Chapter XVIII

., where the Venetian relates that exploit (see Yule, _Marco Polo_, I., p. 98, with note, p. 104), the name of Pashai is linked with _Dīr_, the territory on the Upper Panjkōra river, which an invader, wishing to make his way from Badakhshān into Kashmīr by the most direct route, would necessarily have to pass through.

“The name _Pashai_ is still borne to this day by a Muhamadanized tribe closely akin to the Siāh-pōsh, settled in the Panjshīr Valley and in the hills on the west and south of Kāfiristān. It has been very fully discussed by Sir Henry Yule (_Ibid._, I., p. 165), who shows ample grounds for the belief that this tribal name must have once been more widely spread over the southern slopes of the Hindu kúsh as far as they are comprised in the limits of Kāfiristān. If the great commentator nevertheless records his inability to account for Marco Polo’s application of ‘the name Pashai to the country south-east of Badakhshan,’ the reason of the difficulty seems to me to lie solely in Sir Henry Yule’s assumption that the route heard of by the traveller, led ‘by the Doráh or the Nuksán Pass, over the watershed of Hindu kúsh into Chitrál and so to Dir.’

“Though such a route _viâ_ Chitrāl would, no doubt, have been available in Marco Polo’s time as much as now, there is no indication whatever forcing us to believe that it was the one really meant by his informants. When Nigūdar ‘with a great body of horsemen, cruel unscrupulous fellows’ went off from Badakhshān towards Kashmīr, he may very well have made his way over the Hindu kúsh by the more direct line that passes to Dīr through the eastern part of Kāfiristān. In fact, the description of the Pashai people and their country, as given by Marco Polo, distinctly points to such a route; for we have in it an unmistakable reflex of characteristic features with which the idolatrous Siāh-pōsh Kāfirs have always been credited by their Muhammadan neighbours.

“It is much to be regretted that the Oriental records of the period, as far as they were accessible to Sir Henry Yule, seemed to have retained only faint traces of the Mongol adventurer’s remarkable inroad. From the point of view of Indian history it was, no doubt, a mere passing episode. But some details regarding it would possess special interest as illustrating an instance of successful invasion by a route that so far has not received its due share of attention.” [See _supra_, pp. 4, 22–24.]

XXX., p. 164.

“The Chinese Toba Dynasty History mentions, in company with Samarcand, _K’a-shī-mih_ (Cashmeer), and Kapisa, a State called _Pan-shê_, as sending tribute to North China along with the Persian group of States. This name _Pan-shê_ 半社 does not, to the best of my belief, occur a second time in any Chinese record.” (PARKER, _Asiatic Quart. Rev._, Jan., 1904, p. 135.)

XXX., p. 164. “Now let us proceed and speak of another country which is seven day’s journey from this one [Pashai] towards the south-east, and the name of which is KESHIMUR.”

This short estimate has perplexed Sir Henry Yule, _l.c._, p. 166. Sir Aurel Stein remarks in a note, _Serindia_, I., p. 12: “The route above indicated [Nigudar’s route] permits an explanation. Starting from some point like Arnawal on the Kūnār River which certainly would be well within ‘Pashai,’ lightly equipped horsemen could by that route easily reach the border of Agrōr on the Indus within seven days. Speaking from personal knowledge of almost the whole of the ground I should be prepared to do the ride myself by the following stages: Dīr, Warai, Sado, Chakdara, Kin kargalai, Bājkatta, Kai or Darband on the Indus. It must be borne in mind that, as Yule rightly recognized, Marco Polo is merely reproducing information derived from a Mongol source and based on Nigudar’s raid; and further that Hazāra and the valley of the Jhelam were probably then still dependent on the Kashmīr kingdom, as they were certainly in Kalhana’s time, only a century earlier. As to the rate at which Mongols were accustomed to travel on ‘Dak,’ cf. Yule, _Marco Polo_, I., pp. 434 _seq._”

XXXII., pp. 170, 171. “The people [of Badashan] are Mahommetans, and valiant in war.... They [the people of Vokhan] are gallant soldiers.”

In Afghan Wakhan, Sir Aurel Stein writes:

“On we cantered at the head of quite a respectable cavalcade to where, on the sandy plain opposite to the main hamlet of Sarhad, two companies of foot with a squad of cavalry, close on two hundred men in all, were drawn up as a guard of honour. Hardy and well set up most of them looked, giving the impression of thoroughly serviceable human material, in spite of a manifestly defective drill and the motley appearance of dress and equipment. They belonged, so the Colonel explained to me afterwards, to a sort of militia drafted from the local population of the Badakhshan valleys and Wakhan into the regiments permanently echeloned as frontier guards along the Russian border on the Oxus. Apart from the officers, the proportion of true Pathans among them was slight. Yet I could well believe from all I saw and heard, that, properly led and provided for, these sturdy Iranian hillmen might give a good account of themselves. Did not Marco Polo speak of the people of ‘Badashan’ as ‘valiant in war’ and of the men of ‘Vokhan’ as gallant soldiers?” (_Ruins of Desert Cathay_, I., p. 66.)

XXXII., pp. 170 _seq._

In Chap. III., pp. 64–66, of his _Serindia_, Sir Aurel Stein has the following on Marco Polo’s account of Wakhan:—

“After Wu-k’ung’s narrative of his journey the Chinese sources of information about the Pāmīrs and the adjoining regions run dry for nearly a thousand years. But that the routes leading across them from Wakhān retained their importance also in Muhammedan times is attested by the greatest of mediæval travellers, Marco Polo. I have already, in _Ancient Khotan_ [pp. 41 _seq._], discussed the portion of his itinerary which deals with the journey across the Pāmīrs to ‘the kingdom of Cascar’ or Kāshgar, and it only remains here to note briefly what he tells us of the route by which he approached them from Badakhshan: ‘In leaving Badashan you ride twelve days between east and north-east, ascending a river that runs through land belonging to a brother of the Prince of Badashan, and containing a good many towns and villages and scattered habitations. The people are Mahommetans, and valiant in war. At the end of those twelve days you come to a province of no great size, extending indeed no more than three days’ journey in any direction, and this is called VOKHAN. The people worship Mahommet, and they have a peculiar language. They are gallant soldiers, and they have a chief whom they call NONE, which is as much as to say _Count_, and they are liegemen to the Prince of Badashan.’ [Polo, I., pp. 170–171.]

“Sir Henry Yule was certainly right in assuming that ‘the river along which Marco travels from Badakhshan is no doubt the upper stream of the Oxus, locally known as the Panja.... It is true that the river is reached from Badakhshan Proper by ascending another river (the Vardoj) and crossing the Pass of Ishkáshm, but in the brief style of our narrative we must expect such condensation.’ [Polo, I., pp. 172–3.] Marco’s great commentator was guided by equally true judgment when he recognized in the indications of this passage the same system of government that prevailed in the Oxus valleys until modern times. Under it the most of the hill tracts dependent from Badakhshan, including Ishkāshim and Wakhān, were ruled not direct by the Mir, but by relations of his or hereditary chiefs who held their districts on a feudal tenure. The twelve days’ journey which Marco records between Badashan and ‘Vokhan’ are, I think, easily accounted for if it is assumed that the distance from capital to capital is meant; for twelve marches are still allowed for as the distance from Bahārak, the old Badakhshan capital on the Vardoj, to Kila Panja.

“That the latter was in Marco’s days, as at present, the chief place of Wakhān is indicated also by his narrative of the next stage of his journey. ‘And when you leave this little country, and ride three days north-east, always among mountains, you get to such a height that ’tis said to be the highest place in the world! And when you have got to this height you find [a great lake between two mountains, and out of it] a fine river running through a plain.... The plain is called PAMIER.’ The bearing and descriptive details here given point clearly to the plain of the Great Pāmir and Victoria Lake, its characteristic feature. About sixty-two miles are reckoned from Langar-kisht, the last village on the northern branch of the Āb-i-Panja and some six miles above Kila Panja, to Mazār-tapa where the plain of the Great Pamīr may be said to begin, and this distance agrees remarkably well with the three marches mentioned by Marco.

“His description of Wakhān as ‘a province of no great size, extending indeed no more than three days’ journey in any direction’ suggests that a portion of the valley must then have formed part of the chiefship of Ishkāshim or Zebak over which we may suppose ‘the brother of the Prince of Badashan’ to have ruled. Such fluctuations in the extent of Wakhān territory are remembered also in modern times. Thus Colonel Trotter, who visited Wakhān with a section of the Yarkand Mission in 1874, distinctly notes that ‘Wakhān formerly contained three “sads” or hundreds, _i.e._, districts, containing 100 houses each’ (_viz._ Sad-i-Sar-hadd, Sad Sipang, Sad Khandūt). To these Sad Ishtragh, the tract extending from Dīgargand to Ishkāshim, is declared to have been added in recent times, having formerly been an independent principality. It only remains to note that Marco was right, too, in his reference to the peculiar language of Wakhān; for Wakhī—which is spoken not only by the people of Wakhān but also by the numerous Wakhī colonists spread through Mastūj, Hunza Sarikol, and even further east in the mountains—is a separate language belonging to the well-defined group of Galcha tongues which itself forms the chief extant branch of Eastern Iranian.”

XXXII., pp. 171 _seq._, 175, 182.

THE PLATEAU OF PAMIR.

“On leaving Tāsh-kurghān (July 10, 1900), my steps, like those of Hiuan-tsang, were directed towards Kāshgar.... In Chapters V.–VII. of my Personal Narrative I have given a detailed description of this route, which took me past Muztāgh-Ata to Lake Little Kara-kul, and then round the foot of the great glacier-crowned range northward into the Gez defile, finally debouching at Tāshmalik into the open plain of Kāshgari. Though scarcely more difficult than the usual route over the Chichiklik Pass and by Yangi-Hīsar, it is certainly longer and leads for a considerably greater distance over ground which is devoid of cultivation or permanent habitations.

“It is the latter fact which makes me believe that Professor H. Cordier was right in tracing by this very route Marco Polo’s itinerary from the Central Pamirs to Kāshgar. The Venetian traveller, coming from Wakhān, reached, after three days, a great lake which may be either Lake Victoria or Lake Chakmak, at a ‘height that is said to be the highest place in the world.’ He then describes faithfully enough the desert plain called ‘Pamier,’ which he makes extend for the distance of a twelve days’ ride, and next tells us: ‘Now, if we go on with our journey towards the east-north-east, we travel a good forty days, continually passing over mountains and hills, or through valleys, and crossing many rivers and tracts of wilderness. And in all this way you find neither habitation of man, nor any green thing, but must carry with you whatever you require.’

“This reference to continuous ‘tracts of wilderness’ shows clearly that, for one reason or another, Marco Polo did not pass through the cultivated valleys of Tāsh-kurghān or Tagharma, as he would necessarily have done if his route to Kāshgar, the region he next describes, had lain over the Chichiklik Pass. We must assume that, after visiting either the Great or Little Pāmīr, he travelled down the Ak-su river for some distance, and then crossing the watershed eastwards by one of the numerous passes struck the route which leads past Muztāgh-Ata and on towards the Gez defile. In the brief supplementary notes contributed to Professor Cordier’s critical analysis of this portion of Marco Polo’s itinerary, I have pointed out how thoroughly the great Venetian’s description of the forty days’ journey to the E.N.E. of the Pāmīr Lake can be appreciated by any one who has passed through the Pāmīr region and followed the valleys stretching round the Muztāgh-Ata range on the west and north (cf. Yule, _Marco Polo_, II., pp. 593 _seq._). After leaving Tāsh-kurghān and Tagharma there is no local produce to be obtained until the oasis of Tāshmalik is reached. In the narrow valley of the Yamān-yār river, forming the Gez defile, there is scarcely any grazing; its appearance down to its opening into the plain is, in fact, far more desolate than that of the elevated Pāmīr regions.

“In the absence of any data as to the manner and season in which Marco Polo’s party travelled, it would serve no useful purpose to hazard explanations as to why he should assign a duration of forty days to a journey which for a properly equipped traveller need not take more than fifteen or sixteen days, even when the summer floods close the passage through the lower Gez defile, and render it necessary to follow the circuitous track over the Tokuk Dawān or ‘Nine Passes.’ But it is certainly worth mention that Benedict Goëz, too, speaks of the desert of ‘Pāmech’ (Pāmīr) as taking forty days to cross if the snow was extensive, a record already noted by Sir H. Yule (_Cathay_, II., pp. 563 _seq._). It is also instructive to refer once more to the personal experience of the missionary traveller on the alternative route by the Chichiklik Pass. According to the record quoted above, he appears to have spent no less than twenty-eight days in the journeys from the hamlets of ‘Sarcil’ (Sarīkol, _i.e._ Tāsh-kurghān) to ‘Hiarchan’ (Yarkand)—a distance of some 188 miles, now reckoned at ten days’ march.” (Stein, _Ancient Khotan_, pp. 40–42.)

XXXII., p. 171. “The Plain is called PAMIER, and you ride across it for twelve days together, finding nothing but a desert without habitations or any green thing, so that travellers are obliged to carry with them whatever they have need of.”

At Sarhad, Afghan Wakhan, Stein, _Ruins of Desert Cathay_, I., p. 69, writes: “There was little about the low grey houses, or rather hovels, of mud and rubble to indicate the importance which from early times must have attached to Sarhad as the highest place of permanent occupation on the direct route leading from the Oxus to the Tarim Basin. Here was the last point where caravans coming from the Bactrian side with the products of the Far West and of India could provision themselves for crossing that high tract of wilderness ‘called Pamier’ of which old Marco Polo rightly tells us: ‘You ride across it...’ And as I looked south towards the snow-covered saddle of the Baroghil, the route I had followed myself, it was equally easy to realize why Kao Hsien-chih’s strategy had, after the successful crossing of the Pamirs, made the three columns of his Chinese Army concentrate upon the stronghold of Lien-yün, opposite the present Sarhad. Here was the base from which Yasin could be invaded and the Tibetans ousted from their hold upon the straight route to the Indus.”

XXXII., p. 174.

“The note connecting Hiuan Tsang’s Kieh sha with Kashgar is probably based upon an error of the old translators, for the Sita River was in the Pamir region, and _K’a sha_ was one of the names of Kasanna, or Kieh-shwang-na, in the Oxus region.” (E. H. PARKER, _Asiatic Quart. Rev._, Jan., 1904, p. 143.)

XXXII., I. p. 173; II. p. 593.

PAONANO PAO.

Cf. _The Name Kushan_, by J. F. Fleet, _Jour. Roy. As. Soc._, April, 1914, pp. 374–9; _The Shaonano Shao Coin Legend;_ and a Note on the name Kushan by J. Allan, _Ibid._, pp. 403–411. PAONANO PAO. Von Joh. Kirste. (_Wiener Zeit. f. d. Kunde d. Morg._, II., 1888, pp. 237–244.)

XXXII., p. 174.

YUE CHI.

“The old statement is repeated that the Yüeh Chi, or Indo-Scyths (_i.e._ the Eptals), ‘are said to have been of Tibetan origin.’ A long account of this people was given in the _Asiatic Quart. Rev._ for July, 1902. It seems much more likely that they were a branch of the Hiung-nu or Turks. Albiruni’s ‘report’ that they were of Tibetan origin is probably founded on the Chinese statement that some of their ways were like Tibetan ways, and that polyandry existed amongst them; also that they fled from the Hiung-nu westwards along the _north edge_ of the Tibetan territory, and some of them took service as Tibetan officials.” (E. H. PARKER, _Asiatic Quart. Rev._, Jan., 1904, p. 143.)

XXXII., pp. 178–179.

BOLOR.

We read in the _Tarikh-i-Rashidi_ of Mirza Haidar (Notes by Ney Elias; translated by E. D. Ross, 1895), p. 135, that Sultán Said Khán, son of Mansur Khán, sent the writer in the year 934 (1528), “with Rashid Sultán, to Balur, which is a country of infidels [_Káfiristán_], between Badakhshan and Kashmir, where we conducted successfully a holy war [_ghazát_], and returned victorious, loaded with booty and covered with glory.”

Mirza Haidar gives the following description of Bolor (pp. 384–5): “Balur is an infidel country [_Káfiristán_], and most of its inhabitants are mountaineers. Not one of them has a religion or a creed. Nor is there anything which they [consider it right to] abstain from or to avoid [as impure]; but they do whatever they list, and follow their desires without check or compunction. Baluristán is bounded on the east by the province of Káshgar and Yárkand; on the north by Badakhshán; on the west by Kábul and Lumghán; and on the south by the dependencies of Kashmir. It is four months’ journey in circumference. Its whole extent consists of mountains, valleys, and defiles, insomuch that one might almost say that in the whole of Baluristán, not one _farsákh_ of level ground is to be met with. The population is numerous. No village is at peace with another, but there is constant hostility, and fights are continually occurring among them.”

From the note to this passage (p. 385) we note that “for some twenty years ago, Mr. E. B. Shaw found that the Kirghiz of the Pamirs called Chitrál by the name of _Pálor_. To all other inhabitants of the surrounding regions, however, the word appears now to be unknown....

“The Balur country would then include Hunza, Nagar, possibly Tásh Kurghán, Gilgit, Panyál, Yasin, Chitrál, and probably the tract now known as Kafiristan: while, also, some of the small states south of Gilgit, Yasin, etc., may have been regarded as part of Balur....

“The conclusions arrived at [by Sir H. Yule], are very nearly borne out by Mirza Haidar’s description. The only differences are (1) that, according to our author, Baltistán cannot have been included in Balur, as he always speaks of that country, later in his work, as a separate province with the name of _Balti_, and says that it bordered on Balur; and (2) that _Balur_ was confined almost entirely, as far as I am able to judge from his description in this passage and elsewhere, to the southern slopes of the Eastern Hindu Kush, or Indus water-parting range; while Sir H. Yule’s map makes it embrace Sárigh-Kul and the greater part of the eastern Pamirs.”

XXXIII., p. 182. “The natives [of Cascar] are a wretched, niggardly set of people; they eat and drink in miserable fashion.”

The people of Kashgar seem to have enjoyed from early times a reputation for rough manners and deceit (Stein, _Ancient Khotan_, p. 49 n). Stein, p. 70, recalls Hiuan Tsang’s opinion: “The disposition of the men is fierce and impetuous, and they are mostly false and deceitful. They make light of decorum and politeness, and esteem learning but little.” Stein adds, p. 70, with regard to Polo’s statement: “Without being able to adduce from personal observation evidence as to the relative truth of the latter statement, I believe that the judgements recorded by both those great travellers may be taken as a fair reflex of the opinion in which the ‘Kāshgarliks’ are held to this day by the people of other Turkestān districts, especially by the Khotanese. And in the case of Hiuan Tsang at least, it seems probable from his long stay in, and manifest attachment to, Khotan that this neighbourly criticism might have left an impression upon him.”

XXXVI., p. 188.

KHOTAN.

Sir Aurel Stein writes (_Ancient Khotan_, I., pp. 139–140): “Marco Polo’s account of Khotan and the Khotanese forms an apt link between these early Chinese notices and the picture drawn from modern observation. It is brief but accurate in all details. The Venetian found the people ‘subject to the Great Kaan’ and ‘all worshippers of Mahommet.’ ‘There are numerous towns and villages in the country, but Cotan, the capital, is the most noble of all and gives its name to the kingdom. Everything is to be had there in plenty, including abundance of cotton [with flax, hemp, wheat, wine, and the like]. The people have vineyards and gardens and estates. They live by commerce and manufactures, and are no soldiers.’ Nor did the peculiar laxity of morals, which seems always to have distinguished the people of the Khotan region, escape Marco Polo’s attention. For of the ‘Province of Pein,’ which, as we shall see, represents the oases of the adjoining modern district of Keriya, he relates the custom that ‘if the husband of any woman go away upon a journey and remain away for more than twenty days, as soon as that term is past the woman may marry another man, and the husband also may then marry whom he pleases.’

“No one who has visited Khotan or who is familiar with the modern accounts of the territory, can read the early notices above extracted without being struck at once by the fidelity with which they reflect characteristic features of the people at the present day. Nor is it necessary to emphasize the industrial pre-eminence which Khotan still enjoys in a variety of manufactures through the technical skill and inherited training of the bulk of its population.”

Sir Aurel Stein further remarks (_Ancient Khotan_, I., p. 183): “When Marco Polo visited Khotan on his way to China, between the years 1271 and 1275, the people of the oasis were flourishing, as the Venetian’s previously quoted account shows. His description of the territories further east, Pein, Cherchen, and Lop, which he passed through before crossing ‘the Great Desert’ to Sha-chou, leaves no doubt that the route from Khotan into Kan-su was in his time a regular caravan road. Marco Polo found the people of Khotan ‘all worshippers of Mahommet’ and the territory subject to the ‘Great Kaan’, _i.e._ Kúblái, whom by that time almost the whole of the Middle Kingdom acknowledged as emperor. While the neighbouring Yarkand owed allegiance to Kaidu, the ruler of the Chagatai dominion, Khotan had thus once more renewed its old historical connexion with China.”

XXXVI., p. 190.

“A note of Yule’s on p. 190 of vol. I. describes Johnson’s report on the people of Khoten (1865) as having ‘a slightly Tartar cast of countenance.’ The Toba History makes the same remark 1300 years earlier: ‘From Kao-ch’ang (Turfan) westwards the people of the various countries have deep eyes and high noses; the features in only this one country (Khoten) are not very _Hu_ (Persian, etc.), but rather like Chinese.’ I published a tolerably complete digest of Lob Nor and Khoten early history from Chinese sources, in the _Anglo-Russian Society’s Journal_ for Jan. and April, 1903. It appears to me that the ancient capital Yotkhan, discovered thirty-five years ago, and visited in 1891 by MM. de Rhins and Grenard, probably furnishes a clue to the ancient Chinese name of Yu-t’ien.” (E. H. PARKER, _Asiatic Quart. Rev._, Jan., 1904, p. 143.)

XXXVII., p. 190 n.

Stein has devoted a whole chapter of his _Sand-buried Ruins of Khotan_, Chap. XVI., pp. 256 _seq._ to _Yotkan, the Site of the Ancient Capital_.

XXXVII., p. 191, n. 1.

PEIN.

“It is a mistake to suppose that the earlier pilgrim Fa-hien (A.D. 400) followed the ‘directer route’ from China; he was obliged to go to Kao ch’ang, and then turn sharp south to Khoten.” (E. H. PARKER, _Asiatic Quart. Rev._, Jan., 1904, p. 143.)

XXXVII., p. 192.

I have embodied, in Vol. II., p. 595, of Marco Polo, some of the remarks of Sir Aurel Stein regarding Pein and Uzun Tati. In _Ancient Khotan_, I., pp. 462–3, he has given further evidence of the identity of Uzun Tati and P’i mo, and he has discussed the position of Ulūg-Ziārat, probably the Han mo of Sung Yun.

XXXVII., p. 191; II., p. 595.

“Keriya, the Pein of Marco Polo and Pimo of Hwen Tsiang, writes Huntington, is a pleasant district, with a population of about fifteen thousand souls.” Huntington discusses (p. 387) the theory of Stein:

“Stein identifies Pimo or Pein, with ancient Kenan, the site ... now known as Uzun Tetti or Ulugh Mazar, north of Chira. This identification is doubtful, as appears from the following table of distances given by Hwen Tsiang, which is as accurate as could be expected from a casual traveller. I have reckoned the ‘li,’ the Chinese unit of distance, as equivalent to 0·26 of a mile.

Distance according Names of Places. True Distance. to Hwen Tsiang. Khotan (Yutien) to Keriya (Pimo) 97 miles. 330 li. 86 miles. Keriya (Pimo) to Niya (Niyang) 64 „ 200 „ 52 „ Niya (Niyang) to Endereh (Tuholo) 94 „ 400 „ 104 „ Endereh (Tuholo) to Kotāk Sheri? (Chemotona) 138? „ 600 „ 156 „ Kotak Sheri (Chemotona) to Lulan (Nafopo) 264? „ 1000 „ 260 „

“If we use the value of the ‘li’ 0·274 of a mile given by Hedin, the distances from Khotān to Keriya and from Keriya to Niya, according to Hwen Tsiang, become 91 and 55 miles instead of 86 and 52 as given in the table, which is not far from the true distances, 97 and 64.

“If, however, Pimo is identical with Kenan, as Stein thinks, the distances which Hwen Tsiang gives as 86 and 52 miles become respectively 60 and 89, which is evidently quite wrong.

“Strong confirmation of the identification of Keriya with Pimo is found in a comparison of extracts from Marco Polo’s and Hwen Tsiang’s accounts of that city with passages from my note-book, written long before I had read the comments of the ancient travellers. Marco Polo says that the people of Pein, or Pima, as he also calls it, have the peculiar custom ‘that if a married man goes to a distance from home to be about twenty days, his wife has a right, if she is so inclined, to take another husband; and the men, on the same principle, marry wherever they happen to reside.’ The quotation from my notes runs as follows: ‘The women of the place are noted for their attractiveness and loose character. It is said that many men coming to Keriya for a short time become enamoured of the women here, and remain permanently, taking new wives and abandoning their former wives and families.’

“Hwen Tsiang observed that thirty ‘li,’ seven or eight miles, west of Pimo, there is ‘a great desert marsh, upwards of several acres in extent, without any verdure whatever. The surface is reddish black.’ The natives explained to the pilgrim that it was the blood-stained site of a great battle fought many years before. Eighteen miles north-west of Keriya bazaar, or ten miles from the most westerly village of the oasis, I observed that ‘some areas which are flooded part of the year are of a deep rich red colour, due to a small plant two or three inches high.’ I saw such vegetation nowhere else and apparently it was an equally unusual sight to Hwen Tsiang.

“In addition to these somewhat conclusive observations, Marco Polo says that jade is found in the river of Pimo, which is true of the Keriya, but not of the Chira, or the other rivers near Kenan.” (Ellsworth HUNTINGTON, _The Pulse of Asia_, pp. 387–8.)

XXXVIII., p. 194. “The whole of the Province [of Charchan] is sandy, and so is the road all the way from Pein, and much of the water that you find is bitter and bad. However, at some places you do find fresh and sweet water.”

Sir Aurel Stein remarks (_Ancient Khotan_, I., p. 436): “Marco Polo’s description, too, ‘of the Province of Charchan’ would agree with the assumption that the route west of Charchan was not altogether devoid of settlements even as late as the thirteenth century.... [His] account of the route agrees accurately with the conditions now met with between Niya and Charchan. Yet in the passage immediately following, the Venetian tells us how ‘when an army passes through the land, the people escape with their wives, children, and cattle a distance of two or three days’ journey into the sandy waste; and, knowing the spots where water is to be had, they are able to live there, and to keep their cattle alive, while it is impossible to discover them.’ It seems to me clear that Marco Polo alludes here to the several river courses which, after flowing north of the Niya-Charchan route, lose themselves in the desert. The jungle belt of their terminal areas, no doubt, offered then, as it would offer now, safe places of refuge to any small settlements established along the route southwards.”

XXXIX., P. 197.

OF THE CITY OF LOP.

Stein remarks, _Ruins of Desert Cathay_, I., p. 343: “Broad geographical facts left no doubt for any one acquainted with local conditions that Marco Polo’s Lop, ‘a large town at the edge of the Desert’ where ‘travellers repose before entering on the Desert’ _en route_ for Sha chou and China proper, must have occupied the position of the present Charklik. Nor could I see any reason for placing elsewhere the capital of that ‘ancient kingdom of Na-fo-po, the same as the territory of Lou-lan,’ which Hiuan Tsang reached after ten marches to the north-east of Chü-mo or Charchan, and which was the pilgrim’s last stage before his return to Chinese soil.”

In his third journey (1913–1916), Stein left Charchan on New Year’s Eve, 1914, and arrived at Charkhlik on January 8, saying: “It was from this modest little oasis, the only settlement of any importance in the Lop region, representing Marco Polo’s ‘City of Lop,’ that I had to raise the whole of the supplies, labour, and extra camels needed by the several parties for the explorations I had carefully planned during the next three months in the desert between Lop-nor and Tunhuang.”

“The name of LOB appears under the form _Lo pou_ in the _Yuan-shi_, _s.a._ 1282 and 1286. In 1286, it is mentioned as a postal station near those of K’ie-t’ai, Che-ch’an and Wo-tuan. Wo-tuan is Khotan. Che-ch’an, the name of which reappears in other paragraphs, is Charchan. As to K’ie-t’ai, a postal station between those of Lob and Charchan, it seems probable that it is the Kätäk of the _Tarikh-i-Rashidi_.” (PELLIOT.)

See in the _Journ. Asiatique_, Jan.–Feb., 1916, pp. 117–119, Pelliot’s remarks on _Lob, Navapa_, etc.

XXXIX., pp. 196–7.

THE GREAT DESERT.

After reproducing the description of the Great Desert in Sir Henry Yule’s version, Stein adds, _Ruins of Desert Cathay_, I., p. 518:

“It did not need my journey to convince me that what Marco here tells us about the risks of the desert was but a faithful reflex of old folklore beliefs he must have heard on the spot. Sir Henry Yule has shown long ago that the dread of being led astray by evil spirits haunted the imagination of all early travellers who crossed the desert wastes between China and the oases westwards. Fa-hsien’s above-quoted passage clearly alludes to this belief, and so does Hiuan Tsang, as we have seen, where he points in graphic words the impressions left by his journey through the sandy desert between Niya and Charchan.

“Thus, too, the description we receive through the Chinese historiographer, Ma Tuan-lin, of the shortest route from China towards Kara-shahr, undoubtedly corresponding to the present track to Lop-nor, reads almost like a version from Marco’s book, though its compiler, a contemporary of the Venetian traveller, must have extracted it from some earlier source. ‘You see nothing in any direction but the sky and the sands, without the slightest trace of a road; and travellers find nothing to guide them but the bones of men and beasts and the droppings of camels. During the passage of this wilderness you hear sounds, sometimes of singing, sometimes of wailing; and it has often happened that travellers going aside to see what these sounds might be have strayed from their course and been entirely lost; for they were voices of spirits and goblins.’...

“As Yule rightly observes, ‘these Goblins are not peculiar to the Gobi.’ Yet I felt more than ever assured that Marco’s stories about them were of genuine local growth, when I had travelled over the whole route and seen how closely its topographical features agree with the matter-of-fact details which the first part of his chapter records. Anticipating my subsequent observations, I may state here at once that Marco’s estimate of the distance and the number of marches on this desert crossing proved perfectly correct. For the route from Charklik, his ‘town of Lop,’ to the ‘City of Sachiu,’ _i.e._ Sha-chou or Tun-huang, our plane-table survey, checked by cyclometer readings, showed an aggregate marching distance of close on 380 miles.”

XXXIX., p. 196.

OF THE CITY OF LOP AND THE GREAT DESERT.

“In the hope of contributing something toward the solution of these questions [contradictory statements of Prjevalsky, Richthofen, and Sven Hedin],” writes Huntington, “I planned to travel completely around the unexplored part of the ancient lake, crossing the Lop desert in its widest part. As a result of the journey, I became convinced that two thousand years ago the lake was of great size, covering both the ancient and the modern locations; then it contracted, and occupied only the site shown on the Chinese maps; again, in the Middle Ages, it expanded; and at present it has contracted and occupies the modern site.

“Now, as in Marco Polo’s days, the traveller must equip his caravan for the desert at Charklik, also known as Lop, two days’ journey south-west of the lake.” (Ellsworth HUNTINGTON, _The Pulse of Asia_, pp. 240–1.)

XXXIX., pp. 197, 201.

NOISES IN THE GREAT DESERT.

As an answer to a paper by C. TOMLINSON, in _Nature_, Nov. 28, 1895, p. 78, we find in the same periodical, April 30, 1896, LIII., p. 605, the following note by KUMAGUSU MINAKATA:

“The following passage in a Chinese itinerary of Central Asia—Chun Yuen’s _Si-yih-kien-wan-luh_, 1777 (British Museum, No. 15271, b. 14), tom. VII., fol. 13 b.—appears to describe the icy sounds similar to what Ma or Head observed in North America (see _supra_, _ibid._, p. 78).

“Muh-süh-urh-tah-fan (= Muzart), that is Ice Mountain [_Snowy_ according to Prjevalsky], is situated between Ili and Ushi.... In case that one happens to be travelling there close to sunset, he should choose a rock of moderate thickness and lay down on it. In solitary night then, he would hear the sounds, now like those of gongs and bells, and now like those of strings and pipes, which disturb ears through the night: these are produced by multifarious noises coming from the cracking ice.”

Kumagusu Minakata has another note on remarkable sounds in Japan in _Nature_, LIV., May 28, 1896, p. 78.

Sir T. Douglas Forsyth, _Buried Cities in the Shifting Sands of the Great Desert of Gobi, Proc. Roy. Geog. Soc._, Nov. 13, 1876, says, p. 29: “The stories told by Marco Polo, in his 39th chapter, about shifting sands and strange noises and demons, have been repeated by other travellers down to the present time. Colonel Prjevalsky, in pp. 193 and 194 of his interesting _Travels_, gives his testimony to the superstitions of the Desert; and I find, on reference to my diary, that the same stories were recounted to me in Kashgar, and I shall be able to show that there is some truth in the report of treasures being exposed to view.”

P. 201, Line 12. Read the Governor of Urumtsi _founded_ instead of _found_.

XL., p. 203. Marco Polo comes to a city called Sachiu belonging to a province called Tangut. “The people are for the most part Idolaters.... The Idolaters have a peculiar language, and are no traders, but live by their agriculture. They have a great many abbeys and minsters full of idols of sundry fashions, to which they pay great honour and reverence, worshipping them and sacrificing to them with much ado.”

Sachiu, or rather Tun Hwang, is celebrated for its “Caves of Thousand Buddhas”; Sir Aurel Stein wrote the following remarks in his _Ruins of Desert Cathay_, II., p. 27: “Surely it was the sight of these colossal images, some reaching nearly a hundred feet in height, and the vivid first impressions retained of the cult paid to them, which had made Marco Polo put into his chapter on ‘Sachiu,’ _i.e._ Tun-huang, a long account of the strange idolatrous customs of the people of Tangut.... Tun-huang manifestly had managed to retain its traditions of Buddhist piety down to Marco’s days. Yet there was plentiful antiquarian evidence showing that most of the shrines and art remains at the Halls of the Thousand Buddhas dated back to the period of the T’ang Dynasty, when Buddhism flourished greatly in China. Tun-huang, as the westernmost outpost of China proper, had then for nearly two centuries enjoyed imperial protection both against the Turks in the north and the Tibetans southward. But during the succeeding period, until the advent of paramount Mongol power, some two generations before Marco Polo’s visit, these marches had been exposed to barbarian inroads of all sorts. The splendour of the temples and the number of the monks and nuns established near them had, no doubt, sadly diminished in the interval.”

XL., p. 205.

Prof. Pelliot accepts as a Mongol plural _Tangut_, but remarks that it is very ancient, as _Tangut_ is already to be found in the Orkhon inscriptions. At the time of Chingiz, _Tangut_ was a singular in Mongol, and _Tangu_ is nowhere to be found.

XL., p. 206.

The Tangutans are descendants of the Tang-tu-chüeh; it must be understood that they are descendants of _T’u Kiueh_ of the T’ang Period. (PELLIOT.)

Lines 7 and 8 from the foot of the page: instead of T’ung hoang, read Tun hoang; Kiu-kaan, read Tsiu tsüan.

XL., p. 207, note 2. The “peculiar language” is si-hia (PELLIOT).

XLI., pp. 210, 212, n. 3.

THE PROVINCE OF CAMUL.

See on the discreditable custom of the people of Qamul, a long note in the second edition of _Cathay_, I., pp. 249–250.

XLI., p. 211.

Prof. Parker remarks (_Asiatic Quart. Rev._, Jan., 1904, p. 142) that: “The Chinese (Manchu) agent at Urga has not (nor, I believe, ever had) any control over the Little Bucharia Cities. Moreover, since the reconquest of Little Bucharia in 1877–1878, the whole of those cities have been placed under the Governor of the New Territory (Kan Suh Sin-kiang Sün-fu), whose capital is at Urumtsi. The native Mohammedan Princes of Hami have still left to them a certain amount of home rule, and so lately as 1902 a decree appointing the rotation of their visits to Peking was issued. The present Prince’s name is _Shamu Hust_, or _Hussot_.”

XLII., p. 215.

THE PROVINCE OF CHINGINTALAS.

Prof. E. H. PARKER writes in the _Journ. of the North China Branch of the Royal As. Soc._, XXXVII., 1906, p. 195: “On p. 215 of Yule’s Vol. I. some notes of Palladius’ are given touching Chingkintalas, but it is not stated that Palladius supposed the word _Ch’ih kin_ to date after the Mongols, that is, that Palladius felt uncertain about his identification. But Palladius is mistaken in feeling thus uncertain: in 1315 and 1326 the Mongol History twice mentions the garrison starts at _Ch’ih kin_, and in such a way that the place must be where Marco Polo puts it, _i.e._ west of Kia-yüh Kwan.”

OF THE PROVINCE OF SUKCHUR.

XLIII., p. 217. “Over all the mountains of this province rhubarb is found in great abundance, and thither merchants come to buy it, and carry it thence all over the world. Travellers, however, dare not visit those mountains with any cattle but those of the country, for a certain plant grows there which is so poisonous that cattle which eat it loose their hoofs. The cattle of the country know it and eschew it.”

During his crossing of the Nan Shan, Sir Aurel Stein had the same experience, five of his ponies being “benumbed and refusing to touch grass or fodder.” The traveller notes that, _Ruins of Desert Cathay_, II., p. 303: “I at once suspected that they had eaten of the poisonous grass which infests certain parts of the Nan Shan, and about which old Marco has much to tell in his chapter on ‘Sukchur’ or Su-chou. The Venetian’s account had proved quite true; for while my own ponies showed all the effects of this inebriating plant, the local animals had evidently been wary of it. A little bleeding by the nose, to which Tila Bai, with the veterinary skill of an old Ladak ‘Kirakash,’ promptly proceeded, seemed to afford some relief. But it took two or three days before the poor brutes were again in full possession of their senses and appetites.”

“Wild rhubarb, for which the Nan-shan was famous in Marco Polo’s days, spread its huge fleshy leaves everywhere.” (STEIN, _Ruins of Desert Cathay_, II., p. 305.)

XLIII., p. 218.

SUKCHUR.

The first character of Suchau was pronounced _Suk_ at the time of the T’ang; we find a _Sughčiu_ in von Le Coq’s MSS. from Turkestan and _Sughču_ in the runnic text of W. Thomsen; cf. PELLIOT, _J. As._, Mai–Juin, 1912, p. 591; the pronunciation _Suk_-chau was still used by travellers coming from Central Asia—for instance, by the envoys of Shah Rukh. See _Cathay_, III., p. 126 n.

OF THE CITY OF CAMPICHU.

XLIV., pp. 219 _seq._ “The Idolaters have many minsters and abbeys after their fashion. In these they have an enormous number of idols, both small and great, certain of the latter being a good ten paces in stature; some of them being of wood, others of clay, and others yet of stone. They are all highly polished, and then covered with gold. The great idols of which I speak lie at length. And round about them there are other figures of considerable size, as if adoring and paying homage before them.”

The ambassadors of Shah Rukh to China (1419–1422) wrote:

“In this city of Kamchau there is an idol temple five hundred cubits square. In the middle is an idol lying at length, which measures fifty paces. The sole of the foot is nine paces long, and the instep is twenty-one cubits in girth. Behind this image and overhead are other idols of a cubit (?) in height, besides figures of _Bakshis_ as large as life. The action of all is hit off so admirably that you would think they were alive. Against the wall also are other figures of perfect execution. The great sleeping idol has one hand under his head, and the other resting on his thigh. It is gilt all over, and is known as _Shakamuni-fu_. The people of the country come in crowds to visit it, and bow to the very ground before this idol” (_Cathay_, I., p. 277).

XLV., p. 223.

OF THE CITY OF ETZINA.

I said, I., p. 225, that this town must be looked for on the river _Hei-shui_ called _Etsina_ by the Mongols, and would be situated on the river on the border of the Desert, at the top of a triangle, whose bases would be Suhchau and Kanchau. My theory seems to be fully confirmed by Sir Aurel Stein, who writes:

“Advantages of geographical position must at all times have invested this extensive riverine tract, limited as are its resources, with considerable importance for those, whether armed host or traders, who would make the long journey from the heart of Mongolia in the north to the Kansu oases. It had been the same with the ancient Lou-lan delta, without which the Chinese could not have opened up the earliest and most direct route for the expansion of their trade and political influence into Central Asia. The analogy thus presented could not fail to impress me even further when I proceeded to examine the ruins of Khara-khoto, the ‘Black Town’ which Colonel Kozloff, the distinguished Russian explorer, had been the first European to visit during his expedition of 1908–1909. There remained no doubt for me then that it was identical with Marco Polo’s ‘City of Etzina.’ Of this we are told in the great Venetian traveller’s narrative that it lay a twelve days’ ride from the city of Kan-chou, ‘towards the north on the verge of the desert; it belongs to the Province of Tangut.’ All travellers bound for Kara-koram, the old capital of the Mongols, had here to lay in victuals for forty days in order to cross the great ‘desert which extends forty days’ journey to the north, and on which you meet with no habitation nor baiting place.’

“The position thus indicated was found to correspond exactly to that of Khara-khoto, and the identification was completely borne out by the antiquarian evidence brought to light. It soon showed me that though the town may have suffered considerably, as local tradition asserts, when Chingiz Khan with his Mongol army first invaded and conquered Kansu from this side about 1226 A.D., yet it continued to be inhabited down to Marco Polo’s time, and partially at least for more than a century later. This was probably the case even longer with the agricultural settlement for which it had served as a local centre, and of which we traced extensive remains in the desert to the east and north-east. But the town itself must have seen its most flourishing times under Tangut or Hsi-hsia rule from the beginning of the eleventh century down to the Mongol conquest.

“It was from this period, when Tibetan influence from the south seems to have made itself strongly felt throughout Kansu, that most of the Buddhist shrines and memorial Stupas dated, which filled a great portion of the ruined town and were conspicuous also outside it. In one of the latter Colonel Kozloff had made his notable find of Buddhist texts and paintings. But a systematic search of this and other ruins soon showed that the archæological riches of the site were by no means exhausted. By a careful clearing of the débris which covered the bases of Stupas and the interior of temple cellas we brought to light abundant remains of Buddhist manuscripts and block prints, both in Tibetan and the as yet very imperfectly known old Tangut language, as well as plenty of interesting relievos in stucco or terra-cotta and frescoes. The very extensive refuse heaps of the town yielded up a large number of miscellaneous records on paper in the Chinese, Tangut, and Uigur scripts, together with many remains of fine glazed pottery, and of household utensils. Finds of Hsi-hsia coins, ornaments in stone and metal, etc., were also abundant, particularly on wind-eroded ground.

“There was much to support the belief that the final abandonment of the settlement was brought about by difficulties of irrigation.” (_A Third Journey of Exploration in Central Asia_, 1913–16, _Geog. Jour._, Aug.–Sept., 1916, pp. 38–39.)

M. Ivanov (_Isviestia_ Petrograd Academy, 1909) thinks that the ruined city of Kara Khoto, a part at the Mongol period of the Yi-tsi-nai circuit, could be its capital, and was at the time of the Si Hia and the beginning of the Mongols, the town of Hei shui. It also confirms my views.

Kozlov found (1908) in a stupa not far from Kara Khoto a large number of Si Hia books, which he carried back to Petrograd, where they were studied by Prof. A. IVANOV, _Zur Kenntniss der Hsi-hsia Sprache_ (_Bul. Ac. Sc. Pet._, 1909, pp. 1221–1233). See _The Si-hia Language_, by B. LAUFER (_T’oung Pao_, March, 1916, pp. 1–126).

XLVI., p. 226. “Originally the Tartars dwelt in the north on the borders of Chorcha.”

Prof. Pelliot calls my attention that Ramusio’s text, f. 13 _v_, has: “Essi habitauano nelle parti di Tramontana, cioè in Giorza, _e Bargu_, doue sono molte pianure grandi....”

XLVI., p. 230.

TATAR.

“Mr. Rockhill is quite correct in his Turkish and Chinese dates for the first use of the word _Tatar_, but it seems very likely that the much older eponymous word _T’atun_ refers to the same people. The Toba History says that in A.D. 258 the chieftain of that Tartar Tribe (not yet arrived at imperial dignity) at a public durbar read a homily to various chiefs, pointing out to them the mistake made by the Hiung-nu (Early Turks) and ‘T’a-tun fellows’ (Early Mongols) in raiding his frontiers. If we go back still further, we find the _After Han History_ speaking of the ‘Middle T’atun’; and a scholion tells us _not to pronounce the final ‘n.’_ If we pursue our inquiry yet further back, we find that _T’ah-tun_ was originally the name of a Sien-pi or Wu-hwan (apparently Mongol) Prince, who tried to secure the _shen-yü_ ship for himself, and that it gradually became (1) a title, (2) and the name of a tribal division (see also the _Wei Chi_ and the _Early Han History_). Both _Sien-pi_ and _Wu-hwan_ are the names of mountain haunts, and at this very day part of the Russian Liao-tung railway is styled the ‘Sien-pi railway’ by the native Chinese newspapers.” (E. H. PARKER, _Asiatic Quart. Rev._, Jan., 1904, p. 141.)

Page 231, note 3. Instead of _Yuché_, read _Juché_.

XLVI., p. 232.

KARACATHAYANS.

“There seems to be no doubt that Kerman in South Persia is the city to which the Kara-Cathayan refugee fled from China in 1124; for Major Sykes, in his recent excellent work on Persia, actually mentions [p. 194] the Kuba Sabz, or ‘Green Dome,’ as having been (until destroyed in 1886 by an earthquake) the most conspicuous building, and as having also been the tomb of the Kara-Khitai Dynasty. The late Dr. Bretschneider (_N. China B. R. As. Soc. Journal_, Vol. X., p. 101) had imagined the Kara-Cathayan capital to be Kerminé, lying between Samarcand and Bokhara (see _Asiatic Quart. Rev._ for Dec., 1900, ‘The Cathayans’). Colonel Yule does not appear to be quite correct when he states (p. 232) that ‘the Gurkhan himself is not described to have extended his conquests into Persia,’ for the Chinese history of the Cathayan or Liao Dynasties distinctly states that at Samarcand, where the Cathayan remained for ninety days, the ‘King of the Mohammedans’ brought tribute to the emigrant, _who then went West as far as K’i-r-man_, where he was proclaimed Emperor by his officers. This was on the fifth day of the second moon in 1124, in the thirty-eighth year of his age, and he then assumed the title of _Koh-r-han_” (E. H. Parker, _Asiatic Quart. Rev._, Jan., 1904, pp. 134–5.)

XLVI., p. 236.

KERAITS.

“In his note to Vol. I., p. 236, M. Cordier [read Mr. Rockhill], who seems to have been misled by d’Avezac, confuses the Ch’ih-lêh or T’ieh-lêh (who have been clearly proved to be identical with the Tölös of the Turkish inscriptions) with the much later K’êh-lieh or Keraits of Mongol history; at no period of Chinese history were the Ch’ih-lêh called, as he supposes, _K’i-lê_, and therefore the Ch’ih-lêh of the third century cannot possibly be identified with the K’ê-lieh of the thirteenth. Besides, the ‘value’ of _lêh_ is ‘luck,’ whilst the ‘value’ of _lieh_ is ‘leet,’ if we use English sounds as equivalents to illustrate Chinese etymology. It is remarkable that the Kin (Nüchen) Dynasty in its Annals leaves no mention whatever of the Kerait tribe, or of any tribe having an approximate name, although the _Yüan Shï_ states that the Princes of that tribe used to hold a Nüchen patent. A solution of this unexplained fact may yet turn up.” (E. H. PARKER, _Asiatic Quart. Rev._, Jan. 1904, p. 139.)

Page 236, note [11]. Instead of _Tura_, read _Tula_. (PELLIOT.)

LI., pp. 245, 248.

DEATH OF CHINGIZ KHAN.

“Gaubil’s statement that he was wounded in 1212 by a stray arrow, which compelled him to raise the siege of Ta-t’ung Fu, is exactly borne out by the _Yüan Shï_, which adds that in the seventh moon (August) of 1227 (shortly after the surrender of the Tangut King) the conqueror died at the travelling-palace of Ha-la T’u on the Sa-li _stream_ at the age of sixty-six (sixty-five by our reckoning). As less than a month before he was present at Ts’ing-shui (lat. 34½°, long. 106½°), and was even on his dying bed, giving instructions how to meet the Nüchên army at T’ung-kwan (lat. 34½°, long. 110¼°), we may assume that the place of his death was on the Upper Wei River near the frontiers joining the modern Kan Suh and Shen Si provinces. It is true the Sa-li _River_ (not stream) is thrice mentioned, and also the Sa-lê-chu River, both in Mongolia; on the other hand, the Sa-li Ouigours are frequently mentioned as living in West Kan Suh; so that we may take it the word _Sali_ or _Sari_ was a not uncommon Turkish word. Palladius’ identification of _K’i-lien_ with ‘Kerulen’ I am afraid cannot be entertained. The former word frequently occurs in the second century B.C., and is stated to be a second Hiung-nu (Turkish) word for ‘sky’ or ‘heaven.’ At or about that date the Kerulen was known to the Chinese as the Lu-kü River, and the geographies of the present dynasty clearly identify it as such. The T’ien-Shan are sometimes called the K’i-lien Shan, and the word _K’i-lien_ is otherwise well established along the line of the Great Wall.” (E. H. PARKER, _Asiatic Quart. Rev._, Jan., 1904, pp. 136–7.)

Prof. Pelliot informs me that in No. 3 (Sept., 1918) of Vol. III of _Chinese Social and Political Science Review_ there is an article on the _Discovery of and Investigation concerning the Tomb of Gengis Khan_. I have not seen it.

LI., p. 249.

TAILGAN.

“The _táilgan_, or autumn meeting of the Mongols, is probably the _tái-lin_, or autumn meeting, of the ancient Hiung-nu described on p. 10, Vol. XX. of the _China Review_. The Kao-ch’ê (= High Carts, Tölös, or early Ouigours) and the early Cathayans (Sien-pi) had very similar customs. Heikel gives an account of analogous ‘Olympic games’ witnessed at Urga in the year 1890.” (E. H. PARKER, _Asiatic Quart. Rev._, Jan., 1904, pp. 140–1.)

LI., p. 251. Read T’ung hwo period (A.D. 992) instead of (A.D. 692).

LII., pp. 252, 254, n. 3. “[The Tartars] live on the milk and meat which their herds supply, and on the produce of the chase; and they eat all kinds of flesh, including that of horses and dogs, and Pharaoh’s rats, of which last there are great numbers in burrows on those plains.”

Pharaoh’s rat was the mangouste or ichneumon (_Herpestes ichneumon_) formerly found in this part of Asia as well as in Egypt where it was venerated. Cf. _Cathay_, II., p. 116.

LII., p. 254. Instead of “his tent invariably facing _south_,” read “facing _east_” according to the _Chou Shu_. (PELLIOT.)

LII., p. 256 n.

MARRIAGE.

The _China Review_, Vol. XX. “gives numerous instances of marrying mothers-in-law and sisters-in-law amongst the Hiung nu. The practice was common with all Tartars, as, indeed, is stated by Yule.” (E. H. PARKER, _Asiatic Quart. Rev._, Jan., 1904, p. 141.)

LII., p. 257 n.

_TENGRI_ (HEAVEN).

“The Mongol word _Tengri_ (= Heaven) appears also in Hiung-nu times; in fact, the word _shen yü_ is stated to have been used by the Hiung-nu alternatively with _Tengri kudu_ (Son of Heaven).” (E. H. PARKER, _Asiatic Quart. Rev._, Jan., 1904, p. 141.)

LIV., p. 263 n.

COATS OF MAIL.

Parker’s note is erroneous.—See Laufer, _Chinese Clay Figures_, Part I.

LV., p. 267. “They [the Tartars] have another notable custom, which is this. If any man have a daughter who dies before marriage, and another man have had a son also die before marriage, the parents of the two arrange a grand wedding between the dead lad and lass. And marry them they do, making a regular contract! And when the contract papers are made out they put them in the fire, in order (as they will have it) that the parties in the other world may know the fact, and so look on each other as man and wife. And the parents thenceforward consider themselves sib to each other, just as if their children had lived and married. Whatever may be agreed on between the parties as dowry, those who have to pay it cause to be painted on pieces of paper and then put these in the fire, saying that in that way the dead person will get all the real articles in the other world.”

Mr. KUMAGUSU MINAKATA writes on the subject in _Nature_, Jan. 7, 1897, pp. 224–5:

“As it is not well known whether or not there is a record of this strange custom earlier than the beginning of the dynasty of Yuen, I was in doubt whether it was originally common to the Chinese and Tartars until I lately came across the following passage in _Tsoh-mung-luh_ (Brit. Mus. copy, 15297, _a_ 1, fol. 11–12), which would seem to decide the question—‘In the North there is this custom. When a youth and a girl of marriageable ages die before marriage, their families appoint a match-maker to negotiate their nuptials, whom they call “Kwei-mei” (_i.e._ “Match-Maker of Ghosts”). Either family hands over to another a paper noticing all pre-requisites concerning the affair; and by names of the parents of the intended couple asks a man to pray and divine; and if the presage tells that the union is a lucky one, clothes and ornaments are made for the deceased pair. Now the match-maker goes to the burying-ground of the bridegroom, and, offering wine and fruits, requests the pair to marry. There two seats are prepared on adjoining positions, either of which having behind it a small banner more than a foot long. Before the ceremony is consecrated by libation, the two banners remain hanging perpendicularly and still; but when the libation is sprinkled and the deceased couple are requested to marry, the banners commence to gradually approach till they touch one another, which shows that they are both glad of the wedlock. However, when one of them dislikes another, it would happen that the banner representing the unwilling party does not move to approach the other banner. In case the couple should die too young to understand the matter, a dead man is appointed as a tutor to the male defunct, and some effigies are made to serve as the instructress and maids to the female defunct. The dead tutor thus nominated is informed of his appointment by a paper offered to him, on which are inscribed his name and age. After the consummation of the marriage the new consorts appear in dreams to their respective parents-in-law. Should this custom be discarded, the unhappy defuncts might do mischief to their negligent relatives.... On every occasion of these nuptials both families give some presents to the match-maker (“Kwei-mei”), whose sole business is annually to inspect the newly-deceased couples around his village, and to arrange their weddings to earn his livelihood.’”

Mr. Kumagusu Minakata adds:

“The passage is very interesting, for, besides giving us a faithful account of the particulars, which nowadays we fail to find elsewhere, it bears testimony to the Tartar, and not Chinese, origin of this practice. The author, Kang Yu-chi, describes himself to have visited his old home in Northern China shortly after its subjugation by the Kin Tartars in 1126 A.D.; so there is no doubt that among many institutional novelties then introduced to China by the northern invaders, Marriage of the Dead was so striking that the author did not hesitate to describe it for the first time.

“According to a Persian writer, after whom Pétis de la Croix writes, this custom was adopted by Jenghiz Kân as a means to preserve amity amongst his subjects, it forming the subject of Article XIX. of his Yasa promulgated in 1205 A.D. The same writer adds: ‘This custom is still in use amongst the Tartars at this day, but superstition has added more circumstances to it: they throw the contract of marriage into the fire after having drawn some figures on it to represent the persons pretended to be so marry’d, and some forms of beasts; and are persuaded that all this is carried by the smoke to their children, who thereupon marry in the other world’ (Pétis de la Croix, _Hist. of Genghizcan_, trans. by P. Aubin, Lond., 1722, p. 86). As the Chinese author does not speak of the burning of papers in this connection, whereas the Persian writer speaks definitely of its having been added later, it seems that the marriage of the dead had been originally a Tartar custom, with which the well-known Chinese paper-burning was amalgamated subsequently between the reigns of Genghiz and his grandson Kúblái—under the latter Marco witnessed the customs already mingled, still, perhaps, mainly prevailing amongst the Tartar descendants.”

LV., p. 266. Regarding the scale of blows from seven to 107, Prof. Pelliot writes to me that these figures represent the theoretical number of tens diminished as a favour made to the culprit by three units in the name of Heaven, Earth and the Emperor.

LV., p. 268, n. 2. In the _Yuan Shi_, XX. 7, and other Chinese Texts of the Mongol period, is to be found confirmation of the fact, “He is slaughtered like a sheep,” _i.e._ the belly cut open lengthwise. (PELLIOT.)

LVI., p. 269. “The people there are called MESCRIPT; they are a very wild race, and live by their cattle, the most of which are stags, and these stags, I assure you, they used to ride upon.”

B. Laufer, in the _Memoirs of the American Anthropological Association_, Vol. IV., No. 2, 1917 (_The Reindeer and its Domestication_), p. 107, has the following remarks: “Certainly this is the reindeer. Yule is inclined to think that Marco embraces under this tribal name in question characteristics belonging to tribes extending far beyond the Mekrit, and which in fact are appropriate to the Tungus; and continues that Rashid-eddin seems to describe the latter under the name of Uriangkut of the Woods, a people dwelling beyond the frontier of Barguchin, and in connection with whom he speaks of their reindeer obscurely, as well as of their tents of birchbark, and their hunting on snowshoes. As W. Radloff [_Die Jakutische Sprache, Mém. Ac. Sc. Pet._, 1908, pp. 54–56] has endeavoured to show, the Wooland Uryangkit, in this form mentioned by Rashid-eddin, should be looked upon as the forefathers of the present Yakut. Rashid-eddin, further, speaks of other Uryangkit, who are genuine Mongols, and live close together in the Territory Barguchin Tukum, where the clans Khori, Bargut, and Tumat, are settled. This region is east of Lake Baikal, which receives the river Barguchin flowing out of Lake Bargu in an easterly direction. The tribal name Bargut (_–t_ being the termination of the plural) is surely connected with the name of the said river.”

LVII., p. 276.

SINJU.

“Marco Polo’s Sinju certainly seems to be the site of Si-ning, but not on the grounds suggested in the various notes. In 1099 the new city of Shen Chou was created by the Sung or ‘Manzi’ Dynasty on the site of what had been called Ts’ing-t’ang. Owing to this region having for many centuries belonged to independent Hia or Tangut, very little exact information is obtainable from any Chinese history; but I think it almost certain that the great central city of Shen Chou was the modern Si-ning. Moreover, there was a very good reason for the invention of this name, as this _Shen_ was the first syllable of the ancient Shen-shen State of Lob Nor and Koko Nor, which, after its conquest by China in 609, was turned into the Shen-shen prefecture; in fact, the Sui Emperor was himself at Kam Chou or ‘Campichu’ when this very step was taken.” (E. H. PARKER, _Asiatic Quart. Rev._, Jan., 1904, p. 144.)

LVIII., p. 282. _Alashan_ is not an abbreviation of Alade-Shan and has nothing to do with the name of Eleuth, written in Mongol _Ögälät_. _Nuntuh_ (_nuntük_) is the mediæval Mongol form of the actual _nutuk_, an encampment. (PELLIOT.)

LVIII., p. 283, n. 3.

GURUN.

Gurun = Kurun = Chinese K’u lun = Mongol Urga.

LVIII., p. 283, n. 3. The stuff _sa-ha-la_ (= _saghlat_) is to be found often in the Chinese texts of the XIVth and XVth Centuries. (PELLIOT.)

LIX., pp. 284 _seq._

KING GEORGE.

King or Prince George of Marco Polo and Monte Corvino belonged to the Öngüt tribe. He was killed in Mongolia in 1298, leaving an infant child called Shu-ngan (Giòvanni) baptized by Monte Corvino. George was transcribed Körgüz and Görgüz by the Persian historians. See PELLIOT, _T’oung Pao_, 1914, pp. 632 _seq._ and _Cathay_, III., p. 15 n.

LIX., p. 286.

TENDUC.

Prof. Pelliot (_Journ. As._, Mai–Juin, 1912, pp. 595–6) thinks that it might be _Tien tö_, 天 德, on the river So ling (Selenga).

LIX., p. 291.

CHRISTIANS.

In the Mongol Empire, Christians were known under the name of _tarsa_ and especially under this of _ärkägün_, in Chinese _ye-li-k’o-wen; tarsa_, was generally used by the Persian historians. Cf. PELLIOT, _T’oung Pao_, 1914, p. 636.

LIX., p. 295, n. 6. Instead of _Ku-wei_, read _K’u-wai_. (PELLIOT.)

LXI., pp. 302, 310.

“The weather-conjuring proclivities of the Tartars are repeatedly mentioned in Chinese history. The High Carts (early Ouigours) and Jou-jan (masters of the Early Turks) were both given this way, the object being sometimes to destroy their enemies. I drew attention to this in the _Asiatic Quart. Rev._ for April, 1902 (‘China and the Avars’).” (E. H. PARKER, _Asiatic Quart. Rev._, Jan., 1904, p. 140.)

LXI., p. 305, n. Harlez’s inscription is a miserable scribble of the facsimile from Dr. Bushell. (PELLIOT.)

LXI., p. 308, n. 5. The _Yuan Shi_, ch. 77, fᵒ 7 _v._, says that: “Every year, [the Emperor] resorts to Shang tu. On the 24th day of the 8th moon, the sacrifice called ‘libation of mare’s milk’ is celebrated.” (PELLIOT.)

---------------------------------------------------------------------- [1] The eight stages would be:—(1) Hasanábad, 21 miles; (2) Darband, 28 miles; (3) Chehel Pái, 23 miles; (4) Naiband, 39 miles; (5) Zenagán, 47 miles; (6) Duhuk, 25 miles; (7) Chah Khusháb, 36 miles; and (8) Tun, 23 miles.

[2] _Genom Khorasan och Turkestan_, I., pp. 123 _seq._

BOOK SECOND.

## PART I.—THE KAAN, HIS COURT AND CAPITAL.

II., p. 334.

NAYAN.

It is worthy of note that Nayan had given up Buddhism and become a Christian as well as many of his subjects. Cf. PELLIOT, 1914, pp. 635–6.

VII., pp. 352, 353.

Instead of _Sir-i-Sher_, read _Sar-i-Sher_. (PELLIOT.)

_P’AI TZŬ_.

“Dr. Bushell’s note describes the silver _p’ai_, or tablets (not then called _p’ai tsz_) of the Cathayans, which were 200 (not 600) in number. But long before the Cathayans used them, the T’ang Dynasty had done so for exactly the same purpose. They were 5 inches by 1½ inches, and marked with the five words, ‘order, running horses, silver _p’ai_,’ and were issued by the department known as the _mên-hia-shêng_. Thus, they were not a Tartar, but a Chinese, invention. Of course, it is possible that the Chinese must have had the idea suggested to them by the ancient wooden orders or tallies of the Tartars.” (E. H. PARKER, _As. Quart. Review_, Jan., 1904, p. 146.)

Instead of “Publication No. 42” read only No. 42, which is the number of the _pai tzŭ_. (PELLIOT.)

VIII., p. 358, n. 2.

_Kún ḳú = hon hu_ may be a transcription of _hwang heu_ during the Mongol Period, according to Pelliot.

IX., p. 360.

MONGOL IMPERIAL FAMILY.

“Marco Polo is correct in a way when he says Kúblái was the sixth Emperor, for his father Tu li is counted as a _Divus_ (Jwei Tsung), though he never reigned; just as his son Chin kin (Yü Tsung) is also so counted, and under similar conditions. Chin kin was appointed to the _chung shu_ and _shu-mih_ departments in 1263. He was entrusted with extensive powers in 1279, when he is described as ‘heir apparent.’ In 1284 Yün Nan, Chagan-jang, etc., were placed under his direction. His death is recorded in 1285. Another son, Numugan, was made Prince of the Peking region (Pêh-p’ing) in 1266, and the next year a third son, Hukaji, was sent to take charge of Ta-li, Chagan-jang, Zardandan, etc. In 1272 Kúblái’s son, Mangalai, was made Prince of An-si, with part of Shen Si as his appanage. One more son, named Ai-ya-ch’ih, is mentioned in 1284, and in that year yet another, Tu kan, was made Prince of Chên-nan, and sent on an expedition against Ciampa. In 1285 Essen Temur, who had received a _chung-shu_ post in 1283, is spoken of as Prince of Yün Nan, and is stated to be engaged in Kara-jang; in 1286 he is still there, and is styled ‘son of the Emperor.’ I do not observe in the Annals that Hukaji ever bore the title of Prince of Yün Nan, or, indeed, any princely title. In 1287 Ai-ya-ch’ih is mentioned as being at Shên Chou (Mukden) in connection with Kúblái’s ‘personally conducted’ expedition against Nayen. In 1289 one more son, Géukju, was patented Prince of Ning Yüan. In 1293 Kúblái’s _third son_, Chinkin, received a posthumous title, and Chinkin’s son Temur was declared heir-apparent to Kúblái.

“The above are the only sons of Kúblái whose names I have noticed in the Annals. In the special table of Princes Numugan is styled Pêh-an (instead of Pêh-p’ing) Prince. Aghrukji’s name appears in the table (chap. 108, p. 107), but though he is styled Prince of Si-p’ing, he is not there stated to be a son of Kúblái; nor in the note I have supplied touching Tibet is he styled a _hwang-tsz_ or ‘imperial son.’ In the table Hukaji is described as being in 1268 Prince of Yün Nan, a title ‘inherited in 1280 by Essen Temur.’ I cannot discover anything about the other alleged sons in Yule’s note (Vol. I., p. 361). The Chinese count Kúblái’s years as eighty, he having died just at the beginning of 1294 (our February); this would make him seventy-nine at the very outside, according to our mode of reckoning, or even seventy-eight if he was born towards the end of a year, which indeed he was (eighth moon). If a man is born on the last day of the year he is two years old the very next day according to Chinese methods of counting, which, I suppose, include the ten months which they consider are spent in the womb.” (E. H. PARKER, _As. Quart. Rev._, Jan., 1904, pp. 137–139.)

XI., p. 370, n. 13.

The character _King_ in _King-shan_ is not the one representing Court 京 but 景.—Read “Wan-_sui_-Shan” instead of _Wan-su-Shan_.

XII., p. 380.

_Keshikten_ has nothing to do with _Ḳalchi_. (PELLIOT.)

XVIII., p. 398.

THE CHEETA, OR HUNTING LEOPARD.

Cf. Chapters on Hunting Dogs and Cheetas, being an extract from the “_Kitabᵘ’ l-Bazyarah_,” a treatise on Falconry, by _Ibn Kustrajim_, an Arab writer of the Tenth Century. By Lieut.-Colonel D. C. Phillott and Mr. R. F. Azoo (_Journ. and Proc. Asiatic Soc. Bengal_, Jan., 1907, pp. 47–50):

“The cheeta is the offspring of a lioness, by a leopard that coerces her, and, for this reason, cheetas are sterile like mules and all other hybrids. No animal of the same size is as weighty as the cheeta. It is the most somnolent animal on earth. The best are those that are ‘hollow-bellied,’ roach backed, and have deep black spots on a dark tawny ground, the spots on the back being close to each other; that have the eyes bloodshot, small and narrow; the mouth ‘deep and laughing’; broad foreheads; thick necks; the black line from the eyes long; and the fangs far apart from each other. The fully mature animal is more useful for sporting purposes than the cub; and the females are better at hunting than are the males, and such is the case with all beasts and birds of prey.”

See Hippolyte Boussac, _Le Guépard dans l’Egypte ancienne_ (_La Nature_, 21st March, 1908, pp. 248–250).

XIX., p. 400 n. Instead of _Hoy tiao_, read _Hey tiao_ (_Hei tiao_).

XIX., p. 400. “These two are styled _Chinuchi_ (or _Cunichi_), which is as much as to say, ‘The Keepers of the Mastiff Dogs.’”

Dr. Laufer writes to me: “The word _chinuchi_ is a Mongol term derived from Mongol _činoa_ (pronounced _čino_ or _čono_), which means ‘wolf,’ with the possessive suffix _-či_, meaning accordingly a ‘wolf-owner’ or ‘wolf-keeper.’ One of the Tibetan designations for the mastiff is _čang-k’i_ (written _spyang-k’yi_), which signifies literally ‘wolf-dog.’ The Mongol term is probably framed on this Tibetan word. The other explanations given by Yule (401–402) should be discarded.”

Prof. Pelliot writes to me: “J’incline à croire que les _Cunichi_ sont à lire _Cuiuci_ et répondent au _kouei-tch’e_ ou _kouei-yeou-tch’e_, ‘censeurs,’ des textes chinois; les formes chinoises sont transcrites du mongol et se rattachent au verbe _güyü_, ou _güyi_, ‘courir’; on peut songer à restituer _güyükči_. Un _Ming-ngan_ (= _Minghan_), chef des _kouei-tch’e_, vivait sous Kúblái et a sa biographie au ch. 135 du _Yuan Che_; d’autre part, peut-être faut-il lire, par déplacement de deux points diacritiques, _Bayan güyükči_ dans Rashid ed-Din, ed. BLOCHET, II., 501.”

XX., p. 408, n. 6. _Cachar Modun_ must be the place called _Ha-ch’a-mu-touen_ in the _Yuan Shi_, ch. 100, fᵒ. 2 r. (PELLIOT.)

XXIV., pp. 423, 430. “Bark of Trees, made into something like Paper, to pass for Money over all his Country.”

Regarding Bretschneider’s statement, p. 430, Dr. B. Laufer writes to me: “This is a singular error of Bretschneider. Marco Polo is perfectly correct: not only did the Chinese actually manufacture paper from the bark of the mulberry tree (_Morus alba_), but also it was this paper which was preferred for the making of paper-money. Bretschneider is certainly right in saying that paper is made from the _Broussonetia_, but he is assuredly wrong in the assertion that paper is not made in China from mulberry trees. This fact he could have easily ascertained from S. Julien,[1] who alludes to mulberry tree paper twice, first, as ‘papier de racines et d’écorce de mûrier,’ and, second, in speaking of the bark paper from _Broussonetia:_ ‘On emploie aussi pour le même usage l’écorce d’_Hibiscus Rosa sinensis_ et de mûrier; ce dernier papier sert encore à recueillir les graines de vers à soie.’ What is understood by the latter process may be seen from Plate I. in Julien’s earlier work on sericulture,[2] where the paper from the bark of the mulberry tree is likewise mentioned.

“The _Chi p’u_, a treatise on paper, written by Su I-kien toward the close of the tenth century, enumerates among the various sorts of paper manufactured during his lifetime paper from the bark of the mulberry tree (_sang p’i_) made by the people of the north.[3]

“Chinese paper-money of mulberry bark was known in the Islamic World in the beginning of the fourteenth century; that is, during the Mongol period. Accordingly it must have been manufactured in China during the Yüan Dynasty. Ahmed Shibab Eddin, who died in Cairo in 1338 at the age of 93, and left an important geographical work in thirty volumes, containing interesting information on China gathered from the lips of eye-witnesses, makes the following comment on paper-money, in the translation of Ch. Schefer:[4]

“‘On emploie dans le Khita, en guise de monnaie, des morceaux d’un papier de forme allongée fabriqué avec des filaments de mûriers sur lesquels est imprimé le nom de l’empereur. Lorsqu’un de ces papiers est usé, on le porte aux officiers du prince et, moyennant une perte minime, on reçoit un autre billet en échange, ainsi que cela a lieu dans nos hôtels des monnaies, pour les matières d’or et d’argent que l’on y porte pour être converties en pièces monnayées.’

“And in another passage: ‘La monnaie des Chinois est faite de billets fabriqués avec l’écorce du mûrier. Il y en a de grands et de petits.... On les fabrique avec des filaments tendres du mûrier et, après y avoir apposé un sceau au nom de l’empereur, on les met en circulation.’[5]

“The banknotes of the Ming Dynasty were likewise made of mulberry pulp, in rectangular sheets one foot long and six inches wide, the material being of a greenish colour, as stated in the Annals of the Dynasty.[6] It is clear that the Ming Emperors, like many other institutions, adopted this practice from their predecessors, the Mongols. Klaproth[7] is wrong in saying that the assignats of the Sung, Kin, and Mongols were all made from the bark of the tree _ču (Broussonetia)_, and those of the Ming from all sorts of plants.

“In the _Hui kiang chi_, an interesting description of Turkistan by two Manchu officials, Surde and Fusambô, published in 1772,[8] the following note headed ‘Mohamedan Paper’ occurs:

“‘There are two sorts of Turkistan paper, black and white, made from mulberry bark, cotton and silk refuse equally mixed, resulting in a coarse, thick, strong, and tough material. It is cut into small rolls fully a foot long, which are burnished by means of stones, and then are fit for writing.’

“Sir Aurel Stein[9] reports that paper is still manufactured from mulberry trees in Khotan. Also J. Wiesner,[10] the meritorious investigator of ancient papers, has included the fibres of _Morus alba_ and _M. nigra_ among the material to which his researches extended.

“Mulberry-bark paper is ascribed to Bengal in the _Si yang ch’ao kung tien lu_ by Wu Kiën-hwang, published in 1520.[11]

“As the mulberry tree is eagerly cultivated in Persia in connection with the silk industry, it is possible also that the Persian paper in the banknotes of the Mongols was a product of the mulberry.[12] At any rate, good Marco Polo is cleared, and his veracity and exactness have been established again.”

XXIV., p. 427.

VALUE OF GOLD.

“L’or valait quatre fois son poids d’argent au commencement de la dynastie Ming (1375), sept ou huit fois sous l’empereur Wan-li de la même dynastie (1574), et dix fois à la fin de la dynastie (1635); plus de dix fois sous K’ang hi (1662); plus de vingt fois sous le règne de K’ien long; dix-huit fois au milieu du règne de Tao-koang (1840), quatorze fois au commencement du règne de Hien-fong (1850); dix-huit fois en moyenne dans les années 1882–1883. En 1893, la valeur de l’or augmenta considérablement et égala 28 fois celle de l’argent; en 1894, 32 fois; au commencement de 1895, 33 fois; mais il baissa un peu et à la fin de l’année il valait seulement 30 fois plus.” (Pierre HOANG, _La Propriété en Chine_, 1897, p. 43.)

XXVI., p. 432.

_CH’ING SIANG_.

Morrison, _Dict._, Pt. II, Vol. I., p. 70, says: “Chin-seang, a Minister of State, was so called under the Ming Dynasty.” According to Mr. E. H. Parker (_China Review_, XXIV., p. 101), _Ching Siang_ were abolished in 1395.

In the quotation from the _Masálak al Absár_ instead of _Landjun_ (Lang Chang), read _Landjun_ (_Lang Chung_).

XXXIII., pp. 447–8. “You must know, too, that the Tartars reckon their years by twelves; the sign of the first year being the Lion, of the second the Ox, of the third the Dragon, of the fourth the Dog, and so forth up to the twelfth; so that when one is asked the year of his birth he answers that it was in the year of the Lion (let us say), on such a day or night, at such an hour, and such a moment. And the father of a child always takes care to write these particulars down in a book. When the twelve yearly symbols have been gone through, then they come back to the first, and go through with them again in the same succession.”

“Ce témoignage, writes Chavannes (_T’oung Pao_, 1906, p. 59), n’est pas d’une exactitude rigoureuse, puisque les animaux n’y sont pas nommés à leur rang; en outre, le lion y est substitué au tigre de l’énumération chinoise; mais cette dernière différence provient sans doute de ce que Marco Polo connaissait le cycle avec les noms mongols des animaux; c’est le léopard dont il a fait le lion. Quoiqu’il en soit, l’observation de Marco Polo est juste dans son ensemble et d’innombrables exemples prouvent que le cycle des douze animaux était habituel dans les pièces officielles émanant des chancelleries impériales à l’époque mongole.”

XXXIII., p. 448.

PERSIAN.

With regard to the knowledge of Persian, the only oriental language probably known by Marco Polo, Pelliot remarks (_Journ. Asiat._, Mai-Juin, 1912, p. 592 n.): “C’est l’idée de Yule (cf. par exemple I., 448), et je la crois tout à fait juste. On peut la fortifier d’autres indices. On sait par exemple que Marco Polo substitue le lion au tigre dans le cycle des douze animaux. M. Chavannes (_T’oung pao_, II., VII., 59) suppose que ‘cette dernière différence provient sans doute de ce que Marco Polo connaissait le cycle avec les noms mongols des animaux: c’est le léopard dont il a fait le lion.’ Mais on ne voit pas pourquoi il aurait rendu par ‘lion’ le turco-mongol _bars_, qui signifie seulement ‘tigre.’ Admettons au contraire qu’il pense en persan: dans toute l’Asie centrale, le persan شير _šīr_ a les deux sens de lion et de tigre. De même, quand Marco Polo appelle la Chine du sud Manzi, il est d’accord avec les Persans, par exemple avec Rachid ed-din, pour employer l’expression usuelle dans la langue chinoise de l’époque, c’est-à-dire Man-tseu; mais, au lieu de Manzi, les Mongols avaient adopté un autre nom, Nangias, dont il n’y a pas trace dans Marco Polo. On pourrait multiplier ces exemples.”

XXXIII., p. 456, n. Instead of _Hui Heng_, read _Hiu Heng_.

---------------------------------------------------------------------- [1] _Industries anciennes et modernes de l’Empire chinois_. Paris, 1869, pp. 145, 149.

[2] _Résumé des principaux Traités chinois sur la culture des mûriers et l’éducation des vers à soie_, Paris, 1837, p. 98. According to the notions of the Chinese, Julien remarks, everything made from hemp like cord and weavings is banished from the establishments where silkworms are reared, and our European paper would be very harmful to the latter. There seems to be a sympathetic relation between the silkworm feeding on the leaves of the mulberry and the mulberry paper on which the cocoons of the females are placed.

[3] _Ko chi king yüan_, Ch. 37, p. 6.

[4] _Relations des Musulmans avec les Chinois (Centenaire de l’Ecole des Langues Orientales vivantes_, Paris, 1895, p. 17).

[5] _Ibid._, p. 20.

[6] _Ming Shi_, Ch. 81, p. 1.—The same text is found on a bill issued in 1375 reproduced and translated by W. Vissering (_On Chinese Currency_, see plate at end of volume), the minister of finance being expressly ordered to use the fibres of the mulberry tree in the composition of these bills.

[7] _Mémoires relatifs à l’Asie_, Vol. I., p. 387.

[8] A. WYLIE, _Notes on Chinese Literature_, p. 64. The copy used by me (in the John Crerar Library of Chicago) is an old manuscript clearly written in 4 vols. and chapters, illustrated by nine ink-sketches of types of Mohammedans and a map. The volumes are not paged.

[9] _Ancient Khotan_, Vol. I., p. 134.

[10] _Mikroskopische Untersuchung alter ostturkestanischer Papiere_, p. 9 (Vienna, 1902). I cannot pass over in silence a curious error of this scholar when he says (p. 8) that it is not proved that _Cannabis sativa_ (called by him “genuine hemp”) is cultivated in China, and that the so-called Chinese hemp-paper should be intended for China grass. Every tyro in things Chinese knows that hemp (_Cannabis sativa_) belongs to the oldest cultivated plants of the Chinese, and that hemp-paper is already listed among the papers invented by Ts’ai Lun in A.D. 105 (cf. CHAVANNES, _Les livres chinois avant l’invention du papier, Journal Asiatique_, 1905, p. 6 of the reprint).

[11] Ch. B., p. 10b (ed. of _Pie hia chai ts’ung shu_).

[12] The Persian word for the mulberry, _tūd_, is supposed to be a loan-word from Aramaic. (HORN, _Grundriss iran. Phil._, Vol. I., pt. 2, p. 6.)

BOOK SECOND.

## PART II.—JOURNEY TO THE WEST AND SOUTH-WEST OF CATHAY.

XXXVII, p. 13. “There grow here [Taianfu] many excellent vines, supplying great plenty of wine; and in all Cathay this is the only place where wine is produced. It is carried hence all over the country.”

Dr. B. Laufer makes the following remarks to me: “Polo is quite right in ascribing vines and wine to T’aï Yüan-fu in Shan Si, and is in this respect upheld by contemporary Chinese sources. The _Yin shan cheng yao_ written in 1330 by Ho Se-hui, contains this account[1]: ‘There are numerous brands of wine: that coming from Qara-Khodja[2] (Ha-la-hwo) is very strong, that coming from Tibet ranks next. Also the wines from P’ing Yang and T’aï Yüan (in Shan Si) take the second rank. According to some statements, grapes, when stored for a long time, will develop into wine through a natural process. This wine is fragrant, sweet, and exceedingly strong: this is the genuine grape-wine.’ _Ts’ao mu tse_, written in 1378 par Ye Tse-k’i,[3] contains the following information: ‘Under the Yüan Dynasty grape-wine was manufactured in Ki-ning and other circuits of Shan Si Province. In the eighth month they went to the T’ai hang Mountain,[4] in order to test the genuine and adulterated brands: the genuine kind when water is poured on it, will float; the adulterated sort, when thus treated, will freeze.[5] In wine which has long been stored, there is a certain portion which even in extreme cold will never freeze, while all the remainder is frozen: this is the spirit and fluid secretion of wine.[6] If this is drunk, the essence will penetrate into a man’s armpits, and he will die. Wine kept for two or three years develops great poison.’” For a detailed history of grape-wine in China, see Laufer’s _Sino-Iranica_.

XXXVII., p. 16.

VINE.

Chavannes (_Chancellerie chinoise de l’époque mongole_, II., pp. 66–68, 1908) has a long note on vine and grape wine-making in China, from Chinese sources. We know that vine, according to Sze-ma Ts’ien, was imported from Farghânah about 100 B.C. The Chinese, from texts in the _T’ai p’ing yu lan_ and the _Yuan Kien lei han_, learned the art of wine-making after they had defeated the King of Kao ch’ang (Turfan) in 640 A.D.

XLI., p. 27 _seq._

CHRISTIAN MONUMENT AT SI-NGAN FU.

The slab _King kiao pei_, bearing the inscription, was found, according to Father Havret, 2nd Pt., p. 71, in the sub-prefecture of Chau Chi, a dependency of Si-ngan fu, among ancient ruins. Prof. Pelliot says that the slab was not found at Chau Chi, but in the western suburb of Si-ngan, at the very spot where it was to be seen some years ago, before it was transferred to the _Pei lin_, in fact at the place where it was erected in the seventh century inside the monastery built by Olopun. (_Chrétiens de l’Asie centrale, T’oung pao_, 1914, p. 625.)

In 1907, a Danish gentleman, Mr. Frits V. Holm, took a photograph of the tablet as it stood outside the west gate of Si-ngan, south of the road to Kan Su; it was one of five slabs on the same spot; it was removed without the stone pedestal (a tortoise) into the city on the 2nd October 1907, and it is now kept in the museum known as the _Pei lin_ (Forest of Tablets). Holm says it is ten feet high, the weight being two tons; he tried to purchase the original, and failing this he had an exact replica made by Chinese workmen; this replica was deposited in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in the City of New York, as a loan, on the 16th of June, 1908. Since, this replica was purchased by Mrs. George Leary, of 1053, Fifth Avenue, New York, and presented by this lady, through Frits Holm, to the Vatican. See the November number (1916) of the _Boll. della R. Soc. Geog. Italiana_. “The Original Nestorian Tablet of A.D. 781, as well as my replica, made in 1907,” Holm writes, “are both carved from the stone quarries of Fu Ping Hien; the material is a black, sub-granular limestone with small oolithes scattered through it” (Frits V. Holm, _The Nestorian Monument_, Chicago, 1900). In this pamphlet there is a photograph of the tablet as it stands in the Pei lin.

Prof. Ed. Chavannes, who also visited Si-ngan in 1907, saw the Nestorian Monument; in the album of his _Mission archéologique dans la Chine Septentrionale_, Paris, 1909, he has given (Plate 445) photographs of the five tablets, the tablet itself, the western gate of the western suburb of Si-ngan, and the entrance of the temple _Kin Sheng Sze_.

Cf. Notes, pp. 105–113 of Vol. I. of the second edition of _Cathay and the Way thither_.

XLI., p. 27.

KHUMDAN.

Cf. _Kumudana_, given by the Sanskrit-Chinese vocabulary found in Japan (Max MÜLLER, _Buddhist Texts from Japan_, in _Anecdota Oxoniensia_, Aryan Series, t. I., part I., p. 9), and the _Khumdan_ and _Khumadan_ of Theophylactus. (See TOMASCHEK, in _Wiener Z. M._, t. III., p. 105; Marquart, _Erānšahr_, pp. 316–7; _Osteuropäïsche und Ostasiatische Streifzüge_, pp. 89–90.) (PELLIOT.)

XLI., p. 29 n. The vocabulary _Hwei Hwei_ (Mahomedan) of the College of Interpreters at Peking transcribes King chao from the Persian Kin-chang, a name it gives to the Shen-si province. King chao was called Ngan-si fu in 1277. (DEVÉRIA, _Epigraphie_, p. 9.) Ken jan comes from Kin-chang = King-chao = Si-ngan fu.

Prof. Pelliot writes, _Bul. Ecole franç. Ext. Orient_, IV., July–Sept., 1904, p. 29: “Cette note de M. Cordier n’est pas exacte. Sous les Song, puis sous les Mongols jusqu’en 1277, Si-ngan fou fut appelé King-tchao fou. Le vocabulaire _houei-houei_ ne transcrit pas ‘King-tchao du persan kin-tchang,’ mais, comme les Persans appelaient alors Si-ngan fou Kindjanfou (le Kenjanfu de Marco Polo), cette forme _persane_ est à son tour transcrite phonétiquement en chinois Kin-tchang fou, sans que les caractères choisis jouent là aucun rôle sémantique; Kin-tchang fou n’existe pas dans la géographie chinoise. Quant à l’origine de la forme persane, il est possible, mais non pas sûr, que ce soit King-tchao fou. La forme ‘Quen-zan-fou,’ qu’un écolier chinois du Chen Si fournit à M. von Richthofen comme le nom de Si-ngan fou au temps des Yuan, doit avoir été fautivement recueillie. Il me paraît impossible qu’un Chinois d’une province quelconque prononce _zan_ le caractère 兆 _tchao_.”

XLI., p. 29 n. A clause in the edict also orders the _foreign bonzes of Ta T’sin_ and _Mubupa_ (Christian and _Mobed_ or Magian) _to return to secular life_.

_Mubupa_ has no doubt been derived by the etymology _mobed_, but it is faulty; it should be _Muhupa_. (PELLIOT, _Bul. Ecole franç. Ext. Orient_, IV., July–Sept., 1904, p. 771.) Pelliot writes to me that there is now no doubt that it is derived from _mu-lu hien_ and that it must be understood as the “[religion of] the Celestial God of the Magi.”

XLIII., p. 32.

“The _chien-tao_, or ‘pillar road,’ mentioned, should be _chan-tao_, or ‘scaffolding road.’ The picture facing p. 50 shows how the shoring up or scaffolding is effected. The word _chan_ is still in common use all over the Empire, and in 1267 Kúblái ordered this identical road (‘Sz Ch’wan _chan-tao_’) to be repaired. There are many such roads in Sz Ch’wan besides the original one from Han-chung-Fu.” (E. H. PARKER, _As. Quart. Rev._, Jan., 1904, p. 144.)

XLIV., p. 36. SINDAFU (Ch’êng tu fu).—Through the midst of this great city runs a large river.... It is a good half-mile wide....

“It is probable that in the thirteenth century, when Marco Polo was on his travels, the ‘great river a good half-mile wide,’ flowing past Chengtu, was the principal stream; but in the present day that channel is insignificant in comparison to the one which passes by Ta Hsien, Yung-Chia Chong, and Hsin-Chin Hsien. Of course, these channels are stopped up or opened as occasion requires. As a general rule, they follow such contour lines as will allow gravitation to conduct the water to levels as high as is possible, and when it is desired to raise it higher than it will naturally flow, chain-pumps and enormous undershot water-wheels of bamboo are freely employed. Water-power is used for driving mills through the medium of wheels, undershot or overshot, or turbines, as the local circumstances may demand.” (R. Logan JACK, _Back Blocks_, p. 55.)

XLIV., p. 36.

SINDAFU.

“The story of the ‘three Kings’ of Sindafu is probably in this wise: For nearly a century the Wu family (Wu Kiai, Wu Lin, and Wu Hi) had ruled as semi-independent Sung or ‘Manzi’ Viceroys of Sz Ch’wan, but in 1206 the last-named, who had fought bravely for the Sung (Manzi) Dynasty against the northern Dynasty of the Nüchên Tartars (successors to Cathay), surrendered to this same Kin or Golden Dynasty of Nüchêns or Early Manchus, and was made King of Shuh (Sz Ch’wan). In 1236, Ogdai’s son, K’wei-t’eng, effected the partial conquest of Shuh, entering the capital, Ch’êng-tu Fu (Sindafu), towards the close of the same year. But in 1259 Mangu in person had to go over part of the same ground again. He proceeded up the rapids, and in the seventh moon attacked Ch’ung K’ing, but about a fortnight later he died at a place called Tiao-yü Shan, apparently near the Tiao-yü Ch’êng of my map (p. 175 of _Up the Yangtsze_, 1881), where I was myself in the year 1881. Colonel Yule’s suggestion that Marco’s allusion is to the tripartite Empire of China 1000 years previously is surely wide of the mark. The ‘three brothers’ were probably Kiai, Lin, and T’ing, and Wu Hi was the son of Wu T’ing. An account of Wu Kiai is given in Mayers’ _Chinese Reader’s Manual_.” (E. H. PARKER, _As. Quart. Rev._, Jan., 1904, pp. 144–5.)

Cf. MAYERS, No. 865, p. 259, and GILES, _Biog. Dict._, No. 2324, p. 880.

XLIV., p. 38.

SINDAFU.

Tch’eng Tu was the capital of the Kingdom of Shu. The first Shu Dynasty was the Minor Han Dynasty which lasted from A.D. 221 to A.D. 263; this Shu Dynasty was one of the Three Kingdoms (_San Kwo chi_); the two others being Wei (A.D. 220–264) reigning at Lo Yang, and Wu (A.D. 222–277) reigning at Kien Kang (Nan King). The second was the Ts’ien Shu Dynasty, founded in 907 by Wang Kien, governor of Sze Chw’an since 891; it lasted till 925, when it submitted to the Hau T’ang; in 933 the Hau T’ang were compelled to grant the title of King of Shu (Hau Shu) to Mong Chi-siang, governor of Sze Chw’an, who was succeeded by Mong Ch’ang, dethroned in 965; the capital was also Ch’eng Tu under these two dynasties.

TIBET.

XLV., p. 44. No man of that country would on any consideration take to wife a girl who was a maid; for they say a wife is nothing worth unless she has been used to consort with men. And their custom is this, that when travellers come that way, the old women of the place get ready, and take their unmarried daughters or other girls related to them, and go to the strangers who are passing, and make over the young women to whomsoever will accept them; and the travellers take them accordingly and do their pleasure; after which the girls are restored to the old women who brought them....

Speaking of the Sifan village of Po Lo and the account given by Marco Polo of the customs of these people, M. R. Logan JACK (_Back Blocks_, 1904, pp. 145–6) writes: “I freely admit that the good looks and modest bearing of the girls were the chief merits of the performance in my eyes. Had the _danseuses_ been scrubbed and well dressed, they would have been a presentable body of _débutantes_ in any European ballroom. One of our party, frivolously disposed, asked a girl (through an interpreter) if she would marry him and go to his country. The reply, ‘I do not know you, sir,’ was all that propriety could have demanded in the best society, and worthy of a pupil ‘finished’ at Miss Pinkerton’s celebrated establishment.... Judging from our experience, no idea of hospitalities of the kind [Marco’s experience] was in the people’s minds.”

XLV., p. 45. Speaking of the people of Tibet, Polo says: “They are very poorly clad, for their clothes are only of the skins of beasts, and of canvas, and of buckram.”

Add to the note, I., p. 48, n. 5:—

“Au XIVᵉ siècle, le bougran [buckram] était une espèce de tissu de lin: le meilleur se fabriquait en Arménie et dans le royaume de Mélibar, s’il faut s’en rapporter à Marco Polo, qui nous apprend que les habitants du Thibet, qu’il signale comme pauvrement vêtus, l’étaient de canevas et de bougran, et que cette dernière étoffe se fabriquait aussi dans la province d’Abasce. Il en venait également de l’île de Chypre. Sorti des manufactures d’Espagne ou importé dans le royaume, à partir de 1442, date d’une ordonnance royale publiée par le P. Saez, le bougran le plus fin payait soixante-dix maravédis de droits, sans distinction de couleur” (FRANCISQUE-MICHEL, _Recherches sur le commerce, la fabrication et l’usage des étoffes de soie, d’or et d’argent_.... II., 1854, pp. 33–4). Passage mentioned by Dr. Laufer.

XLV., pp. 46 n., 49 _seq._

Referring to Dr. E. Bretschneider, Prof. E. H. Parker gives the following notes in the _Asiatic Quart. Review_, Jan., 1904, p. 131: “In 1251 Ho-êrh-t’ai was appointed to the command of the Mongol and Chinese forces advancing on Tibet (T’u-fan). [In my copy of the _Yüan Shï_ there is no entry under the year 1254 such as that mentioned by Bretschneider; it may, however, have been taken by Palladius from some other chapter.] In 1268 Mang-ku-tai was ordered to invade the Si-fan (outer Tibet) and _Kien-tu_ [Marco’s Caindu] with 6000 men. Bretschneider, however, omits Kien-tu, and also omits to state that in 1264 eighteen Si-fan clans were placed under the superintendence of the _an-fu-sz_ (governor) of An-si Chou, and that in 1265 a reward was given to the troops of the decachiliarch Hwang-li-t’a-rh for their services against the T’u-fan, with another reward to the troops under Prince Ye-suh-pu-hwa for their successes against the Si-fan. Also that in 1267 the Si-fan chieftains were encouraged to submit to Mongol power, in consequence of which A-nu-pan-ti-ko was made Governor-General of Ho-wu and other regions near it. Bretschneider’s next item after the doubtful one of 1274 is in 1275, as given by Cordier, but he omits to state that in 1272 Mang-ku-tai’s eighteen clans and other T’u-fan troops were ordered in hot haste to attack Sin-an Chou, belonging to the Kien-tu prefecture; and that a post-station called Ning-ho Yih was established on the T’u-fan and Si-Ch’wan [= Sz Ch’wan] frontier. In 1275 a number of Princes, including Chi-pi T’ie-mu-r, and Mang-u-la, Prince of An-si, were sent to join the Prince of Si-p’ing [Kúblái’s son] Ao-lu-ch’ih in his expedition against the Tu-fan. In 1276 all Si-fan bonzes (lamas) were forbidden to carry arms, and the Tu-fan city of Hata was turned into Ning-yüan Fu [as it now exists]; garrisons and civil authorities were placed in Kien-tu and Lo-lo-sz [the Lolo country]. In 1277 a Customs station was established at Tiao-mên and Li-Chou [Ts’ing-k’i Hien in Ya-chou Fu] for the purposes of Tu-fan trade. In 1280 more Mongol troops were sent to the Li Chou region, and a special officer was appointed for T’u-fan [Tibetan] affairs at the capital. In 1283 a high official was ordered to print the official documents connected with the _süan-wei-sz_ [governorship] of T’u-fan. In 1288 six provinces, including those of Sz Chw’an and An-si, were ordered to contribute financial assistance to the _süan-wei-shï_ [governor] of U-sz-tsang [the indigenous name of Tibet proper]. Every year or two after this, right up to 1352, there are entries in the Mongol Annals amply proving that the conquest of Tibet under the Mongols was not only complete, but fully narrated; however, there is no particular object in carrying the subject here beyond the date of Marco’s departure from China. There are many mentions of Kien-tu (which name dates from the Sung Dynasty) in the _Yüan-shï_; it is the Kien-ch’ang Valley of to-day, with capital at Ning-yüan, as clearly marked on Bretschneider’s Map. Baber’s suggestion of the _Chan-tui_ tribe of Tibetans is quite obsolete, although Baber was one of the first to explore the region in person. A petty tribe like the _Chan-tui_ could never have given name to _Caindu_; besides, both initials and finals are impossible, and the _Chan-tui_ have never lived there. I have myself met Si-fan chiefs at Peking; they may be described roughly as Tibetans _not under_ the Tibetan Government. The T’u-fan, T’u-po, or Tubot, were the Tibetans _under Tibetan rule_, and they are now usually styled ‘Si-tsang’ by the Chinese. Yaci [Ya-ch’ih, Ya-ch’ï] is frequently mentioned in the _Yüan-shï_, and the whole of Devéria’s quotation given by Cordier on p. 72 appears there [chap. 121, p. 5], besides a great deal more to the point, without any necessity for consulting the _Lei pien_. Cowries, under the name of _pa-tsz_, are mentioned in both Mongol and Ming history as being in use for money in Siam and Yung-ch’ang [Vociam]. The porcelain coins which, as M. Cordier quotes from me on p. 74, I myself saw current in the Shan States or Siam about ten years ago, were of white China, with a blue figure, and about the size of a Keating’s cough lozenge, but thicker. As neither form of the character _pa_ appears in any dictionary, it is probably a foreign word only locally understood. Regarding the origin of the name Yung-ch’ang, the discussions upon p. 105 are no longer necessary; in the eleventh moon of 1272 [say about January 1, 1273] Kúblái ‘presented the name Yung-ch’ang to the new city built by Prince Chi-pi T’ie-mu-r.’”

XLVI., p. 49. They have also in this country [Tibet] plenty of fine woollens and other stuffs, and many kinds of spices are produced there which are never seen in our country.

Dr. Laufer draws my attention to the fact that this translation does not give exactly the sense of the French text, which runs thus:

“Et encore voz di qe en ceste provence a gianbelot [camelot] assez et autres dras d’or et de soie, et hi naist maintes especes qe unques ne furent veue en nostre païs.” (_Ed. Soc. de Géog._, Chap. cxvi., p. 128.)

In the Latin text (_Ibid._, p. 398), we have:

“In ista provincia sunt giambelloti satis et alii panni de sirico et auro; et ibi nascuntur multæ species quæ nunquam fuerunt visæ in nostris contractis.”

Francisque-Michel (_Recherches_, II., p. 44) says: “Les Tartares fabriquaient aussi à Aias de très-beaux camelots de poil de chameau, que l’on expédiait pour divers pays, et Marco Polo nous apprend que cette denrée était fort abondante dans le Thibet. Au XVᵉ siècle, il en venait de l’île de Chypre.”

XLVII., pp. 50, 52.

WILD OXEN CALLED _BEYAMINI_.

Dr. Laufer writes to me: “Yule correctly identifies the ‘wild oxen’ of Tibet with the gayal (_Bos gavaeus_), but I do not believe that his explanation of the word _beyamini_ (from an artificially constructed _buemini_ = Bohemian) can be upheld. Polo states expressly that these wild oxen are called _beyamini_ (scil. by the natives), and evidently alludes to a native Tibetan term. The gayal is styled in Tibetan _ba-men_ (or _ba-man_), derived from _ba_ (‘cow’), a diminutive form of which is _beu_. Marco Polo appears to have heard some dialectic form of this word like _beu-men_ or _beu-min_.”

XLVIII., p. 70.

KIUNG TU AND KIEN TU.

Kiung tu or Kiang tu is Caindu in Sze-Ch’wan; Kien tu is in Yun Nan. Cf. PELLIOT, _Bul. Ecole franç. Ext. Orient_, July–Sept, 1904, p. 771. Caindu or Ning Yuan was, under the Mongols, a dependency of Yun Nan, not of Sze Ch’wan. (PELLIOT.)

XLVIII., p. 72. The name _Karájáng_. “The first element was the Mongol or Turki _Kárá_.... Among the inhabitants of this country some are black, and others are white; these latter are called by the Mongols _Chaghán-Jáng_ (‘White Jang’). Jang has not been explained; but probably it may have been a Tibetan term adopted by the Mongols, and the colours may have applied to their clothing.”

Dr. Berthold Laufer, of Chicago, has a note on the subject in the _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Soc._, Oct., 1915, pp. 781–4: “M. Pelliot (_Bul. Ecole franç. Ext. Orient_, IV., 1904, p. 159) proposed to regard the unexplained name _Jang_ as the Mongol transcription of _Ts’uan_, the ancient Chinese designation of the Lo-lo, taken from the family name of one of the chiefs of the latter; he gave his opinion, however, merely as an hypothesis which should await confirmation. I now believe that Yule was correct in his conception, and that, in accordance with his suggestion, _Jang_ indeed represents the phonetically exact transcription of a Tibetan proper name. This is the Tibetan _ạ Jaṅ_ or _ạ Jaṇs_ (the prefixed letter _ạ_ and the optional affix _-s_ being silent, hence pronounced _Jang_ or _Djang_), of which the following precise definition is given in the _Dictionnaire tibétain-latin français par les Missionnaires Catholiques du Tibet_ (p. 351): ‘Tribus et regionis nomen in N.-W. provinciae Sinarum Yun-nan, cuius urbs principalis est Sa-t’am seu Ly-kiang fou. Tribus vocatur Mosso a Sinensibus et Nashi ab ipsismet incolis.’ In fact, as here stated, _Jaⁿ_ or _Jang_ is the Tibetan designation of the Moso and the territory inhabited by them, the capital of which is Li-kiang-fu. This name is found also in Tibetan literature....”

XLVIII., p. 74, n. 2. One thousand Uighúr families (_hou_) had been transferred to Karajáng in 1285. (_Yuan shi_, ch. 13, 8_vᵒ_, quoted by PELLIOT.)

L., pp. 85–6. Zardandan. “The country is wild and hard of access, full of great woods and mountains which ’tis impossible to pass, the air in summer is so impure and bad; and any foreigners attempting it would die for certain.”

“An even more formidable danger was the resolution of our ‘permanent’ (as distinguished from ‘local’) soldiers and mafus, of which we were now apprised, to desert us in a body, as they declined to face the malaria of the Lu-Kiang Ba, or Salwen Valley. We had, of course, read in Gill’s book of this difficulty, but as we approached the Salwen we had concluded that the scare had been forgotten. We found, to our chagrin, that the dreaded ‘Fever Valley’ had lost none of its terrors. The valley had a bad name in Marco Polo’s day, in the thirteenth century, and its reputation has clung to it ever since, with all the tenacity of Chinese traditions. The Chinaman of the district crosses the valley daily without fear, but the Chinaman from a distance _knows_ that he will either die or his wife will prove unfaithful. If he is compelled to go, the usual course is to write to his wife and tell her that she is free to look out for another husband. Having made up his mind that he will die, I have no doubt that he often dies through sheer funk.” (R. Logan JACK, _Back Blocks of China_, 1904, p. 205.)

L., pp. 84, 89.

CONCERNING THE PROVINCE OF ZARDANDAN.

We read in Huber’s paper already mentioned (_Bul. Ecole franç. Ext. Orient_, Oct.–Dec., 1909, p. 665): “The second month of the twelfth year (1275), Ho T’ien-tsio, governor of the Kien Ning District, sent the following information: ‘A-kouo of the Zerdandan tribe, knows three roads to enter Burma, one by T’ien pu ma, another by the P’iao tien, and the third by the very country of A-kouo; the three roads meet at the ‘City of the Head of the River’ [Kaung si] in Burma.’” A-kouo, named elsewhere A-ho, lived at Kan-ngai. According to Huber, the Zardandan road is the actual caravan road to Bhamo on the left of the Nam Ti and Ta Ping; the second route would be by the T’ien ma pass and Nam hkam, the P’iao tien route is the road on the right bank of the Nam Ti and the Ta Ping leading to Bhamo _viâ_ San Ta and Man Waing.

The _Po Yi_ and _Ho Ni_ tribes are mentioned in the _Yuan Shi_, s.a. 1278. (PELLIOT.)

L., p. 90.

Mr. H. A. OTTEWILL tells me in a private note that the Kachins or Singphos did not begin to reach Burma in their emigration from Tibet until last century or possibly this century. They are not to be found east of the Salwen River.

L., p. 91.

COUVADE.

There is a paper on the subject in the _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_ (1911, pp. 546–63) by Hugo Kunicke, _Das sogennante “Männerkindbett,”_ with a bibliography not mentioning Yule’s _Marco Polo_, Vinson, etc. We may also mention: _De la “Covada” en España_. Por el Prof. Dr. Telesforo de Aranzadi, Barcelona (_Anthropos_, T. V., fasc. 4, Juli–August, 1910, pp. 775–8).

L., p. 92 n.

I quoted Prof. E. H. Parker (_China Review_, XIV., p. 359), who wrote that the “_Langszi_ are evidently the _Szi lang_, one of the six _Chao_, but turned upside down.” Prof. Pelliot (_Bul. Ecole franç. Ext. Orient_, IV., July–Sept., 1904, p. 771) remarks: “Mr. Parker is entirely wrong. The _Chao_ of Shi-lang, which was annexed by Nan Chao during the eighth century, was in the western part of Yun Nan, not in Kwei chau; we have but little information on the subject.” He adds: “The custom of Couvade is confirmed for the Lao of Southern China by the following text of the _Yi wu chi_ of Fang Ts’ien-li, dating at least from the time of the T’ang dynasty: ‘When a Lao woman of Southern China has a child, she goes out at once. The husband goes to bed exhausted, like a woman giving suck. If he does not take care, he becomes ill. The woman has no harm.’”

L., pp. 91–95.

Under the title of _The Couvade or “Hatching,”_ John Cain writes from Dumagudem, 31st March, 1874, to the _Indian Antiquary_, May, 1874, p. 151:

“In the districts in South India in which Telugu is spoken, there is a wandering tribe of people called the Erukalavandlu. They generally pitch their huts, for the time being, just outside a town or village. Their chief occupations are fortune-telling, rearing pigs, and making mats. Those in this part of the Telugu country observe the custom mentioned in Max Müller’s _Chips from a German Workshop_, Vol. II., pp. 277–284. Directly the woman feels the birth-pangs, she informs her husband, who immediately takes some of her clothes, puts them on, places on his forehead the mark which the women usually place on theirs, retires into a dark room where is only a very dim lamp, and lies down on the bed, covering himself up with a long cloth. When the child is born, it is washed and placed on the cot beside the father. Assafœtida, _jaggery_, and other articles are then given, not to the mother, but to the father. During the days of ceremonial uncleanness the man is treated as the other Hindus treat their women on such occasions. He is not allowed to leave his bed, but has everything needful brought to him.”

Mr. John Cain adds (_l.c._, April, 1879, p. 106): “The women are called ‘hens’ by their husbands, and the male and female children ‘cock children’ and ‘hen children’ respectively.”

LI., p. 99 n. “M. Garnier informs me that _Mien Kwé_ or _Mien Tisong_ is the name always given in Yun Nan to that kingdom.”

_Mien Tisong_ is surely faulty, and must likely be corrected in _Mien Chung_, proved especially at the Ming Period. (PELLIOT, _Bul. Ecole franç. Ext. Orient_, IV., July–Sept, 1904, p. 772.)

LI., LII., pp. 98 _seq._

WAR AGAINST THE KING OF MIEN.

The late Edouard HUBER of Hanoi, writing from Burmese sources, throws new light on this subject: “In the middle of the thirteenth century, the Burmese kingdom included Upper and Lower Burma, Arakan and Tenasserim; besides the Court of Pagan was paramount over several feudatory Shan states, until the valleys of the Yunnanese affluents of the Irawadi to the N.E., and until Zimmé at the least to the E. Narasīhapati, the last king of Pagan who reigned over the whole of this territory, had already to fight the Talaings of the Delta and the governor of Arakan who wished to be independent, when, in 1271, he refused to receive Kúblái’s ambassadors who had come to call upon him to recognize himself as a vassal of China. The first armed conflict took place during the spring of 1277 in the Nam Ti valley; it is the battle of Nga-çaung-khyam of the Burmese Chronicles, related by Marco Polo, who, by mistake, ascribes to Nasr ed-Din the merit of this first Chinese victory. During the winter of 1277–78, a second Chinese expedition with Nasr ed-Din at its head ended with the capture of Kaung sin, the Burmese stronghold commanding the defile of Bhamo. The _Pagan Yazawin_ is the only Burmese Chronicle giving exactly the spot of this second encounter. During these two expeditions, the invaders had not succeeded in breaking through the thick veil of numerous small thai principalities which still stand to-day between Yun Nan and Burma proper. It was only in 1283 that the final crush took place, when a third expedition, whose chief was Siang-wu-ta-eul (Singtaur), retook the fort of Kaung sin and penetrated more into the south in the Irawadi Valley, but without reaching Pagan. King Narasīhapati evacuated Pagan before the impending advancing Chinese forces and fled to the Delta. In 1285 parleys for the establishment of a Chinese Protectorship were begun; but in the following year, King Narasīhapati was poisoned at Prome by his own son Sīhasūra. In 1287, a fourth Chinese expedition, with Prince Ye-sin Timur at its head, reached at last Pagan, having suffered considerable losses.... A fifth and last Chinese expedition took place during the autumn of 1300 when the Chinese army went down the Irawadi Valley and besieged Myin-Saing during the winter of 1300–1301. The Mongol officers of the staff having been bribed the siege was raised.” (_Bul. Ecole franç. Extrême-Orient_, Oct.–Dec., 1909, pp. 679–680; cf. also p. 651 _n._)

Huber, p. 666 _n._, places the battle-field of Vochan in the Nam Ti Valley; the Burmese never reached the plain of Yung Ch’ang.

LII., p. 106 n.

BURMA.

We shall resume from Chinese sources the history of the relations between Burma and China:

1271. Embassy of Kúblái to Mien asking for allegiance.

1273. New embassy of Kúblái.

1275. Information supplied by A-kuo, chief of Zardandan.

1277. First Chinese Expedition against Mien—Battle of Nga-çaung-khyam won by Hu Tu.

1277. Second Chinese Expedition led by Naçr ed-Din.

1283. Third Chinese Expedition led by Prince Singtaur.

1287. Fourth Chinese Expedition led by Yisun Timur; capture of Pagan.

1300–1301. Fifth Chinese Expedition; siege of Myin-saing.

Cf. E. HUBER, _Bul. Ecole franç. Ext. Orient_, Oct.–Dec., 1909, pp. 633–680.—VISDELOU, _Rev. Ext. Orient_, II., pp. 72–88.

LIII.–LIV., pp. 106–108. “After leaving the Province of which I have been speaking [Yung ch’ang] you come to a great Descent. In fact you ride for two days and a half continually down hill.... After you have ridden those two days and a half down hill, you find yourself in a province towards the south which is pretty near India, and this province is called AMIEN. You travel therein for fifteen days.... And when you have travelled those 15 days ... you arrive at the capital city of this Province of Mien, and it also is called AMIEN....”

I owe the following valuable note to Mr. Herbert Allan OTTEWILL, H.M.’s Vice-Consul at T’eng Yueh (11th October, 1908):

“The indications of the route are a great descent down which you ride continually for two days and a half towards the south along the main route to the capital city of Amien.

“It is admitted that the road from Yung Ch’ang to T’eng Yueh is not the one indicated. Before the Hui jen Bridge was built over the Salween in 1829, there can be no doubt that the road ran to Ta tu k’ou—great ferry place—which is about six miles below the present bridge. The distance to both places is about the same, and can easily be accomplished in two days.

“The late Mr. Litton, who was Consul here for some years, once stated that the road to La-mêng on the Salween was almost certainly the one referred to by Marco Polo as the great descent to the kingdom of Mien. His stages were from Yung Ch’ang: (1) Yin wang (? Niu wang); (2) P’ing ti; (3) Chen an so; (4) Lung Ling. The Salween was crossed on the third day at La-mêng Ferry. Yung Ch’ang is at an altitude of about 5,600 feet; the Salween at the Hui jen Bridge is about 2,400, and probably drops 200–300 feet between the bridge and La-mêng. Personally I have only been along the first stage to Niu Wang, 5,000 feet; and although aneroids proved that the highest point on the road was about 6,600, I can easily imagine a person not provided with such instruments stating that the descent was fairly gradual. From Niu Wang there must be a steady drop to the Salween, probably along the side of the stream which drains the Niu Wang Plain.

“La-mêng and Chen an so are in the territory of the Shan Sawbwa of Mang Shih [Möng Hkwan].”

“It is also a well-known fact that the Shan States of Hsen-wi (in Burma) and Meng mao (in China) fell under Chinese authority at an early date. Mr. E. H. Parker, quoted by Sir G. Scott in the _Upper Burma Gazetteer_, states: ‘During the reign of the Mongol Emperor Kúblái a General was sent to punish Annam and passed through this territory or parts of it called Meng tu and Meng pang,’ and secured its submission. In the year 1289 the Civil and Military Governorship of Muh Pang was established. Muh Pang is the Chinese name of Hsen-wi.

“Therefore the road from Yung Ch’ang to La-mêng fulfils the conditions of a great descent, riding two and a half days continually down hill finding oneself in a (Shan) Province to the south, besides being on a well-known road to Burma, which was probably in the thirteenth century the only road to that country.

“Fifteen days from La-mêng to Tagaung or Old Pagan is not an impossible feat. Lung Ling is reached in 1½ days, Keng Yang in four, and it is possible to do the remaining distance about a couple of hundred miles in eleven days, making fifteen in all.

“I confess I do not see how any one could march to Pagan in Latitude 21° 13′ in fifteen days.”

LIV., p. 113.

NGA-TSHAUNG-GYAN.

According to the late E. HUBER, Ngan chen kue is not Nga-çaung-khyam, but Nga Singu, in the Mandalay district. The battle took place, not in the Yung Ch’ang plain, but in the territory of the Shan Chief of Nan-tien. The official description of China under the Ming (_Ta Ming yi t’ung che_, k. 87, 38 vᵒ) tells us that Nan-tien before its annexation by Kúblái Khan, bore the name of Nan Sung or Nang Sung, and to-day the pass which cuts this territory in the direction of T’eng Yueh is called Nang-Sung-kwan. It is hardly possible to doubt that this is the place called Nga-çaung-khyam by the Burmese Chronicles. (_Bul. Ecole franç. Ext. Orient_, Oct.–Dec., 1909, p. 652.)

LVI., p. 117 n.

A Map in the Yun Nan Topography Section 9, “Tu-ssu” or Sawbwas, marks the Kingdom of “Eight hundred wives” between the mouths of the Irrawaddy and the Salween Rivers. (Note kindly sent by Mr. H. A. OTTEWILL.)

LIX., p. 128.

CAUGIGU.

M. Georges Maspero, _L’Empire Khmèr_, p. 77 n., thinks that Canxigu = Luang Prabang; I read Caugigu and I believe it is a transcription of _Kiao-Chi Kwé_, see p. 131.

LIX., pp. 128, 131.

“I have identified, II., p. 131, Caugigu with _Kiao-Chi kwé_ (Kiao Chi), _i.e._ Tung King.” Hirth and Rockhill (_Chau Ju-kua_, p. 46 n.) write: “‘Kiáu chi’ is certainly the original of Marco Polo’s Caugigu and of Rashid-eddin’s Kafchi kué.”

---------------------------------------------------------------------- [1] _Pen ts’ao kang mu_, Ch. 25, p. 14_b_.

[2] Regarding this name and its history, see PELLIOT, _Journ. Asiatique_, 1912, I., p. 582. Qara Khodja was celebrated for its abundance of grapes. (BRETSCHNEIDER, _Mediæval Res._, I., p. 65.) J. DUDGEON (_The Beverages of the Chinese_, p. 27) misreading it Ha-so-hwo, took it for the designation of a sort of wine. STUART (_Chinese Materia Medica_, p. 459) mistakes it for a transliteration of “hollands,” or may be “alcohol.” The latter word has never penetrated into China in any form.

[3] This work is also the first that contains the word _a-la-ki_, from Arabic ’araq. (See _T’oung Pao_, 1916, p, 483.)

[4] A range of mountains separating Shan Si from Chi li and Ho Nan.

[5] This is probably a phantasy. We can make nothing of it, as it is not stated how the adulterated wine was made.

[6] This possibly is the earliest Chinese allusion to alcohol.

BOOK SECOND.—_CONTINUED._

## PART III.—JOURNEY SOUTHWARD THROUGH EASTERN PROVINCES OF

CATHAY AND MANZI.

LX., p. 133.

CH’ANG LU.

The Rev. A. C. MOULE (_T’oung Pao_, July, 1915, p. 417) says that “Ciang lu [Ch’ang-lu] was not, I think, identical with Ts’ang chou,” but does not give any reason in support of this opinion.

CH’ANG LU SALT.

“To this day the _sole name_ for this industry, the financial centre of which is T’ien Tsin, is the ‘Ch’ang-lu Superintendency.’” (E. H. PARKER, _As. Quart. Review_, Jan., 1904, p. 147.) “The ‘Ch’ang-lu,’ or Long Reed System, derives its name from the city Ts’ang chou, on the Grand Canal (south of T’ientsin), once so called. In 1285 Kúblái Khan ‘once more divided the Ho-kien (Chih-li) and Shan Tung interests,’ which, as above explained, are really one in working principle. There is now a First Class Commissary at T’ientsin, with sixteen subordinates, and the Viceroy (who until recent years resided at Pao ting fu) has nominal supervision.” (PARKER, _China_, 1901, pp. 223–4.)

“Il y a 10 groupes de salines, _Tch’ang_, situés dans les districts de Fou ning hien, Lo t’ing hien, Loan tcheou, Fong joen hien, Pao tch’e hien, T’ien tsin hien, Tsing hai hien, Ts’ang tcheou et Yen chan hien. Il y a deux procédés employés pour la fabrication du sel: 1ᵒ On étale sur un sol uni des cendres d’herbes venues dans un terrain salé et on les arrose d’eau de mer; le liquide qui s’en écoule, d’une densité suffisante pour faire flotter un œuf de poule ou des graines de nénuphar, _Che lien_, est chauffé pendant 24 heures avec de ces mêmes herbes employées comme combustible, et le sel se dépose. Les cendres des herbes servent à une autre opération. 2ᵒ L’eau de mer est simplement évaporée au soleil.... L’administrateur en chef de ce commerce est le Vice-roi même de la province de Tche-li.” (P. HOANG, _Sel, Variétés Sinologiques_, No. 15, p. 3.)

LXI., pp. 136, 138.

SANGON—T’SIANG KIUN.

“Le titre chinois de _tsiang kiun_ ‘général’ apparaît toujours dans les inscriptions de l’Orkhon sous la forme _säṅün_, et dans les manuscrits turcs de Tourfan on trouve _sangun_; ces formes avaient prévalu en Asie centrale et c’est à elles que répond le _sangon_ de Marco Polo” (éd. Yule-Cordier, II., 136, 138). PELLIOT, _Kao tch’ang_, _J. As._, Mai–Juin, 1912, p. 584 _n._

LXI., p. 138.

LITAN.

“For Li T’an’s rebellion and the siege of Ts’i-nan, see the _Yüan Shih_, c. v, fol. 1, 2; c. ccvi, fol. 2rᵒ; and c. cxviii, fol. 5rᵒ. From the last passage it appears that Aibuga, the father of King George of Tenduc, took some part in the siege. Prince Ha-pi-ch’i and Shih T’ien-tsê, but not, that I have seen, Agul or Mangutai, are mentioned in the _Yüan Shih_.” (A. C. MOULE, _T’oung Pao_, July, 1915, p. 417.)

LXII., p. 139.

SINJUMATU.

This is Ts’i ning chau. “Sinjumatu was on a navigable stream, as Marco Polo expressly states and as its name implies. It was not long after 1276, as we learn from the _Yüan Shih_ (lxiv), that Kúblái carried out very extensive improvements in the waterways of this very region, and there is nothing improbable in the supposition that the _ma-t’ou_ or landing-place had moved up to the more important town, so that the name of Chi chou had become in common speech Sinjumatu (Hsin-chou-ma-t’ou) by the time that Marco Polo got to know the place.” (A. C. MOULE, _Marco Polo’s Sinjumatu, T’oung Pao_, July, 1912, pp. 431–3.)

LXII., p. 139 n.

GREAT CANAL.

“Et si voz di qu’il ont un fluns dou quel il ont grant profit et voz dirai comant. Il est voir qe ceste grant fluns vient de ver midi jusque à ceste cité de Singuimatu, et les homes de la ville cest grant fluns en ont fait deus: car il font l’une moitié aler ver levant, et l’autre moitié aler ver ponent: ce est qe le un vait au Mangi, et le autre por le Catai. Et si voz di por verité que ceste ville a si grant navile, ce est si grant quantité, qe ne est nul qe ne veisse qe peust croire. Ne entendés qe soient grant nés, mès eles sunt tel come besogne au grant fluns, et si voz di qe ceste naville portent au Mangi e por le Catai si grant abondance de mercandies qe ce est mervoille; et puis quant elles revienent, si tornent encore cargies, et por ce est merveieliosse chouse à veoir la mercandie qe por celle fluns se porte sus et jus.” (_Marco Polo, Soc. de Geog._, p. 152.)

LXIV., p. 144.

CAIJU.

The Rev. A. C. MOULE writes (_T’oung Pao_, July, 1915, p. 415): “Hai chou is the obvious though by no means perfectly satisfactory equivalent of Caigiu. For it stands not on, but thirty or forty miles from, the old bed of the river. A place which answers better as regards position is Ngan tung which was a _chou_ (_giu_) in the Sung and Yuan Dynasties. The _Kuang-yü-hsing-shêng_, Vol. II., gives Hai Ngan as the old name of Ngan Tung in the Eastern Wei Dynasty.”

LXIV., p. 144 n.

“La voie des transports du tribut n’était navigable que de Hang tcheou au fleuve Jaune, [Koublai] la continua jusqu’auprès de sa capitale. Les travaux commencèrent en 1289 et trois ans après on en faisait l’ouverture. C’était un ruban de plus de (1800) mille huit cents li (plus de 1000 kil.). L’étendue de ce Canal, qui mérite bien d’être appelé impérial (Yu ho), de Hang Tcheou à Peking, mesure près de trois mille li, c’est-à-dire plus de quatre cents lieues.” GANDAR, _Le Canal Impérial_, 1894, pp. 21–22. Kwa Chau (Caiju), formerly at the head of the Grand Canal on the Kiang, was destroyed by the erosions of the river.

LXV., p. 148 n.

Instead of K_o_tan, note 1, read K_i_tan. “The ceremony of leading a sheep was insisted on in 926, when the Tungusic-Corean King of Puh-hai (or Manchuria) surrendered, and again in 946, when the puppet Chinese Emperor of the Tsin Dynasty gave in his submission to the Kitans.” (E. H. PARKER, _As. Quart. Rev._, January, 1904, p. 140.)

LXV., p. 149.

LIN NGAN.

It is interesting to note that the spoils of Lin Ngan carried to Khan Balig were the beginning of the Imperial Library, increased by the documents of the Yuen, the Ming, and finally the Ts’ing; it is noteworthy that during the rebellion of Li Tze-ch’eng, the library was spared, though part of the palace was burnt. See N. PERI, _Bul. Ecole franç. Ext. Orient_, Jan.–June, 1911, p. 190.

LXVIII., p. 154 n.

YANJU.

Regarding Kingsmill’s note, Mr. John C. Ferguson writes in the _Journal North China Branch Roy. As. Soc._, XXXVII., 1906, p. 190: “It is evident that Tiju and Yanju have been correctly identified as Taichow and Yangchow. I cannot agree with Mr. Kingsmill, however, in identifying Tinju as Ichin-hien on the Great River. It is not probable that Polo would mention Ichin twice, once before reaching Yangchow and once after describing Yangchow. I am inclined to believe that Tinju is Hsien-nü-miao 仙女廟, a large market-place which has close connection both with Taichow and Yangchow. It is also an important place for the collection of the revenue on salt, as Polo notices. This identification of Tinju with Hsien-nü-miao would clear up any uncertainty as to Polo’s journey, and would make a natural route for Polo to take from Kao yu to Yangchow if he wished to see an important place between these two cities.”

LXVIII., p. 154.

YANG CHAU.

In a text of the _Yuen tien chang_, dated 1317, found by Prof. Pelliot, mention is made of a certain Ngao-la-han [Abraham?] still alive at Yang chau, who was, according to the text, the son of the founder of the Church of the Cross of the ãrkägün (_Ye-li-k’o-wen she-tze-sze_), one of the three Nestorian churches of Yang-chau mentioned by Odoric and omitted by Marco Polo. Cf. _Cathay_, II., p. 210, and PELLIOT, _T’oung Pao_, 1914, p. 638.

LXX., p. 167.

SIEGE OF SAIANFU.

Prof. E. H. PARKER writes in the _Journ. of the North China Branch of the Roy. As. Soc._, XXXVII., 1906, p. 195: “Colonel Yule’s note requires some amendment, and he has evidently been misled by the French translations. The two Mussulmans who assisted Kúblái with guns were not ‘A-la-wa-ting of Mu-fa-li and Ysemain of Huli or Hiulie,’ but A-la-pu-tan of Mao-sa-li and Y-sz-ma-yin of Shih-la. Shih-la is Shiraz, the Serazy of Marco Polo, and Mao-sa-li is Mosul. Bretschneider cites the facts in his _Mediæval Notes_, and seems to have used another edition, giving the names as A-lao-wa-ting of Mu-fa-li and Y-sz-ma-yin of Hü-lieh; but even he points out that Hulagu is meant, _i.e._ ‘a man from Hulagu’s country.’”

LXX., p. 169.

“P’AO.”

“Captain Gill’s testimony as to the ancient ‘guns’ used by the Chinese is, of course (as, in fact, he himself states), second-hand and hearsay. In Vol. XXIV. of the _China Review_ I have given the name and date of a General who used _p’ao_ so far back as the seventh century.” (E. H. PARKER, _Asiatic Quart. Rev._, Jan., 1904, pp. 146–7.)

LXXIV., p. 179 n.

THE ALANS.

According to the _Yuen Shi_ and Devéria, _Journ. Asiat._, Nov.–Dec., 1896, 432, in 1229 and 1241, when Okkodai’s army reached the country of the Aas (Alans), their chief submitted at once and a body of one thousand Alans were kept for the private guard of the Great Khan; Mangu enlisted in his bodyguard half the troops of the Alan Prince, Arslan, whose younger son Nicholas took a part in the expedition of the Mongols against Karajang (Yun Nan). This Alan imperial guard was still in existence in 1272, 1286, and 1309, and it was divided into two corps with headquarters in the Ling pei province (Karakorúm). See also Bretschneider, _Mediæval Researches_, II., pp. 84–90.

The massacre of a body of Christian Alans related by Marco Polo (II., p. 178) is confirmed by Chinese sources.

LXXIV., p. 180, n. 3.

ALANS.

See Notes in new edition of _Cathay and the Way thither_, III., pp. 179 seq., 248.

The massacre of the Alans took place, according to Chinese sources, at Chen-ch’ao, not at Ch’ang chau. The Sung general who was in charge of the city, Hung Fu, after making a faint submission, got the Alans drunk at night and had them slaughtered. Cf. PELLIOT, _Chrétiens d’Asie centrale et d’Extrême-Orient, T’oung Pao_, Dec., 1914, p. 641.

LXXVI., pp. 184–5.

VUJU, VUGHIN, CHANGAN.

The Rev. A. C. Moule has given in the _T’oung Pao_, July, 1915, pp. 393 _seq._, the Itinerary between Lin Ngan (Hang Chau) and Shang Tu, followed by the Sung Dynasty officials who accompanied their Empress Dowager to the Court of Kúblái after the fall of Hang Chau in 1276; the diary was written by Yen Kwang-ta, a native of Shao Hing, who was attached to the party.

The Rev. A. C. Moule in his notes writes, p. 411: “The connexion between Hu-chou and Hang-chou is very intimate, and the north suburb of the latter, the Hu-shu, was known in Marco Polo’s day as the Hu-chou shih. The identification of Vughin with Wu-chiang is fairly satisfactory, but it is perhaps worth while to point out that there is a place called Wu chên about fifty _li_ north of Shih-mên; and for Ciangan there is a tempting place called Ch’ang-an chên just south of Shih-mên on a canal which was often preferred to the T’ang-hsi route until the introduction of steam boats.”

LXXVI., p. 192. “There is one church only [at Kinsay], belonging to the Nestorian Christians.”

It was one of the seven churches built in China by Mar Sarghis, called _Ta p’u hing sze_ (Great Temple of Universal Success), or _Yang yi Hu-mu-la_, near the _Tsien k’iao men_. Cf. _Marco Polo_, II., p. 177; VISSIÈRE, _Rev. du Monde Musulman_, March, 1913, p. 8.

LXXVI., p. 193.

KINSAY.

Chinese Atlas in the Magliabecchian Library.

The Rev. A. C. MOULE has devoted a long note to this Atlas in the _Journ. R. As. Soc._, July, 1919, pp. 393–395. He has come to the conclusion that the Atlas is no more nor less than the _Kuang yü t’u_, and that it seems that _Camse_ stands neither for Ching-shih, as Yule thought, nor for Hang chau as he, Moule, suggested in 1917, but simply for the province of Kiangsi. (_A Note on the Chinese Atlas in the Magliabecchian Library, with reference to Kinsay in Marco Polo_.)

Mr. P. von Tanner, Commissioner of Customs at Hang chau, wrote in 1901 in the _Decennial Reports, 1892–1901, of the Customs_, p. 4: “While Hangchow owes its fame to the lake on the west, it certainly owes its existence towards the south-west to the construction of the sea wall, called by the Chinese by the appropriate name of bore wall. The erection of this sea wall was commenced about the year A.D. 915, by Prince Ts’ien Wu-su; it extends from Hang Chau to Chuan sha, near the opening of the Hwang pu.... The present sea wall, in its length of 180 miles, was built. The wall is a stupendous piece of work, and should take an equal share of fame with the Grand Canal and the Great Wall of China, as its engineering difficulties were certainly infinitely greater.... The fact that Marco Polo does not mention it shows almost conclusively that he never visited Hang Chau, but got his account from a Native poet. He must have taken it, besides, without the proverbial grain of salt, and without eliminating the over-numerous ‘thousands’ and ‘myriads’ prompted less by facts than by patriotic enthusiasm and poetical licence.”

LXXVI., p. 194 n.

BRIDGES OF KINSAY.

In the heart of Hang-chau, one of the bridges spanning the canal which divides into two parts the walled city from north to south is called _Hwei Hwei k’iao_ (Bridge of the Mohamedans) or _Hwei Hwei Sin k’iao_ (New Bridge of the Mohamedans), while its literary name is _Tsi Shan k’iao_ (Bridge of Accumulated Wealth); it is situated between the _Tsien k’iao_ on the south and the _Fung lo k’iao_ on the north. Near the _Tsi Shan k’iao_ was a mosk, and near the _Tsien k’iao_, at the time of the Yuen, there existed Eight Pavilions (_Pa kien lew_) inhabited by wealthy Mussulmans. Mohamedans from Arabia and Turkestan were sent by the Yuen to Hang-chau; they had prominent noses, did not eat pork, and were called _So mu chung_ (Coloured-eye race). VISSIÈRE, _Rev. du Monde Musulman_, March, 1913.

LXXVI., p. 199.

KINSAY, KHANFU.

Pelliot proposes to see in Khanfu a transcription of Kwang-fu, an abridgment of Kwang chau fu, prefecture of Kwang chau (Canton). Cf. _Bul. Ecole franç. Ext. Orient_, Jan.–June, 1904, p. 215 n., but I cannot very well accept this theory.

LXXX., pp. 225, 226. “They have also [in Fu Kien] a kind of fruit resembling saffron, and which serves the purpose of saffron just as well.”

Dr. Laufer writes to me: “Yule’s identification with a species of _Gardenia_ is all right, although this is not peculiar to Fu Kien. Another explanation, however, is possible. In fact, the Chinese speak of a certain variety of saffron peculiar to Fu Kien. The _Pen ts’ao kang mu shi i_ (Ch. 4, p. 14 b) contains the description of a ‘native saffron’ (_t’u hung hwa_, in opposition to the ‘Tibetan red flower’ or genuine saffron) after the Continued Gazetteer of Fu Kien, as follows: ‘As regards the native saffron, the largest specimens are seven or eight feet high. The leaves are like those of the p’i-p’a (_Eriobotrya japonica_), but smaller and without hair. In the autumn it produces a white flower like a grain of maize (_Su-mi, Zea mays_). It grows in Fu Chou and Nan Ngen Chou (now Yang Kiang in Kwang Tung) in the mountain wilderness. That of Fu Chou makes a fine creeper, resembling the _fu-yung_ (_Hibiscus mutabilis_), green above and white below, the root being like that of the _ko_ (_Pachyrhizus thunbergianus_). It is employed in the pharmacopeia, being finely chopped for this purpose and soaked overnight in water in which rice has been scoured; then it is soaked for another night in pure water and pounded: thus it is ready for prescriptions.’ This plant, as far as I know, has not yet been identified, but it may well be identical with Polo’s saffron of Fu Kien.”

LXXX., pp. 226, 229 n.

_THE SILKY FOWLS OF MARCO POLO_.

Tarradale, Muir of Ord, Ross-shire, May 10, 1915.

In a letter lately received from my cousin Mr. George Udny Yule (St. John’s College, Cambridge) he makes a suggestion which seems to me both probable and interesting. As he is at present too busy to follow up the question himself, I have asked permission to publish his suggestion in _The Athenæum_, with the hope that some reader skilled in mediæval French and Italian may be able to throw light on the subject.

Mr. Yule writes as follows:—

“The reference [to these fowls] in ‘Marco Polo’ (p. 226 of the last edition; not p. 126 as stated in the index) is a puzzle, owing to the statement that they are _black_ all over. A black has, I am told, been recently created, but the common breed is white, as stated in the note and by Friar Odoric.

“It has occurred to me as a possibility that what Marco Polo may have meant to say was that they were _black all through_, or some such phrase. The flesh of these fowls is deeply pigmented, and looks practically black; it is a feature that is very remarkable, and would certainly strike any one who saw it. The details that they ‘lay eggs just like our fowls,’ _i.e._, not pigmented, and are ‘very good to eat,’ are facts that would naturally deserve especial mention in this connexion. Mr. A. D. Darbishire (of Oxford and Edinburgh University) tells me that is quite correct: the flesh look horrid, but it is quite good eating. Do any texts suggest the possibility of such a reading as I suggest?”

The references in the above quotation are, of course, to my father’s version of Marco Polo. That his nephew should make this interesting little contribution to the subject would have afforded him much gratification.

A. F. YULE.

_The Athenæum_, No. 4570, May 29, 1915, p. 485.

LXXX., pp. 226, 230.

SUGAR.

“I may observe that the _Pêh Shï_ (or ‘Northern Dynasties History’) speaks of a large consumption of sugar in Cambodgia as far back as the fifth century of our era. There can be no mistake about the meaning of the words _sha-t’ang_, which are still used both in China and Japan (_sa-tō_). The ‘History of the T’ang Dynasty,’ in its chapter on Magadha, says that in the year 627 the Chinese Emperor ‘sent envoys thither to procure the method of boiling out sugar, and then ordered the Yang-chou sugar-cane growers to press it out in the same way, when it appeared that both in colour and taste ours excelled that of the Western Regions’ [of which Magadha was held to be part].” (E. H. PARKER, _Asiatic Quart. Rev._, Jan., 1904, p. 146.)

ZAITUN.

LXXXII., p. 237.

M. G. Ferrand remarks that _Tze tung_ = زيتون, _zītūn_ in Arabic, inexactly read _Zaytūn_, on account of its similitude with its homonym زيتون, _zaytūn_, olive. (_Relat de Voy._, I., p. 11.)

LXXXII., pp. 242–245.

“Perhaps it may not be generally known that in the dialect of Foochow Ts’uän-chou and Chang-chou are at the present day pronounced in _exactly the same way_—_i.e._, ‘Chiong-chiu,’ and it is by no means impossible that Marco Polo’s _Tyunju_ is an attempt to reproduce this sound, especially as, coming to Zaitun _viâ_ Foochow, he would probably first hear the Foochow pronunciation.” (E. H. PARKER, _Asiatic Quart. Rev._, Jan., 1904, p. 148)

BOOK THIRD.

JAPAN, THE ARCHIPELAGO, SOUTHERN INDIA, AND THE COASTS AND ISLANDS OF THE INDIAN SEA.

II., p. 256, n. 1.

NÁFÚN.

Regarding the similitude between _Nipon_ and _Nafún_, Ferrand, _Textes_, I., p. 115 n., remarks: “Ce rapprochement n’a aucune chance d’être exact. نافون _Nafūn_ est certainement une erreur de graphie pour ياقوت _Yākūt_ ou ناقوس _Nāḳūs_.”

III., p. 261.

JAPANESE WAR.

“Hung Ts’a-k’iu, who set out overland _viâ_ Corea and Tsushima in 1281, is much more likely than Fan Wên-hu to be Von-sain-_chin_ (probably a misprint for _chiu_), for the same reason _Vo_-cim stands for _Yung_-ch’ang, and _sa_ for _sha, ch’a, ts’a_, etc. A-la-han (not A-ts’ï-han) fell sick at the start, and was replaced by A-ta-hai. To copy _Abacan_ for _Alahan_ would be a most natural error, and I see from the notes that M. Schlegel has come to the same conclusion independently.” (E. H. PARKER, _Asiatic Quart. Rev._, Jan., 1904, p. 147.)

V., pp. 270, 271 n.

CHAMBA.

Lieut.-General Sagatu, So Tu or So To, sent in 1278 an envoy to the King known as Indravarman VI. or Jaya Sinhavarman. Maspero (_Champa_, pp. 237, 254) gives the date of 1282 for the war against Champa with Sagatu appointed at the head of the Chinese Army on the 16th July, 1282; the war lasted until 1285. Maspero thinks 1288 the date of Marco’s visit to Champa (_l.c._, p. 254).

VII., p. 277 n.

SONDUR AND CONDUR (PULO CONDORE).

Mr. C. O. Blagden has some objection to Sundar Fūlāt being Pulo Condor: “In connexion with Sundur-Fūlāt, some difficulties seem to arise. If it represents Pulo Condor, why should navigators on their way to China call at it _after_ visiting Champa, which lies beyond it? And if _fūlāt_ represents a Persian plural of the Malay _Pulau_, ‘island,’ why does it not precede the proper name as generic names do in Malay and in Indonesian and Southern Indo-Chinese languages generally? Further, if _ṣundur_ represents a native form _čundur_, whence the hard _c_ (= _k_) of our modern form of the word? I am not aware that Malay changes _č_ to _k_ in an initial position.” (_J. R. As. Soc._, April, 1914, p. 496.)

“L’île de Sendi Foulat est très grande; il y a de l’eau douce, des champs cultivés, du riz et des cocotiers. Le roi s’appelle Resed. Les habitants portent la fouta soit en manteau, soit en ceinture.... L’île de Sendi Foulat est entourée, du côté de la Chine, de montagnes d’un difficile accès, et où soufflent des vents impétueux. Cette île est une des portes de la Chine. De là à la ville de Khancou, X journées.” EDRISI, I., p. 90. In Malay Pulo Condor is called Pulau Kundur (Pumpkin Island) and in Cambodian, Koḥ Tralàch. See PELLIOT, _Deux Itinéraires_, pp. 218–220. Fūlāt = _fūl_ (Malay _pulo_) + Persian plural suffix _-āt_. _Čundur fūlāt_ means Pumpkin Island. FERRAND, _Textes_, pp. ix., 2.

VII., p. 277.

LOCAC.

According to W. Tomaschek (_Die topographischen Capitel des Indischen Seespiegels Moḥīṭ_, Vienna, 1897, Map XXIII.) it should be read _Lōšak_ = The _Lochac_ of the G. T. “It is _Laṅkāçoka_ of the Tanjore inscription of 1030, the _Ling ya ssī kia_ of the _Chu-fan-chï_ of Chau Ju-kua, the _Lěṅkasuka_ of the _Nāgarakrětāgama_, the _Lang-šakā_ of Sulayman al Mahri, situated on the eastern side of the Malay Peninsula.” (G. FERRAND, _Malaka, le Malāyu et Malāyur_, _J. As._, July–Aug, 1918, p. 91.) On the situation of this place which has been erroneously identified with Tenasserim, see _ibid._, pp. 134–145. M. Ferrand places it in the region of Ligor.

VII., pp. 278–279.

LAWÁKI.

_Lawáki_ comes from Lovek, a former capital of Cambodia; referring to the aloes-wood called _Lawáki_ in the _Ain-i-Akbari_ written in the 16th century, FERRAND, _Textes_, I., p. 285 n., remarks: “On vient de voir que Ibn-al-Bayṭār a emprunté ce nom à Avicenne (980–1037) qui écrivit son _Canon de la Médecine_ dans les premières années du XIᵉ siècle. _Lawāḳ_ ou Lowāḳ nous est donc attesté sous la forme _Lawāḳi_ ou _Lowāḳī_ dès le Xᵉ siècle, puis qu’il est mentionné, au début du XIᵉ, par Avicenne qui résidait alors à Djurdjān, sur la Caspienne.”

VIII., pp. 280–3.

OF THE ISLAND CALLED PENTAM, AND THE CITY MALAIUR.

The late Col. G. E. Gerini published in the _J. R. A. S._, July, 1905, pp. 485–511, a paper on the _Nāgarakretāgama_, a Javanese poem composed by a native bard named Prapañca, in honour of his sovereign Hayam Wuruk (1350–1389), the greatest ruler of Mājapāhit. He upsets all the theories accepted hitherto regarding _Panten_. The southernmost portion of the Malay Peninsula is known as the _Malaya_ or _Malayu_ country (Tānah-Malāyu) = Chinese _Ma-li-yü-êrh = Malāyur = Maluir_ of Marco Polo, witness the river _Malāyu_ (_Sungei Malāyu_) still so called, and the village _Bentan_, both lying there (ignored by all Col. Gerini’s predecessors) on the northern shore of the Old Singapore Strait. Col. Gerini writes (p. 509): “There exists to this day a village _Bentam_ on the mainland side of Singapore Strait, right opposite the mouth of the Sungei Selitar, on the northern shore of Singapore Island, it is not likely that both travellers [Polo and Odoric] mistook the coast of the Malay Peninsula for an island. The island of _Pentam_, _Paten_, or _Pantem_ must therefore be the _Be-Tūmah_ (Island) of the Arab Navigators, the _Tamasak_ Island of the Malays; and, in short, the Singapore Island of our day.” He adds: “The island of _Pentam_ cannot be either Batang or Bitang, the latter of which is likewise mentioned by Marco Polo under the same name of _Pentam_, but 60 + 30 = 90 miles before reaching the former. Batang, girt all round by dangerous reefs, is inaccessible except to small boats. So is Bintang, with the exception of its south-western side, where is now Riāu, and where, a little further towards the north, was the settlement at which the chief of the island resided in the fourteenth century. There was no reason for Marco Polo’s junk to take that roundabout way in order to call at such, doubtlessly insignificant place. And the channel (_i.e._ Rhio Strait) has far more than four paces’ depth of water, whereas there are no more than two fathoms at the western entrance to the Old Singapore Strait.”

Marco Polo says (II., p. 280): “Throughout this distance [from Pentam] there is but four paces’ depth of water, so that great ships in passing this channel have to lift their rudders, for they draw nearly as much water as that.” Gerini remarks that it is unmistakably the _Old Singapore Strait_, and that there is no channel so shallow throughout all those parts except among reefs. “The _Old Strait_ or _Selat Tebrau_, says N. B. Dennys, _Descriptive Dict. of British Malaya_, separating Singapore from Johore. Before the settlement of the former, this was the only known route to China; it is generally about a mile broad, but in some parts little more than three furlongs. Crawford went through it in a ship of 400 tons, and found the passage tedious but safe.” Most of Sinologists, Beal, Chavannes, Pelliot, _Bul. Ecole franç. Ext. Orient_, IV., 1904, pp. 321–2, 323–4, 332–3, 341, 347, place the Malaiur of Marco Polo at Palembang in Sumatra.

VIII., pp. 281 n., 283 n.

TANA-MALAYU.

“On a traduit _Tānah Malāyu_ par ‘Pays des Malais,’ mais cette traduction n’est pas rigoureusement exacte. Pour prendre une expression parallèle, _Tānah Djāwa_ signifie ‘Pays de Java,’ mais non ‘Pays des Javanais.’

“En réalité, _tānah_ ‘terre, sol, pays, contrée’ s’emploie seulement avec un toponyme qui doit étre rendu par un toponyme équivalent. Le nom des habitants du pays s’exprime, en malais, en ajoutant _oraṅ_ ‘homme, personne, gens, numéral des êtres humains’ au nom du pays: ‘_oraṅ Malāyu_’ Malais, litt. ‘gens de Malāyu’; _oraṅ Djāwa_ Javanais, litt. ‘gens de Java.’ _Tānah Malāyu_ a donc très nettement le sens de ‘pays de Malāyu’; cf. l’expression kawi correspondante dans le _Nāgarakrêtāgama: tanah ri Malayu_ ‘pays de Malāyu’ où chaque mot français recouvre exactement le substantif, la préposition et le toponyme de l’expression kawi. Le _taná Malayo_ de Barros s’applique donc à un pays déterminé du nom de Malāyu qui, d’après l’auteur des _Décades_, était situé entre Djambi et Palembaṅ. Nous savons, d’autre part, que le pays en question avait sa capitale dans l’intérieur de l’île, mais qu’il s’étendait dans l’Est jusqu’à la mer et que la côte orientale a été désignée par les textes chinois du VIIᵉ siècle sous le nom de _Mo-lo-yeou, Mo-lo-yu = Malāyu_, c’est-à-dire par le nom de l’Etat ou royaume dont elle faisait partie.” (G. FERRAND, _J. As._, July–Aug., 1918, pp. 72–73.)

VIII., p. 282.

MALACCA.

See G. FERRAND, _Malaka, le Malayu et Malāyur, J. As._, 1918. Besides Malayu of Sumatra, there was a city of Malayur which M. Ferrand thinks is Malacca.

VIII., p. 282 n. “This informs us that Malacca first acknowledged itself as tributary to the Empire in 1405, the king being _Sili-ju-eul-sula_ (?).”

In this name _Si-li-ju-eul-su-la_, one must read 八 _pa_, instead of 入, and read _Si-li-pa-eul-su-la_ = Siri Paramisura (Çrī Parameçvara). (PELLIOT, _Bul. Ecole franç. Ext. Orient_, IV., July–Sept., 1904, p. 772.)

IX., p. 285. “They [the rhinoceros] do no mischief, however, with the horn, but with the tongue alone; for this is covered all over with long and strong prickles [and when savage with any one they crush him under their knees and then rasp him with their tongue].”

“Its tongue is like the burr of a chestnut.” (CHAU JU-KWA, P. 233.)

IX., p. 289.

SUMATRA.

In 1017, an embassy was sent to the Court of China by Haji Sumutrabhūmi, “the king of the land of Sumutra” (Sumatra). The envoys had a letter in golden characters and tribute in the shape of pearls, ivory, Sanscrit, books folded between boards, and slaves; by an imperial edict they were permitted to see the emperor and to visit some of the imperial buildings. When they went back an edict was issued addressed to their king, accompanied by various presents, calculated to please them. (GROENEVELDT, _Notes on the Malay Archipelago_, p. 65.) G. Ferrand writes (_J. As._, Mars–Avril, 1917, p. 335) that according to the texts quoted by him in his article the island of Sumatra was known to the Chinese under the name _Sumuṭa = Sumutra_, during the first years of the eleventh century, nearly 300 years before Marco Polo’s voyage; and under the name of _Šumuṭra_, by the Arab sailors, previously to the first voyage of the Portuguese in Indonesia.

IX., p. 287.

FERLEC.

Prof. Pelliot writes to me that the _Ferlec_ of Marco Polo is to be found several times in the _Yüan Shi_, year 1282 and following, under the forms _Fa-li-lang_ (Chap. 12, fol. 4 v.), _Fa-li-la_ (Chap. 13, fol. 2 v.), _Pie-li-la_ (Chap. 13, fol. 4 v.), _Fa-eul-la_ (Chap. 18, fol. 8 v.); in the first case, it is quoted near _A-lu_ (_Aru_) and _Kan-pai_ (Kampei).—Cf. FERRAND, _Textes_, II., p. 670.

XI., pp. 304–5.

SAGO TREE.

Sago Palm = _Sagus Rumphianus_ and _S. Lævis_ (DENNYS).—“From Malay _sāgū_. The farinaceous pith taken out of the stem of several species of a particular genus of palm, especially _Metroxylon laeve_, Mart., and _M. Rumphii_, Willd., found in every part of the Indian Archipelago, including the Philippines, wherever there is proper soil.” (_Hobson-Jobson_.)

XII., p. 306. “In this island [Necuveran] they have no king nor chief, but live like beasts. And I tell you they go all naked, both men and women, and do not use the slightest covering of any kind.”

We have seen (_Marco Polo_, II., p. 308) that Mr. G. Phillips writes (_J. R. A. S._, July, 1895, p. 529) that the name Tsui-lan given to the Nicobars by the Chinese is, he has but little doubt, “a corruption of Nocueran, the name given by Marco Polo to the group. The characters Tsui-lan are pronounced Ch’ui lan in Amoy, out of which it is easy to make Cueran. The Chinese omitted the initial syllable and called them the Cueran Islands, while Marco Polo called them the Nocueran Islands.” Schlegel, _T’oung Pao_, IX., p. 182–190, thinks that the Andaman Islands are alone represented by Ts’ui-lan; the Nicobar being the old country of the Lo-ch’a, and in modern time, _Mao shan_, “Hat Island.” Pelliot, _Bul. Ecole franç. Ext. Orient_, IV., 1904, pp. 354–5, is inclined to accept Phillip’s opinion. He says that Mao-shan is one island, not a group of islands; it is not proved that the country of the Lo ch’a is the Nicobar Islands; the name of _Lo-hing-man_, Naked Barbarians, is, contrary to Schlegel’s opinion, given to the Nicobar as well as to the Andaman people; the name of Andaman appears in Chinese for the first time during the thirteenth century in Chao Ju-kwa under the form _Yen-t’o-man_; Chao Ju-kwa specifies that going from Lambri (_Sumatra_) to Ceylon, it is an unfavourable wind which makes ships drift towards these islands; on the other hand, texts show that the Ts’ui-lan islands were on the usual route from Sumatra to Ceylon.—Gerini, _Researches_, p. 396, considers that _Ts’ui-lan shan_ is but the phonetic transcript of _Tilan-chong_ Island, the north-easternmost of the Nicobars.—See Hirth and Rockhill’s _Chau Ju-kwa_, p. 12n.—Sansk. _nārikera_, “cocoanuts,” is found in Necuveram.

XIII., p. 309.

ANGAMANAIN.

“When sailing from Lan-wu-li to Si-lan, if the wind is not fair, ships may be driven to a place called Yen-t’o-man [in Cantonese, An-t’o-man]. This is a group of two islands in the middle of the sea, one of them being large, the other small; the latter is quite uninhabited. The large one measures seventy _li_ in circuit. The natives on it are of a colour resembling black lacquer; they eat men alive, so that sailors dare not anchor on this coast.

“This island does not contain so much as an inch of iron, for which reason the natives use (bits of) conch-shell (ch’ö-k’ü) with ground edges instead of knives. On this island is a sacred relic, (the so-called) ‘Corpse on a bed of rolling gold....’” (CHAU JU-KWA, p. 147.)

XIII., p. 311.

DOG-HEADED BARBARIANS.

Rockhill in a note to Carpini (_Rubruck_, p. 36) mentions “the Chinese annals of the sixth century (_Liang Shu_, bk. 54; _Nan shih_, bk. 79) which tell of a kingdom of dogs (_Kou kuo_) in some remote corner of north-eastern Asia. The men had human bodies but dogs’ heads, and their speech sounded like barking. The women were like the rest of their sex in other parts of the world.”

Dr. Laufer writes to me: “A clear distinction must be made between dog-headed people and the motive of descent from a dog-ancestor,—two entirely different conceptions. The best exposition of the subject of the cynocephali according to the traditions of the Ancients is now presented by J. MARQUART (_Benin-Sammlung des Reichsmuseums in Leiden_, pp. cc–ccxix). It is essential to recognize that the mediæval European, Arabic, and Chinese fables about the country of the dog-heads are all derived from one common source, which is traceable to the Greek Romance of Alexander; that is an Oriental-Hellenistic cycle. In a wider sense, the dog-heads belong to the cycle of wondrous peoples, which assumed shape among the Greek mariners under the influence of Indian and West-Asiatic ideas. The tradition of the _Nan shi_ (Ch. 79, p. 4), in which the motive of the dog-heads, the women, however, being of human shape, meets its striking parallel in Adam of Bremen (_Gesta hamburg. ecclesiæ pontificum_, 4, 19), who thus reports on the _Terra Feminarum_ beyond the Baltic Sea: ‘Cumque pervenerint ad partum, si quid masculini generis est, fiunt cynocephali, si quid femini, speciosissimæ mulieres.’ See further KLAPROTH, _J. As._, XII., 1833, p. 287; DULAURIER, _J. As._, 1858, p. 472; ROCKHILL, _Rubruck_, p. 36.”

In an interesting paper on Walrus and Narwhal Ivory, Dr. Laufer (_T’oung Pao_, July, 1916, p. 357) refers to dog-headed men with women of human shape, from a report from the Mongols received by King Hethum of Armenia.

XIV., p. 313. “The people [of Ceylon] are Idolaters, and go quite naked except that they cover the middle.... The King of this Island possesses a ruby which is the finest and biggest in the world; I will tell you what it is like. It is about a palm in length, and as thick as a man’s arm; to look at, it is the most resplendent object upon earth; it is quite free from flaw and as red as fire. Its value is so great that a price for it in money could hardly be named at all.”

Chau Ju-kwa, p. 73, has: “The King holds in his hand a jewel five inches in diameter, which cannot be burnt by fire, and which shines in (the darkness of) night like a torch. The King rubs his face with it daily, and though he were passed ninety he would retain his youthful looks.

“The people of the country are very dark-skinned, they wrap a sarong round their bodies, go bare-headed and bare-footed.”

XIV., p. 314 n.

THE ISLAND OF CEYLON.

The native kings of this period were Pandita Prakama Bahu II., who reigned from 1267 to 1301 at Dambadenia, about 40 miles north-north-east of Columbo (Marco Polo’s time); Vijaya Bahu IV. (1301–1303); Bhuwaneka Bahu I. (1303–1314); Prakama Bahu III. (1314–1319); Bhuwaneka Bahu II. (1319).

SAGAMONI BORCAN.

= Sakya Muni Burkhan.

XV., p. 319. Seilan—History of Sagamoni Borcan. “And they maintain ... that the teeth, and the hair, and the dish that are there were those of the same king’s son, whose name was Sagamoni Borcan, or Sagamoni the Saint.”

See J. F. FLEET, _The Tradition about the corporeal Relics of Buddha_. (_Jour. R. As. Soc._, 1906, and April, 1907, pp. 341–363.)

XV., p. 320.

In a paper on _Burkhan_ printed in the _Journal of the American Oriental Society_, XXXVI., 1917, pp. 390–395, Dr. Berthold Laufer has come to the following conclusion: “Burkhan in Mongol by no means conveys exclusively the limited notion of Buddha, but, first of all, signifies ‘deity, god, gods,’ and secondly ‘representation or image of a god.’ This general significance neither inheres in the term Buddha nor in Chinese Fo; neither do the latter signify ‘image of Buddha’; only Mongol _burkhan_ has this force, because originally it conveyed the meaning of a shamanistic image. From what has been observed on the use of the word _burkhan_ in the shamanistic or pre-Buddhistic religions of the Tungusians, Mongols and Turks, it is manifest that the word well existed there before the arrival of Buddhism, fixed in its form and meaning, and was but subsequently transferred to the name of Buddha.”

XV., pp. 323 _seq._

BARLAAM AND JOSAPHAT.

The German traveller von Le Coq has found at Turfan fragments of this legend in Turki which he published in 1912 in his _Türkische Manichaica_, which agree with the legend given by the Persian Ibn Bâbawaih of Qum, who died in 991. (S. d’OLDENBOURG, _Bul. Ac. I. des Sc._, Pet., 1912, pp. 779–781; W. RADLOFF, _Alttürk. Stud._, VI., zu _Barlaam und Joasaph_). M. P. Alfaric (_La Vie chrétienne du Bouddha, J. Asiatique_, Sept.–Oct., 1917, pp. 269 _seq._; _Rev. de l’Hist. des Religions_, Nov.–Dec., 1918, pp. 233 seq.) has studied this legend from a Manichæan point of view.

XV., p. 327.

See _La “Vie des Saints Barlaam et Josaphat” et la légende du Bouddha_, in Vol. I., pp. xxxxvii–lvi, of _Contes populaires de Lorraine_ par Emmanuel COSQUIN, Paris, Vieweg, n.d. [1886].

XVI., p. 335 n.

TANJORE.

Speaking of Chu-lién (Chola Dominion, Coromandel Coast), Chau Ju-kwa, pp. 93–4, says:—

“The kingdom of Chu-lién is the Southern Yin-tu of the west. To the east (its capital) is five _li_ distant from the sea; to the west one comes to Western India (after) 1500 _li_; to the south one comes to Lo-lan (after) 2500 _li_; to the north one comes to Tun-t’ien (after) 3000 _li_.”

Hirth and Rockhill remark, p. 98: “Ma Tuan-lin and the _Sung-shï_ reproduce textually this paragraph (the former writer giving erroneously the distance between the capital and the sea as 5000 _li_). Yule, _Marco Polo_, II, p. 335, places the principal port of the Chola kingdom at Kaveripattanam, the ‘Paṭṭaṇam’ par excellence of the Coromandel Coast, and at one of the mouths of the Kaveri. He says that there seems to be some evidence that the Tanjore ports were, before 1300, visited by Chinese trade. The only Lo-lan known to mediæval Chinese is mentioned in the _T’ang-shu_, 221⁸, and is identified with the capital of Bamian, in Afghanistan. I think our text is corrupt here and that the character _lo_ should be changed to _si_, and that we should read Si-lan, our Ceylon. Both Ma and the _Sung-shï_ say that 2500 _li_ south-east of Chu-lién was ‘Si-lan-ch’ï-kuo’ with which it was at war. Of course the distance mentioned is absurd, but all figures connected with Chu-lién in Chinese accounts are inexplicably exaggerated.”

XVI., pp. 336–337.

CHINESE PAGODA AT NEGAPATAM.

Sir Walter ELLIOT, K.C.S.I., to whom Yule refers for the information given about this pagoda, has since published in the _Indian Antiquary_, VII., 1878, pp. 224–227, an interesting article with the title: _The Edifice formerly known as the Chinese or Jaina Pagoda at Negapatam_, from which we gather the following particulars regarding its destruction:—

“It went by various names, as the _Puduveli-gôpuram_, the old pagoda, Chinese pagoda, black pagoda, and in the map of the Trigonometrical Survey (Sheet 79) it stands as the Jeyna (Jaina) pagoda. But save in name it has nothing in common with Hindu or Muhammadan architecture, either in form or ornament.”

“In 1859, the Jesuit Fathers presented a petition to the Madras Government representing the tower to be in a dangerous condition, and requesting permission to pull it down and appropriate the materials to their own use....” In 1867 “the Fathers renewed their application for leave to remove it, on the following grounds: ‘1st, because they considered it to be unsafe in its present condition; 2nd, because it obstructed light and sea-breeze from a chapel which they had built behind it; 3rd, because they would very much like to get the land on which it stood; and 4th, because the bricks of which it was built would be very useful to them for building purposes.’

“The Chief Engineer, who meanwhile had himself examined the edifice, and had directed the District Engineer to prepare a small estimate for its repair, reported that the first only of the above reasons had any weight, and that it would be met if Colonel O’Connell’s estimate, prepared under his own orders, received the sanction of Government. He therefore recommended that this should be given, and the tower allowed to stand....

“The Chief Engineer’s proposal did not meet with approval, and on the 28th August 1867, the following order was made on the Jesuits’ petition: ‘The Governor in Council is pleased to sanction the removal of the old tower at Negapatam by the officers of St. Joseph’s College, at their own expense, and the appropriation of the available material to such school-building purposes as they appear to have in contemplation.

“The Fathers were not slow in availing themselves of this permission. The venerable building was speedily levelled, and the site cleared.”

In making excavations connected with the college a bronze image representing a Buddhist or Jaina priest in the costume and attitude of the figures in wood and metal brought from Burma was found; it was presented to Lord Napier, in 1868; a reproduction of it is given in Sir Walter Elliot’s paper.

In a note added by Dr. Burnell to this paper, we read: “As I several times in 1866 visited the ruin referred to, I may be permitted to say that it had become merely a shapeless mass of bricks. I have no doubt that it was originally a _vimâna_ or shrine of some temple; there are some of precisely the same construction in parts of the Chingleput district.”

XVI., p. 336 n.

NEGAPATAM.

We read in the _Tao yi chi lio_ (1349) that “T’u t’a (the eastern stupa) is to be found in the flat land of Pa-tan (Fattan, Negapatam?) and that it is surrounded with stones. There is a stupa of earth and brick many feet high; it bears the following Chinese inscription: ‘The work was finished in the eighth moon of the third year _hien chw’en_ (1267).’ It is related that these characters have been engraved by some Chinese in imitation of inscriptions on stone of those countries; up to the present time, they have not been destroyed.” Hien chw’en is the _nien hao_ of Tu Tsung, one of the last emperors of the Southern Sung Dynasty, not of a Mongol Sovereign. I owe this information to Prof. Pelliot, who adds that the comparison between the Chinese Pagoda of Negapatam and the text of the _Tao yi chi lio_ has been made independent of him by Mr. Fujita in the _Tōkyō-gakuhō_, November, 1913, pp. 445–46. (_Cathay_, I., p. 81 n.)

XVII., p. 340. “Here [Maabar] are no horses bred; and thus a great part of the wealth of the country is wasted in purchasing horses; I will tell you how. You must know that the merchants of Kis and Hormes, Dofar and Soer and Aden collect great numbers of destriers and other horses, and these they bring to the territories of this King and of his four brothers, who are kings likewise as I told you....”

Speaking of Yung (or Wöng) man, Chau Ju-kwa tells us (p. 133): “In the mountains horse-raising is carried on a large scale. The other countries which trade here purchase horses, pearls and dates which they get in exchange for cloves, cardamom seeds and camphor.”

XVII., p. 341.

SUTTEES IN INDIA.

“Suttee is a Brahmanical rite, and there is a Sanskrit ritual in existence (see _Classified Index to the Tanjore MSS._, p. 135_a._). It was introduced into Southern India with the Brahman civilization, and was prevalent there chiefly in the Brahmanical Kingdom of Vijayanagar, and among the Mahrattas. In Malabar, the most primitive part of S. India, the rite is forbidden (Anāchāranirṇaya, v. 26). The cases mentioned by Teixeira, and in the _Lettres édifiantes_, occurred at Tanjore and Madura. A (Mahratta) Brahman at Tanjore told one of the present writers that he had to perform commemorative funeral rites for his grandfather and grandmother on the same day, and this indicated that his grandmother had been a _satī_.” YULE, _Hobson-Jobson_. Cf. _Cathay_, II., pp. 139–140.

MAABAR.

XVII., p. 345. Speaking of this province, Marco Polo says: “They have certain abbeys in which are gods and goddesses to whom many young girls are consecrated; their fathers and mothers presenting them to that idol for which they entertain the greatest devotion. And when the [monks] of a convent desire to make a feast to their god, they send for all those consecrated damsels and make them sing and dance before the idol with great festivity. They also bring meats to feed their idol withal; that is to say, the damsels prepare dishes of meat and other good things and put the food before the idol, and leave it there a good while, and then the damsels all go to their dancing and singing and festivity for about as long as a great Baron might require to eat his dinner. By that time they say the spirit of the idols has consumed the substance of the food, so they remove the viands to be eaten by themselves with great jollity. This is performed by these damsels several times every year until they are married.”

Chau Ju-kwa has the following passage in Cambodia (p. 53): “(The people) are devout Buddhists. There are serving (in the temples) some three hundred foreign women; they dance and offer food to the Buddha. They are called _a-nan_ or slave dancing-girls.”

Hirth and Rockhill, who quote Marco Polo’s passage, remark, p. 55 n.: “_A-nan_, as here written, is the usual transcription of the Sanskrit word _ānanda_, ‘joy, happiness.’ The almeh or dancing-girls are usually called in India _deva-dāsī_ (‘slave of a god’) or _rāmjani_.”

In Guzerat, Chau Ju-kwa, p. 92, mentions: “Four thousand Buddhist temple buildings, in which live over twenty thousand dancing-girls who sing twice daily while offering food to the Buddha (_i.e._, the idols) and while offering flowers.”

XVIII., p. 356.

TRADITIONS OF ST. THOMAS.

“The traditional site of the Apostle’s Tomb, now adjacent to the sea-shore, has recently come to be enclosed in the crypt of the new Cathedral of San Thomé.” (A. E. MEDLYCOTT, _India and the Apostle Thomas. An inquiry. With a critical analysis of the Acta Thomæ_. London, David Nutt, 1905, 8vo.)

In the beginning of the sixteenth century Barbosa found the church of St. Thomas half in ruins and grown round with jungle. A Mahomedan fakir kept it and maintained a lamp. Yet in 1504, which is several years earlier than Barbosa’s voyage, the Syrian Bishop Jaballaha, who had been sent by the Patriarch to take charge of the Indian Christians, reported that the House of St. Thomas had begun to be inhabited by some Christians, who were engaged in restoring it.

Mr. W. R. Philipps has a valuable paper on _The Connection of St. Thomas the Apostle with India_ in the _Indian Antiquary_, XXXII., 1903, pp. 1–15, 145–160; he has come to the following conclusions: “(1) There is good early evidence that St. Thomas was the apostle of the Parthian empire; and also evidence that he was the apostle of ‘India’ in some limited sense,—probably of an ‘India’ which included the Indus Valley, but nothing to the east or south of it. (2) According to the Acts, the scene of the martyrdom of St. Thomas was in the territory of a king named, according to the Syriac version, Mazdai, to which he had proceeded after a visit to the city of a king named, according to the same version, Gūdnaphar or Gūndaphar. (3) There is no evidence at all that the place where St. Thomas was martyred was in Southern India; and all the indications point to another direction. (4) We have no indication whatever, earlier than that given by Marco Polo, who died 1324, that there ever was even a tradition that St. Thomas was buried in Southern India.”

In a recent and learned work (_Die Thomas Legende_, 1912, 8vo.) Father J. Dahlmann has tried to prove that the story of the travels of St. Thomas in India has an historical basis. If there is some possibility of admitting a voyage of the Apostle to N.W. India (and the flourishing state of Buddhism in this part of India is not in favour of Christian Evangelization), it is impossible to accept the theory of the martyrdom of St. Thomas in Southern India.

The late Mr. J. F. FLEET, in his paper on St. Thomas and Gondophernes (_Journ. Roy. As. Soc._, April, 1905, pp. 223–236), remarks that “Mr. Philipps has given us an exposition of the western traditional statements up to the sixth century.” He gives some of the most ancient statements; one in its earliest traceable form runs thus: “According to the Syriac work entitled The Doctrine of the Apostles, which was written in perhaps the second century A.D., St. Thomas evangelized ‘India.’ St. Ephraem the Syrian (born about A.D. 300, died about 378), who spent most of his life at Edessa, in Mesopotamia, states that the Apostle was martyred in ‘India’ and that his relics were taken thence to Edessa. That St. Thomas evangelized the Parthians, is stated by Origen (born A.D. 185 or 186, died about 251–254). Eusebius (bishop of Cæsarea Palæstinæ from A.D. 315 to about 340) says the same. And the same statement is made by the Clementine Recognitions, the original of which may have been written about A.D. 210. A fuller tradition is found in the Acts of St. Thomas, which exist in Syriac, Greek, Latin, Armenian, Ethiopic, and Arabic, and in a fragmentary form in Coptic. And this work connects with St. Thomas two eastern kings, whose names appear in the Syriac version as Gūdnaphar, Gundaphar, and Mazdai; and in the Greek version as Goundaphoros, Goundiaphoros, Gountaphoros, and Misdaios, Misdeos; in the Latin version as Gundaforus, Gundoforus, and Misdeus, Mesdeus, Migdeus; and in the remaining versions in various forms, of the same kind, which need not be particularized here.” Mr. Fleet refers to several papers, and among them to one by Prof. Sylvain Lévi, _Saint Thomas, Gondopharès et Mazdeo (Journ. As.,_ Janv.–Fév., 1897, pp. 27–42), who takes the name Mazdai as a transformation of a Hindū name, made on Iranian soil and under Mazdean influences, and arrived at through the forms Bazodēo, Bazdēo, or Bāzodēo, Bāzdēo, which occur in Greek legends on coins, and to identify the person with the king Vāsudēva of Mathurā, a successor of Kanishka. Mr. Fleet comes to the conclusion that: “No name, save that of Guduphara—Gondophernès, in any way resembling it, is met with in any period of Indian history, save in that of the Takht-i-Bahi inscription of A.D. 46; nor, it may be added, any royal name, save that of Vāsudēva of Mathurā, in any way resembling that of Mazdai. So also, as far as we know or have any reason to suppose, no name like that of Guduphara—Gondophernēs is to be found anywhere outside India, save in the tradition about St. Thomas.”

XVIII., p. 357.

CALAMINA.

On this city of the martyrdom of St. Thomas, see _Indian Antiquary_, XXXII., pp. 148 _seq._ in Mr. Philipps’ paper, and XXXIII., Jan., 1904, pp. 31–2, a note signed W. R. P.

XIX., p. 361. “In this kingdom [Mutfili] also are made the best and most delicate buckrams, and those of highest price; in sooth they look like tissue of spider’s web!”

In Nan p’i (in Malabar) Chau Ju-kwa has (p. 88): “The native products include pearls, foreign cotton-stuff of all colours (_i.e._ coloured chintzes) and _tou-lo mién_ (cotton-cloth).” Hirth and Rockhill remark that this cotton-cloth is probably “the buckram which looks like tissue of spider’s web” of which Polo speaks, and which Yule says was the famous muslin of Masulipatam. Speaking of Cotton, Chau Ju-kwa (pp. 217–8) writes: “The _ki pe_ tree resembles a small mulberry-tree, with a hibiscus-like flower furnishing a floss half an inch and more in length, very much like goose-down, and containing some dozens of seeds. In the south the people remove the seed from the floss by means of iron chopsticks, upon which the floss is taken in the hand and spun without troubling about twisting together the thread. Of the cloth woven therefrom there are several qualities; the most durable and the strongest is called _t’ou-lo-mién_; the second quality is called _fan-pu_ or ‘foreign cloth’; the third ‘tree cotton’ or _mu-mién_; the fourth _ki-pu_. These textures are sometimes dyed in various colours and brightened with strange patterns. The pieces measure up to five or six feet in breadth.”

XXI., p. 373.

THE CITY OF CAIL.

Prof. E. H. PARKER writes in the _Journal of the North-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Soc._, XXXVII., 1906, p. 196: “Yule’s identification of Kayal with the Kolkhoi of Ptolemy is supported by the Sung History, which calls it both Ko-ku-lo and Ku-lo; it was known at the beginning of the tenth century and was visited by several Chinese priests. In 1411 the Ming Dynasty actually called it Ka-i-lêh and mention a chief or king there named Ko-pu-che-ma.”

XXII., p. 376. “OF THE KINGDOM OF COILUM.—So also their wine they make from [palm-] sugar; capital drink it is, and very speedily it makes a man drunk.”

Chau Ju-kwa in Nan p’i (Malabar) mentions the wine (p. 89): “For wine they use a mixture of honey with cocoanuts and the juice of a flower, which they let ferment.” Hirth and Rockhill remark, p. 91, that the Kambojians had a drink which the Chinese called _mi-t’ang tsiu_, to prepare which they used half honey and half water, adding a ferment.

XXII., p. 380 n. “This word [_Sappan_] properly means _Japan_, and seems to have been given to the wood as a supposed product of that region.”

“The word _sappan_ is not connected with Japan. The earliest records of this word are found in Chinese sources. _Su-fang su-pwaṅ_, to be restored to _’supang_ or _’spang_, _’sbang_; _Caesalpinia sappan_, furnishing the sappan wood, is first described as a product of Kiu-chen (Tong King) in the _Nan fang ts’ao mi chuang_, written by Ki Han at the end of the third or beginning of the fourth century. J. de Loureiro (_Flora cochinchinensis_, p. 321) observes in regard to this tree, ‘Habitat in altis montibus Cochinchinæ: indeque a mercatoribus sinensibus abunde exportatur.’ The tree accordingly is indigenous to Indo-China, where the Chinese first made its acquaintance. The Chinese transcription is surely based on a native term then current in Indo-China, and agrees very well with Khmer _sbaṅ_ (or _sbang_): see AYMONIER et CABATON, _Dict. čam-français_, 510, who give further Čam _hapaṅ_, Batak _sopȧn_, Makassar _sappaṅ_, and Malay _sepaṅ_. The word belongs to those which the Mon-Khmer and Malayan languages have anciently in common.” (Note of Dr. B. LAUFER.)

XXIV., p. 386, also pp. 391, 440.

FANDARAINA.

Prof. E. H. PARKER writes in the _Journal of the North-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Soc._, XXXVII., 1906, p. 196: “Regarding the Fandaráina country of the Arabs mentioned by Yule in the Notes to pages 386, 391, and 440 of Vol. II., it may be interesting to cite the following important extract from