoners Bernard and Truelove.[13] If, therefore, the law should prove to be a phantom of justice, or anomalous in its action, whatever measures your Majesty's Government may hereafter take to reform it, it will be received by France as an unexpected boon and a proof of good faith and amity.
In attending to the idea referred to by your Majesty that the Emperor took the oath of the Assassins' Society, Lord Malmesbury can almost assure your Majesty that such is not the case.[14] Lord Malmesbury first made His Majesty's acquaintance in Italy when they were both very young men (twenty years of age). They were _both_ under the influence of those romantic feelings which the former history and the present degradation of Italy may naturally inspire even at a more advanced time of life--and the Prince Louis Napoleon, to the knowledge of Lord Malmesbury, certainly engaged himself in the conspiracies of the time--but it was with the higher class of the Carbonari, men like General Sercognani and General Pepe. The Prince used to talk to Lord Malmesbury upon these men and their ideas and plans with all the openness that exists between two youths, and Lord Malmesbury has many times heard him condemn with disgust the societies of villains which hung on the flank of the conspirators, and which deterred many of the best families and ablest gentlemen in Romagna from joining them. Lord Malmesbury believes the report therefore to be a fable, and at some future period will, if it should interest your Majesty, relate to your Majesty some details respecting the Emperor's share in the conspiracies of 1828-1829....
[Footnote 12: This was a letter from the Prince de Chimay to the King of the Belgians in reference to the Orsini plot.]
[Footnote 13: Before Lord Palmerston's Government had retired, Simon Bernard, a resident of Bayswater, was committed for trial for complicity in the Orsini _attentat_. He was committed for conspiracy only, but, at the instance of the new Government, the charge was altered to one of feloniously slaying one of the persons killed by the explosion. As this constructive murder was actually committed on French soil, Bernard's trial had, under the existing law, to be held before a Special Commission, over which Lord Campbell presided. The evidence overwhelmingly established the prisoner's guilt, but, carried away by the eloquent, if irrelevant, speech of Mr Edwin James for the defence, the jury acquitted him. Truelove was charged with criminal libel, for openly approving, in a published pamphlet, Orsini's attempt, and regretting its failure. The Government threw up the prosecution, pusillanimously in the judgment of Lord Campbell, who records that he carefuly studied, with a view to his own hearing of the case, the proceedings against Lord George Gordon for libelling Marie Antoinette, against Vint for libelling the Emperor Paul, and against Peltier for libelling Napoleon I.]
[Footnote 14: The Queen had written:--"There are people who pretend that the Emperor, who was once a member of the Carbonari Club of Italy, and who is supposed to be condemned to death by the rules of that Secret Society for having violated his oath to them, has offered them to pardon Orsini, if they would release him from his oath, but that the Society refused the offer. The fact that all the attempts have been made by Italians, Orsini's letter, and the almost mad state of fear in which the Emperor seems to be now, would give colour to that story." Orsini had written two letters to the Emperor, one read aloud at his trial by his counsel, Jules Favre, the other while lying under sentence of death. He entreated the Emperor to secure Italian independence.]
_Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria._
HOUSE OF COMMONS, _12th March 1858_. (_Friday._)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer with his humble duty to your Majesty.
The Opposition benches very full; the temper not kind.
The French announcement,[15] which was quite unexpected, elicited cheers, but only from the Ministerial side, which, he confesses, for a moment almost daunted him.
Then came a question about the _Cagliari_ affair,[16] on which the Government had agreed to take a temperate course, in deference to their predecessors--but it was not successful. The ill-humour of the House, diverted for a moment by the French news, vented itself on this head.
What struck the Chancellor of the Exchequer in the course of the evening most was the absence of all those symptoms of "fair trial," etc., which have abounded of late in journals and in Society.
Lord John said something; Mr Gladstone said something; but it was not encouraging.
Nevertheless, in 1852 "fair trial" observations abounded, and the result was not satisfactory; now it may be the reverse.
The House is wild and capricious at this moment.
Your Majesty once deigned to say that your Majesty wished in these remarks to have the temper of the House placed before your Majesty, and to find what your Majesty could not meet in newspapers. This is the Chancellor of the Exchequer's excuse for these rough notes, written on the field of battle, which he humbly offers to your Majesty.
[Footnote 15: Parliament reassembled on the 12th of March, and Mr Disraeli then stated that the "painful misconceptions" which had for some time existed between England and France had been "terminated in a spirit entirely friendly and honourable."]
[Footnote 16: Two English engineers, Watt and Park, had been on the Sardinian steamer _Cagliari_ when she was seized by the Neapolitan Government, and her crew, including the engineers, imprisoned at Naples. At the instance of the Conservative Government, who acted more vigorously than their predecessors had done, the engineers were released, and L3,000 paid to them as compensation.]
[Pageheading: THE NAVY]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._
OSBORNE, _15th March 1858_.
The Queen sends to Lord Derby a Memorandum on the state of preparation of our Navy in case of a war, the importance of attending to which she has again strongly felt when the late vote of the House of Commons endangered the continuance of the good understanding with France. The whole tone of the Debate on the first night of the reassembly of Parliament has shown again that there exists a great disposition to boast and provoke foreign Powers without any sincere desire to investigate our means of making good our words, and providing for those means which are missing.
The Queen wishes Lord Derby to read this Memorandum to the Cabinet, and to take the subject of which it treats into their anxious consideration.
The two appendices, stating facts, the one with regard to the manning of the Navy by volunteers with the aid of bounties, the other with regard to impressment, have become unfortunately more lengthy than the Queen had wished, but the facts appeared to her so important that she did not like to have any left out.
_Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria._
HOUSE OF COMMONS, _22nd March 1858_. (_Monday, half-past eight o'clock._)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer with his humble duty to your Majesty.
This evening was a great contrast to Friday. House very full on both sides....
Mr B. Osborne commenced the general attack, of which he had given notice; but, after five years' silence, his weapons were not as bright as of yore. He was answered by the Government, and the House, which was very full, became much excited. The Ministerial benches were in high spirit.
The Debate that ensued, most interesting and sustained.
Mr Horsman, with considerable effect, expressed the opinions of that portion of the Liberal Party, which does not wish to disturb the Government.
Lord John Russell vindicated the Reform Bill of 1832 from the attacks of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and with great dignity and earnestness.
He was followed by Mr Drummond on the same subject in a telling epigram. Then Lord Palmerston, in reply to the charges of Mr Horsman, mild and graceful, with a sarcastic touch. The general impression of the House was very favourable to the Ministry; all seemed changed; the Debate had cleared the political atmosphere, and, compared with our previous state, we felt as if the eclipse was over.
[Pageheading: RESIGNATION OF PERSIGNY]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _23rd March 1858_.
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--You will, I trust, forgive my letter being short, but we have only just returned from Aldershot, where we went this morning, and really have been quite baked by a sun which was hardly hotter in August, and without a breath of wind....
Good Marie[17] has not answered me, will you remind her? I _did_ tell her I hoped for her child's[18] sake she would give up the nursing, as we Princesses had other duties to perform. I hope she was not shocked, but I felt I only did what was right in telling her so.
I grieve to say we lose poor Persigny, which is a real loss--but he would resign. Walewski behaved ill to him. The Emperor has, however, named a successor which is _really_ a compliment to the Army and the Alliance--and besides a distinguished and independent man, viz. the Duc de Malakhoff.[19] This is very gratifying.
In all this business, Pelissier has, I hear, behaved extremely well. I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 17: Marie Henriette, Duchess of Brabant, afterwards Queen of the Belgians; died 1902.]
[Footnote 18: Princess Louise of Belgium was born on the 4th of February.]
[Footnote 19: Formerly General Pelissier; see _ante_, 14th September, 1855, note 80.]
[Pageheading: THE HOUSE OF COMMONS]
_Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria._
HOUSE OF COMMONS, _23rd March 1858_. (_Tuesday._)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer with his humble duty to your Majesty.
The discussion on the Passport Question, this evening, was not without animation; the new Under-Secretary, Mr Fitzgerald,[20] makes way with the House. He is very acute and quick in his points, but does not speak loud enough. His tone is conversational, which is the best for the House of Commons, and the most difficult; but then the conversation should be heard. The general effect of the discussion was favourable to the French Government.
In a thin House afterwards, the Wife's Sister Bill was brought in after a division. Your Majesty's Government had decided among themselves to permit the introduction, but a too zealous member of the Opposition forced an inopportune division.
[Footnote 20: William Robert Seymour Vesey Fitzgerald, M.P. for Horsham 1852-1865. He was Governor of Bombay 1867-1872.]
_Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria._
HOUSE OF COMMONS, _25th March 1858_. (_Thursday._)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer with his humble duty to your Majesty.
The Lease of the Lord-Lieutenancy was certainly renewed to-night--and for some years. The majority was very great against change at present, and the future, which would justify it, it was agreed, should be the very decided opinion of the Irish members. It was left in short to Ireland.
The Debate was not very animated, but had two features--a most admirable speech by Lord Naas,[21] quite the model of an official statement, clear, calm, courteous, persuasive, and full of knowledge; it received the praises of both sides.
The other incident noticeable was Mr Roebuck's reply, which was one of the most apt, terse, and telling I well remember, and not bitter.
[Footnote 21: Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant, afterwards (as Earl of Mayo) Viceroy of India, assassinated in the Andaman Islands, 1872.]
[Pageheading: CAPTURE OF LUCKNOW]
_Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria._
HOUSE OF COMMONS, _13th April._ (_Tuesday night._)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer with his humble duty to your Majesty.
The night tranquil and interesting--Lord Bury, with much intelligence, introduced the subject of the Straits Settlements;[22] the speech of Sir J. Elphinstone,[23] master of the subject, and full of striking details, produced a great effect. His vindication of the convict population of Singapore, as the moral element of that strange society, might have been considered as the richest humour, had it not been for its unmistakable simplicity.
His inquiry of the Governor's lady, who never hired any servant but a convict, whether she employed in her nursery "Thieves or Murderers?"--and the answer, "Always murderers," was very effective....
The Secretary of State having sent down to the Chancellor of the Exchequer the telegram of the fall of Lucknow,[24] the Chancellor of the Exchequer read it to the House, having previously in private shown it to Lord Palmerston and others of the late Government.
After this a spirited Debate on the conduct of Members of Parliament corruptly exercising their influence, in which the view recommended by the Government, through Mr Secretary Walpole, was adopted by the House.
[Footnote 22: These detached provinces were at this time under the control of the Governor-General of India; but in 1867 they were formed into a Crown Colony.]
[Footnote 23: Sir J. D. H. Elphinstone, Conservative member for Portsmouth, afterwards a Lord of the Treasury.]
[Footnote 24: Sir Colin Campbell had at length obtained entire possession of the city, which had been in the hands of the rebels for nine months.]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _2nd April 1858_.
MY DEAR UNCLE,--I am sure you will kindly be interested in knowing that the Examination and Confirmation of Bertie have gone off extremely well.[25] Everything was conducted as at Vicky's, and I thought _much_ of you, and wished we could have had the happiness of having you there. I enclose a Programme. The examination before the Archbishop and ourselves by the Dean on Wednesday was long and difficult, but Bertie answered extremely well, and his whole manner and _Gemuethsstimmung_ yesterday, and again to-day, at the Sacrament to which we took him, was gentle, good, and proper.... Now, good-bye, dear Uncle. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 25: See the Prince Consort's letter to Stockmar, _Life of the Prince Consort_, vol. iv. p. 205.]
[Pageheading: NAVAL PREPARATIONS]
_Queen Victoria to Sir John Pakington._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _12th April 1858_.
The Queen has received Sir John Pakington's letter of the 10th, and thanks him for the transmission of the printed copy of his confidential Memorandum.
The object of the paper which the Queen sent from Osborne to Lord Derby was to lead by a thorough investigation to an exact knowledge of the state of our Naval preparations in the event of a war, with the view to the discovery and suggestion of such remedies as our deficiencies imperatively demand. This investigation and thorough consideration the Queen expects from her Board of Admiralty, chosen with great care, and composed of the most competent Naval Authorities. She does not wish for the opinion of this or that person, given without any responsibility attaching to it, nor for mere returns prepared in the Office for the First Lord, but for the collective opinion of Sir John Pakington and his Board with the responsibility attaching to such an opinion given to the Sovereign upon a subject upon which the safety of the Empire depends. The Queen has full confidence in the honour of the gentlemen composing the Board, that they will respect the _confidential_ character of the Queen's communication, and pay due regard to the importance of the subject referred to them.
[Pageheading: PROCEDURE BY RESOLUTION]
_Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria._
HOUSE OF COMMONS, _12th April 1858_. (_Monday night._)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer with his humble duty to your Majesty.
House reassembled--full. Chancellor of Exchequer much embarrassed with impending statement, on the part of your Majesty's servants, that they intended to propose Resolutions on the Government of India, instead of at once proceeding with their Bill.[26]
Received, five minutes before he took his seat, confidential information, that Lord John Russell, wishing to defeat the prospects of Lord Palmerston, and himself to occupy a great mediatory position, intended, himself, to propose the mezzotermine of resolutions!
Chancellor of Exchequer felt it was impossible, after having himself introduced a Bill, to interfere with the Resolutions of an independent member, and one so weighty and distinguished: therefore, confined his announcement to the Budget on Monday week, and consequent postponement of India Bill.
Soon after, Lord John rose, and opened the case, in a spirit most calm and conciliatory to the House, and to your Majesty's Government.
The Chancellor of Exchequer responded, but with delicacy, not wishing rudely to deprive Lord John of his position in the matter; deeming it arrogant--but the real opposition, extremely annoyed at all that was occurring, wishing, at the same time, to deprive Lord John of the mediatory position, and to embarrass your Majesty's Government with the task and responsibility of preparing and introducing the resolutions, _insisted_ upon Government undertaking the task. As the Chancellor of Exchequer read the sketch of the Resolutions in his box, this was amusing; he undertook the responsibility, thus urged, and almost menaced; Lord John, though greatly mortified at not bringing in the Resolutions himself, for it is since known they were prepared, entirely and justly acquits Chancellor of Exchequer of any arrogance and intrusion, and the affair concludes in a manner dignified and more than promising. It is now generally supposed that after the various Resolutions have been discussed, and passed, the Bill of your Majesty's servants, modified and reconstructed, will pass into a law.
The Chancellor of Exchequer will have a copy of the Resolutions, though at present in a crude form, made and forwarded to your Majesty, that they may be considered by your Majesty and His Royal Highness. Chancellor of Exchequer will mention this to Lord Derby, through whom they ought to reach your Majesty.
After this unexpected and interesting scene, because it showed, in its progress, a marked discordance between Lord John and Lord Palmerston, not concealed by the latter chief, and strongly evinced by some of his principal followers, for example, Sir C. Wood, Mr Hall, Mr Bouverie, the House went into Committee on the Navy Estimates which Sir J. Pakington introduced in a speech, lucid, spirited, and comprehensive. The feeling of the House as to the maintenance of the Navy was good.
[Footnote 26: Lord Palmerston had obtained leave, by a large majority, to introduce an India Bill, vesting the Government of India in a Council nominated by the Crown. On his accession to office, Mr Disraeli proposed that the Council should be half nominative and half elective, and in particular that London, Manchester, Liverpool, Glasgow, and Belfast should each be entitled to elect one member. These proposals were widely condemned, and especially by Mr Bright.]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _1st May 1858_.
The Queen has received a draft to Lord Cowley on the Danish Question,[27] which she cannot sanction as submitted to her. The question is a most important one, and a false step on our part may produce a war between France and Germany. The Queen would wish Lord Malmesbury to call here in the course of to-morrow, when the Prince could discuss the matter with him more fully.
[Footnote 27: The dispute as to the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein. The German Diet had refused to ratify the Danish proposal that Commissioners should be appointed by Germany and Denmark to negotiate an arrangement of their differences. Lord Malmesbury had written that the Governments (including England) which had hitherto abstained from interference, should now take measures to guard against any interference with the integrity of the Danish Monarchy. The Queen and Prince considered that the attitude of the British Government was unnecessarily pro-Danish.]
[Pageheading: THE OUDH PROCLAMATION]
_Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria._
HOUSE OF COMMONS, _7th May 1858_.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer with his humble duty to your Majesty.
At half-past four o'clock, before the Chancellor of the Exchequer could reach the House, the Secretary of the Board of Control had already presented the Proclamation of Lord Canning, and the despatch thereon of Lord Ellenborough, without the omission of the Oudh passages.[28]
The Chancellor of the Exchequer has employed every means to recall the papers, and make the necessary omissions, and more than once thought he had succeeded, but unhappily the despatch had been read by Mr Bright, and a considerable number of members, and, had papers once in the possession of the House by the presentation of a Minister been surreptitiously recalled and garbled, the matter would have been brought before the House, and the production of the complete documents would have been ordered.
In this difficult and distressing position the Chancellor of the Exchequer, after consultation with his colleagues in the House of Commons, thought it best, and, indeed, inevitable, to submit to circumstances, the occurrence of which he deeply regrets, and humbly places before your Majesty.
[Footnote 28: See _ante_, Introductory Note to