book ii

,

## chapter xiii. The author was for some time commissioner and treasurer

of the India House of Trade at Sevilla. (Bernard Moses, in Report of American Historical Association, 1894, p. 95.)

P. 207, line 4 from end: The accent on the final syllable of Philippine geographical names ending in "n" is really a Spanish variation, in accordance with the rule for pronunciation of such names in Spanish. But when these names are (as is usually the case) of Filipino origin the rule is--depending, of course, on their roots and composition--that they are accented on the penult; e.g., Vígan, Narvácan, Ilígan, etc. Spanish usage has distorted the pronunciation in some cases, until the original accent has become Hispanicized, as Cagayán, Pangasinán, etc.; but as a general rule these words are accented on the penult.--James A. LeRoy (in a private letter).

VOLUME XXXIX

P. 33, note 5: Cf. the account given by Forrest (Voyage, pp. 201-206) of the history of the rulers of Magindanao, and the curious genealogical chart of the sultans of Mindanao and Joló which follows; he obtained his information from Pakir Mawlana himself, who took it from the "original records" in his possession. The Curay of Concepción is called Kuddy by Forrest, who says that he was the son of Tidoly and grandson of Kudarat (Corralat).

P. 97, line 4 of note: For "inhabited" read "uninhabited." (When Dampier visited them in 1685 he found most of them peopled.) In regard to the Batanes dialect, mentioned near the end, it contains strong guttural aspirates, which are distinctive of this idiom; the nasal sound alluded to is equally prevalent in Ilocano.--William Edmonds, Basco, Batanes Islands, in a private letter.

VOLUME XLI

P. 55. note: The name Palaos (also written Palau or Pelew) is applied to the western group of the Carolinas Archipelago, which extends in a general east and west direction from the region south of the Marianas. Although nominally the property of Spain, these islands were greatly neglected by the Spaniards, even into the nineteenth century. Their attention was directed for a time to the Palaos by the event described in Clain's letter, and various attempts were made, but unsuccessfully, to establish Christian missions therein, two Jesuits, Duberon and José Cortil, being killed by natives in 1710, and another, Antonio Cantova, meeting the same fate in 1731. In the latter half of the last century, German interests gained ascendency in the islands, which led to their absorption by Germany. Jagor cites (Reisen, pp. 215, 216) several historical instances of Palaos islanders being carried by storms to the coasts of Filipinas; and adds, "Later, I had in Manila an opportunity to photograph a group of people from the Paláos and Caroline Islands, who a year previously had been cast by a storm on the coast of Samar." He also says (p. 203): "As Dr. Gräffe (who spent many years in the Micronesas) informs me, Paláos is an indefinite expression, like Kanaka and so many others, and certainly does not designate the inhabitants of the Pelew group exclusively." Regarding these islands, see Montero y Vidal's Hist. de Filipinas, i, pp. 31, 402-409, 455-473. and his Archipiélago filipino, pp. 469-505; also Miguel's Estudio de las Islas Carolinas, and the various bibliographies of the Philippines, especially Griffin's List, and Vindel's Catálogo biblioteca filipina. See Karl Semper's Die Palau-Inseln im Stillen Ocean (Leipzig, 1873), which Pardo de Tavera praises (Biblioteca filipina, p. 402) as "the most important modern work on the Palaos Islands which I know." In the Ethnological Museum at Dresden is an important collection of material made by Semper.

P. 313, line 9: Instead of Barcena, this name is written by Torrubia (Dissertación, p. 63) Barrena.

P. 316, note: Add "apparently a misprint for Cutay."

VOLUME XLII

P. 64, line 6: A new tariff or parochial fees was ordained (November 19, 1771) by Archbishop Santa Justa; but little heed was paid to it by many of the parish priests, who collected much more, for all functions, than it prescribed.

P. 157, lines 4-6 from end: Alluding, it is said, to the noted Jewish physician Hasdai.

VOLUME XLIII

P. 47, line 2 of chapter heading: For "religious" read "Zambals."

P. 72, line 3: For "Dampier" read "Cowley?" (See also our VOL. XXXIX, p. 115, note.) Note 11: In the Philippine Journal of Science (published by the Bureau of Science, Manila), for October, 1906, is an interesting paper on "The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon," by Dean C. Worcester, secretary of the interior in the government of the islands. He endeavors to furnish a systematic classification of these tribes; repeats the lists made by the Jesuits, Professor Blumentritt, and Dr. Barrows, criticizing each of these, and in some respects differing from their methods; and then enumerates the separate tribes, as classified by himself--giving under each, the synonyms of the tribal name, with other names which may be classed under this; "its habitat, so far as it is at present known;" and description of its people, and of their dress, homes, mode of life, occupations, customs, etc. A similar paper on those tribes in Southern Luzon is announced for the coming year. For these papers Worcester has utilized personal observations made on these peoples not only by himself, but by numerous other government officials both civil and military, during the years 1900-06; and special information regarding them obtained in the census enumeration of 1903. He says (p. 802): "It is not too much to say that hardly a rancheria now remains in the Cordillera Central and its foothills, except in the district of Apayos, which has not been visited by Americans, while even in the latter district twenty-nine of the more important rancherias have been visited." The above paper contains excellent illustrations made from 208 photographs, taken by Worcester himself or other government officials. Other valuable papers announced for the Journal in 1907 are: "The Tagbanua and Mangyan Alphabets," by T. H. Pardo de Tavera; "The Subanos of the Zamboangan Peninsula," by Edwin B. Christie; and "Primitive Philippine Fire-making Apparatus," by Dean C. Worcester.

P. 78, note 13: Worcester recognizes but seven distinct non-Christian tribes in northern Luzon: the Negritos, Ilongots (Ibilaos), Kalingas, Ifugaos, Bontoc Igorots, Lepanto-Benguet Igorots, and Tinguians. He says of some of these tribal designations ("Non-Christian Tribes of N. Luzon," p. 804): "The Altasanes, Ifumangies [the same as Jumangi], Ileabanes, and Panuipuyes do not exist. In all probability these latter names were taken from those of rancherias which have long since disappeared. While some of the larger rancherias in northern Luzon are very old, others are of recent origin and the names and locations of these settlements are constantly changing."

P. 102, line 5: It gives us pleasure to publish the following information furnished by Dr. N. M. Saleeby, the error in the text being based on erroneous information: "I beg to inform you that Dr. N. M. Saleeby is not a 'native Moro,' nor is he Mohammedan. I went to Cotabato, Mindanao, in May, 1901, as a captain and assistant surgeon U.S.V., and served in that capacity until February 1, 1903. From the latter date until June 30, 1906, I served as superintendent of schools, and member of the legislative council for the Moro Province. I am a naturalized American citizen, and was born in a Christian home in Lebanon, Syria." He is now connected with the Bureau of Science at Manila, Division of Ethnology.

P. 103, line 6: For "MS." read "book (Sampaloc, 1731)."

P. 154, end of note: In Report of Philippine Commission for 1906, i, pp. 60-62, is an account of the law regulating (for the present) the sale and use of opium in the islands--a high-license system, adopted on March 8, 1906.

P. 173, line 3 from end of text: "Serif, or Sherif, is a term of dignity bestowed on every supposed descendant of Mahomet" (Forrest, Voyage, p. 285).

VOLUME XLIV

P. 72, note: The Report of the Philippine Commission for 1906 indicates (pp. 340, 341, 381) gratifying success in the operation of the Moro Exchange in the district of Zamboanga, which "has led to similar exchanges being established on a small scale in the districts of Cotabato and Lanao, and large ones are projected in Sulu and the district of Davao." It has "greatly stimulated fisheries among the Moros," and "islands which were formerly inhabited by lawless people who were practically pirates are now the scenes of peaceful

## activity on the part of Moro fishermen." An agreement has been made

with the merchants of the district to transact all their buying from the natives through the exchanges, on a cash basis instead of barter, etc. The amount of sales in the Moro exchanges for the year 1905-06 was 298,481 pesos (Philippine currency).

P. 152, line 5: The envoy sent on this occasion, General Benito Carrasco Pan y Agua (who was chief notary of the cabildo of Manila), wrote a relation of his embassy and the voyage to Siam, which was published at Manila in 1719. (Vindel, Catálogo, iii, no. 2622.)

P. 222, note: Patiño, who had been prominent in governmental affairs for nearly twenty years, died in 1736; he was a statesman and financier, and advocated peace with all the other powers, especially England.

P. 255, lines 3-5 from end: Up to the beginning of the sixteenth century, Toledo was the chief city in Spain in manufacturing silk; it has been estimated that this industry gave employment there to at least 100,000 people. Gaspar Naranjo, "who traveled through España late in the seventeenth century, asserts that, according to his knowledge, in 1480 Toledo consumed 450,000 libras of silk, which could furnish the supply for 15,000 looms. Although this number was greatly lessened when the Escorial was completed, yet from the looms of Toledo proceeded the richest silks for church adornments, ribbons, and hangings. In the year 1651 Toledo still counted 5,000 looms in operation, although not all within the city; a little afterward, there were not more than two thousand; in 1714 they were reduced to seventy, and finally to none at all. When the remnants of this manufacture left Toledo, that of Valencia gained strength, but never to the extent which might have been if legislation had permitted it. The Moors had left that of Granada in the best condition; years after the conquest it maintained 5,000 spinning-wheels, and the kingdom yielded a million libras of good silk; but just at this point began the exactions of the revenue officials, and likewise, in consequence, the decadence of this industry. It was declared subject to the payment of alçabala, which was a tax of fourteen per cent when once the tenth was applied as an ecclesiastical income; eight maravedís besides were charged to it for the impost called tortil [i.e., spiral?], and nine maravedís more for a municipal tax. When with the increase from successive impositions the management of this revenue became too complicated, all these duties were combined in one; and then it was seen that every libra of silk paid, as its share of the taxes, the enormous amount of very nearly fifteen and one-half reals. With the increase in taxes, the production steadily diminished; by 1643, that of Granada had decreased from a million to one-fourth of that amount, and not long afterward to 80,000, and even less. The silk industry, thus burdened, had to compete with that of Genoa, whence large shipments of silk goods were freely imported into Spanish ports, and sold at lower prices than the goods made in España; and a mortal blow was dealt to it when the exportation of Spanish silks was prohibited, and sumptuary laws reserved the use of silk fabrics to a few classes. It is astonishing that this industry has been able to survive up to the present epoch, although it is in a languishing condition." (Arias y Miranda, Examen crítico-histórico, pp. 154, 155.)

P. 267, note 78, line 7 from end: For "p. 278" read "p. 279."

P. 286, note 87: The document here mentioned was afterward shifted to another place; the reference should be to VOL. XLVII, p. 119, paragraph 1 of note.

VOLUME XLV

P. 53, middle: Regarding the powers, privileges, and duties of the viceroys appointed by the crown of Spain, see Moses's Spanish Rule in America, pp. 86-92.

P. 272, line 3: A number of MS. songs are in the collection of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago, some of them scratched on the smooth outside of a joint of bamboo.

VOLUME XLVII

P. 213, line 10: For "rice-mills" read "rice-market."

P. 236, note, line 1: Somodevilla, Marqués de Ensenada, was minister under Felipe V and Fernando VI, and rendered great service to his country; he re-created the Spanish navy, and strengthened Spanish commerce. He favored the French, and tried to unite the Bourbon kings in a close alliance; but in 1754 he was banished from the court. He promoted agriculture, irrigation, road-building, manufactures, and mining, and made financial reforms; and he brought to an end the controversies with Rome over the royal patronage.

VOLUME XLVIII

P. 63, last sentence: "Throughout the Cordillera Central [of Luzon] the rancheria or settlement is the social and political unit. In the head-hunting countries rancherias of people of the same tribe were constantly at war with each other, and the blood feuds between them were handed down from generation to generation. As a result, intercourse between these rancherias was more or less completely cut off for scores of years. It was unavoidable that differences of dialect should develop under such circumstances." (Dean C. Worcester, "Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon," in Philippine Journal of Science, October, 1906, p. 798.)

Pp. 173, 174, note 101: Some of these islanders must have remained permanently on the mainland, notwithstanding the decree for their return to the islands; for on February 23, 1765, Viana recommended that the deputy alcalde-mayor of Cagayan be allowed to remove the Babuyan families from Buguey to Duao, as the latter was secure from the Moros. Viana advised, however, that the Babuyans be not allowed to form barrios or visitas far away from the main reduction, and that every arrangement be made to secure their safety from the Moros and from fire. (Viana, Respuestas, fol. 91.)

P. 183, last two lines of text: This company of 1755 was formed "under the patronage of our Lady of the Rosary, and the protection of his Majesty;" see the title-page of its Ordenanzas, facsimile of which is given in Vindel's Catálogo biblioteca filipina, no. 645.

P. 189, note 111: The reforms and regulations made by Arandía for the Acapulco galleon may be found, in full detail, in his Ordenanzas de marina (Manila, 1757) with additions thereto, also printed in that year; these contain 164 and 57 pages respectively, and two large and handsomely engraved charts (by the Filipino engraver Laureano Atlas), showing the port of Sisiran in Camarines, and that of Cajayagan and Calomotan ("commonly called Pálapa") between the islands of Laguan and Batac.

VOLUME XLIX

Pp. 7, 12, 25: The author of the "Plan of an expedition for the conquest of the southern Philippines" was, according to the records of the British Museum, Alexander Dalrymple, not Draper. The date is given as 1702 in the MS catalogue of the Museum.

P. 309, note 185, line 4: For "of" read "on."

VOLUME L

Pp. 118-136: The date of Viana's letter should be May 10.

P. 159, line 8 of note 89: Before "[Americana]" for "white suit" read "white coat." J. A. LeRoy says of this, in a private letter: "Americana here means a short or sack coat, of white drill or duck, buttoned up to the throat, and worn with only a gauze undershirt beneath it, and the trousers (often white also). It is the common garb of Europeans and upper-class natives in the tropics. This usage among Spaniards seems to have died out in Spanish America, but the word is common in the Philippines, where it is probably a survival from earlier Spanish-American usage, transplanted to those islands. Many Spanish writers mention with contempt the way in which class distinctions in dress vanished among Spaniards in the Philippines (save, of course, among the military, ecclesiastical, and high official classes). So too, the donning of the Americana meant the assumption of social prestige or aspirations by the Filipinos. Only a few years ago, nearly all the latter wore the gauze shirt outside of the trousers; but in recent years the younger men of education, even in the villages, and gradually the older men, have been adopting the Americana for ordinary wear--a change which has been greatly accelerated during American occupation."

VOLUME LII

P. 309, line 12: Through lack of space, we are prevented from giving (as we had intended) an adequate treatment of the subject of commerce as a special topic, from the middle of the eighteenth century to that of the nineteenth. Much, however, has been presented in various documents of VOLS. L-LII, which throws light on commercial conditions; and to these may be added the following references to documents and authorities which will enable the student to find desired material regarding this subject. "Regulation of December 18, 1769, for the distribution of permits [boletas] and for the lading of the Acapulco galleon at Manila," in Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library), v, pp. 403-519. Le Gentil, Voyage, ii, pp. 192-230. Royal decree for the establishment of the Compañia de Filipinas, March 10, 1785; also decree of July 12, 1803, making new regulations and conferring new privileges. Dissertation on the benefits arising from the aforesaid company, by Valentin de Foronda, in his Miscelánea (Madrid, 1787). Malo de Luque [i.e., Duqae de Almodovar], Historia política de los establecimientos de las naciones europeos; tomo v (Madrid, 1790) is devoted to the Spanish settlements in Asia, the decree erecting the Compañia de Filipinas, and its operations during 1785-89. Remonstrance addressed by the Company (Madrid, 1821) to the Spanish Cortes against its decree of October 19, 1820, abolishing the Company's privilege of the exclusive traffic with Asia conferred on it by the decree of 1803; this remonstrance is supported by the opinions of "celebrated jurisconsults of Spain, France, Holland, and England." Rafael Díaz Arenas, Memoria sobre el comercio y navegación de las Islas Filipinas (Cádiz, 1838). Andrés García Camba, Reglamento de la Junta de Comercio de Manila (Manila, 1838). Comyn, Estado, pp. 43-71. Mas, Informe, ii, fourth and fifth sections. Buzeta and Bravo, Diccionario, i, pp. 219-238. Mallat, Les Philippines, ii, pp. 290-356. Manuel Azcarraga y Palmero, Libertad de comercio en las Islas Filipinas (Madrid, 1871). Jagor, Reisen, pp. 312-316. Gregorio Sancianco y Goson, El progreso de Filipinas (Madrid, 1881), especially pp. 238-249. Montero y Vidal, Historia de Filipinas, ii and iii; also his Archipiélago filipino, pp. 220-259. Retana, articles in Política de España en Filipinas, 1891, pp. 146-148, 233-234, 245-247; for 1892, pp. 27, 28; for 1893, pp. 8, 9, 77, 78. Code of Commerce in force in Cuba, Porto Rico, and Philippines (Washington, 1899). Census of Philippine Islands, iv, pp. 557-585. "Modern development of the Philippines through commerce," a series of articles by James A. LeRoy in Dun's International Review, November, 1905-February, 1906. Cf. authorities cited in Bourne's "Introduction" to this series (VOL. I), and in LeRoy's contribution to the present volume; also writings named in the bibliographies of Griffin, Pardo de Tavera, Vindel, and Retana.

NOTES

[1] This is Sinibaldo de Mas, a noted Spanish traveler and diplomat. He was born at Barcelona, in 1809, and studied at Madrid, especially the classic languages, Arabic and other modern languages. In 1634, he was sent on a diplomatic mission to the Orient, where he visited successively Constantinople, Syria, Palestine, Egypt, Calcutta, the Arabian desert, and lastly Manila, where he lived for some months. After his return to the Peninsula, he was appointed Spanish minister plenipotentiary to China. Pardo de Tavera says of him (Biblioteca Filipina, p. 253): "The work of Mas is highly interesting, only that, having sojourned a very short time in Filipinas, during which he was sick most of the time, he wrote his work by reference to others, and taking from the chronicles of the friars the elements necessary for the history and the races. He does not cite sources, and it is cleverly written, and passes with some persons as a classic work on Filipinas.... His vanity led him to suppress his name...." Pardo de Tavera does not seem to know the third volume. Retana [who possessed a copy of the third volume (No. 2432 in his library, which was sold to the Compañía general de tabacos de Filipinas), says in Bibliografía filipina, p. 524]: "This third and secret part has never been described. The author published very few copies of it because of the gravity of its contents. Sinibaldo de Mas contrary to what those who know his Estado [i.e., the first two volumes] may imagine, pronounced in favor of preparation of independence for Filipinas." In this third volume Mas precedes the text as follows: "Of this secret chapter, the last of the Informe sobre el estado de las Islas Filipinas en 1842, only some few copies have been printed for the ministers, gentlemen of the Council of the Government, and other persons influential in the affairs of the nation. Consequently, your Excellency is requested to keep it for your own use, without allowing it to circulate or permitting a copy to be made of it." The copy belonging to the Peabody Institute Library belonged to Javier de Burgos. See (in addition to Pardo de Tavera and Retana) Dic. encic. Hisp.-Amer., xii, p. 537.

[2] The first two volumes have separately paged chapters as follows: I. Origin of the inhabitants of Oceanica. Condition of the Filipinos at the arrival of the Spaniards. History of the Spanish domination in Filipinas from their discovery until our times. Continuation of the last chapter. Population. Animals. Climate. Minerals. Topography. II. Languages. Vegetables. Agriculture. Interior commerce. Foreign commerce. Industry. Territorial division. Administration of government and the captaincy-general. Public instruction. Ecclesiastical condition. Administration of justice. Army. Navy. Direct and indirect taxes. External political condition. Vol. i contains a chart showing the ancient alphabets of the Filipinos; and vol. ii, a map of the archipelago.

[3] A note by Mas at this point discusses the other admissible plan, "namely, to cede the country to some foreign power." But the religious, the majority of the military and civil employes, and the Filipino-Spaniards would prefer independence to transfer, and the simple announcement of such transfer would lead to almost universal insurrection. The fatal results that ensued from the former English policy of sending convicts to their colonies declares against making the Philippines a penal colony. Another plan, namely, to send out Spanish emigrants from the Peninsula, is also not feasible, for Spain has no surplus population, and in fact needs a greater population. On the matter of penal colonies, Forrest (Voyage, p. 198) says, "The Spaniards at Manila transport convicts to Samboangan, as England did to America." In 1875-78, there was some discussion of the question as to whether Spain should establish penal colonies (like that of Botany Bay) in the Marianas Islands or in the Gulf of Guinea.

[4] By this term, as well as by "Filipino Spaniards," as used in this document, are meant those of full Spanish blood born in the Philippines, or those who went to the Philippines in childhood.

[5] The Consejo Supremo de Indias, which was established, according to the best authorities, in 1511 by the great Ferdinand, was perfected by Cárlos I, and was reformed by Felipe II. It was composed of a president, a number of togated ministers, and an indefinite number of counselors by brevet, and they all received the same consideration as did members of the Consejo de Castilla. This corporation, which had had so great influence in Spanish colonial matters, was suppressed by royal decree of May 24, 1834, and in its place was erected the Tribunal Supremo de España é Indias, which was renamed Consejo de Estado in 1856. See Dic. encic. Hisp.-Amer., v, p. 827.

[6] The exact title of this work is as follows: Los diez y seis meses de mando superior de Filipinas, por el mariscal de campo D. Andres G. Camba (Cadiz, 1839). Pardo de Tavera (Bibl. Filipina, p. 79) says of it: "This pamphlet is full of curious revelations and explanations relative to the command of this general, which was so filled with incidents." Retána (Bibliografía, p. 57) says that Camba was a democrat sui generis. The book is a long exposition of 101 pages, to which are appended various documents (53 pages) on which the exposition is based. The copy of this pamphlet now in the Boston Public Library was formerly in the Retana collection.

[7] See account of this mutiny in VOL. LI, pp. 47, 48.

[8] See post, pp. 92, 93, note 37.

[9] See post, pp. 91-111, the report by Matta.

[10] In a long note at this point, Mas severely criticises Camba's book, which he has already mentioned. He declares it lacking in knowledge of the Philippines, and says that it was written to prove that the Philippines are thoroughly loyal in every respect. Mas's own experience pointed to the existence of an independence party among the Spaniards of the colony. Mas condemns Camba's policy of giving posts to the natives; as well as Camba's assertions of the immunity of the governor from removal at the will of the monarch. Camba is accused of a change of sentiment from that which he had during his first years of residence in the country.

[11] Mas refers to the culture system practiced by the Dutch in the island of Java, 1830-1870. Clive Day (Policy and administration of the Dutch in Java, New York and London, 1904) compares it to the system of forced cultures established by Spain in the Philippines in 1780. In addition to the above book, see the following for the history of Dutch colonization in Java: J. W. B. Money's Java, or how to govern a colony (London, 1861); P. J. Veth's Java (Haarlem, 1896-); Jules Leclercq's Un sejour dans l'île de Java (Paris, 1898); Wilhelm Krüger's Das Zuckerrohr und seine Kultur (Magdeburg und Wien, 1899); and Pierre Gonnaud's La Colonisation hollandaise à Java (Paris, 1905).

[12] A note at this point by Mas mentions a recent pamphlet by a Cuban who advocates complete autonomy for the colonies, and freedom of the press. This author says that long before the French revolution free negroes and mulattoes were being educated in Paris; but Mas says people of that class in Cuba do not travel in foreign countries or receive an education in European colleges.

[13] Mas cites a passage from Captain Gabriel Lafond's Quinze ans de voyages autour du monde (1840) to the effect that the Philippine conquest was one of religion. The power of the friars grows because they are permanent in the colony. Their influence over the natives is all powerful, and they regard foreigners and even other Spaniards with suspicion. The friars asserted that the natives to be happy had no need of European civilization; yet they prevented progress by not allowing the entrance of industry. Spain did not suppress the orders in the Philippines, fearing lest it lead to independence. The native priests are those most hostile to the friars. They are almost without education and often dissolute; and are sure to be the first authors of a revolution. Natives should be excluded from the priesthood.

[14] The insurrection which occurred recently in Tayabas is a patent proof of these truths. The cura of the village where the confraternity of San José was established, advised the alcalde of the province in time of the suspicions with which it infused him. And since the alcalde-mayor refused to consider the matter, he wrote him: "You will be the first victim," as in truth he was. The cura of the next village also took great interest in it, and so many letters were written to the archbishop of Manila from various places, that the latter sent an official communication to the captain-general. Orders were then issued for the arrest of Apolinario de Santa Cruz, but he fled. The brothers [of the confraternity] held their meetings in the village of Mahahay. The cura informed the archbishop thereof, telling him that, notwithstanding all that he had done, he had been unable to dissuade them from this undertaking. The archbishop sent this advice to the government. To the curas, then, was due the discovery of that crafty conspiracy; and it is almost beyond the pale of doubt that if there had been no others than Filipino parish priests in the villages (as has been once ordered by the government), there would not have been the slightest suspicion of it, until it had been so firmly and generally organized that our ruin would have been the work of a week. (Note by Mas.)

[15] Either Mas has simply indicated the letter in his heading, or the person who transcribed the copy from which we translate failed to copy the extract in question. It will be remembered that Mas published most of the letter in his vol. i, in the chapter on population. The reference is evidently to sections 95-100 (q.v., VOL. XL, pp. 270-277).

[16] Manuel Grijalbo (sic), O.S.A., went to the Philippines in 1810, and after acting as cura and holding the highest positions in the province, was appointed bishop of Nueva Cáceres, being consecrated Jan. 28, 1849. He died at the episcopal palace, Nov. 13, 1861.

Fausto Lopez, O.S.A., was born in 1811, took his vows at Valladolid in 1828, and went to the Philippines in 1829. He was located in Cebú until 1837, when he became provincial secretary. Afterwards he held several offices and acted as cura until his death at Manila, April 17, 1866.

Manuel Jarava, O.S.A., was born at Zaragoza in 1804 and professed at Valladolid in 1827. He was in the Philippines from 1829 to 1834, returning in the latter year to Spain. The date of his death is unknown.

See Pérez's Catálogo.

[17] Manuel Maria Cambronero was a Spanish jurisconsult. He was born in Orihuela in 1765 and died in 1834. During the French invasion, he acted as secretary of the Council of State, on account of which he was compelled to leave the country when the French left. He later returned to Madrid, where he opened a buffet, which was the most celebrated one of his time. See Dic. encic. Hisp.-Amer., iv, p. 330.

[18] A tribute paid to the church by all Filipinos from the age of sixteen.

"Since 1852 the tribute amounts to 12 reals, and in some districts special rates are fixed. Not until 1841 was the payment of the tribute in cash made universal. There are, besides, three other taxes; the sanctorum, 3 reals; the comunidad, 1 real; and the recargo, 1/2 real. The total of imposts, then, is 16 1/2 reals; or for each single person one dollar and 1/4 real. The sanctorum is for [the expenses of] worship; but it is paid to the government, which pays the minister at the rate of 180 dollars for 500 tributes. The comunidad is a charge for the communal fund. The recargo is a charge introduced since the suppression of the brandy monopoly, to cover the deficit resulting therefrom. In Mindanao and the Bisayas no additional charge is collected. According to Agius (Memoria, doc. 5) each single tribute-payer now contributes 6.25 reals, plus 0.55 reals of recargo, in all 6.8 reals, not considering the sanctorum and comunidad. The inhabitants of Abra, Ilocos, and Union pay, besides, 1 1/2 to 2 1/4 reals for the permission to buy their tobacco outside the monopoly dealers." "Mestizos by a Chinese man and an Indian woman pay a tribute of $3.00 a year since 1852; earlier, it was less. The Indian woman married to a mestizo of this class pays the same tribute as he during their marriage; but when she becomes a widow she pays only as an Indian woman. Mestizos who, like the natives, cultivate the soil with their own hands, also pay only as the latter do. The mestizos form their own barangays when there are 25 to 30 tributes of them living together; otherwise they belong to the nearest barangay of natives. Every Chinaman--excepting tillers of the soil, from whom only 12 reals are collected--pays since 1852 a [capitation] head-tax of $6.00, and, besides this, an industrial tax of $100, $60, $30, or $12."

"A law issued Nov. 3, 1863 (Legis. ultramar [compiled by Rodriguez S. Pedro, pub. at Madrid, 1865] iii), actually decided that every male inhabitant of the Philippines--European or native, Spanish or foreign--must render personal service for twenty-four days in the year, or else procure release from it by a money payment. But this law was not put into execution, and Europeans are free from all imposts. Mestizos by Spaniards and Indian women are similarly exempt, save that they pay 7 reals for the sanctorum, and 1/2 real as a tithe for the government; little care, however, is taken for exactness in the enumeration of the mestizos, especially of their women." (Jagor, Reisen, pp. 293-295.)

[19] The Colegio de Agustinos, or Colegio de Filipinas, at Valladolid, would probably come under this category.

[20] The use of steam vessels against the Moros was introduced in 1847, and proved an immediate benefit.

[21] See VOL. LI, notes 6, 7, 14, 16, 31.

[22] This was Admiral Cyrille-Pierre-Théodore Laplace, who was born at sea Nov. 7, 1793, and died at Brest, Jan. 22, 1875. The book mentioned by Mas is the Voyage autour du monde par les mers de l'Inde et de la Chine (1833-39). The matte on the Philippines is contained in vol. i, pp. 353-470, 547-553, and is as follows: "Manille; description de Luçon; quelques details sur son gouvernement, ses habitants, leurs moeurs et leur industrie;" and notes. See La grande encyclopédie, xxi, p. 947; and the Philippine bibliography issued by the Library of Congress.

[23] The office of army intendant was created by royal orders of July 17 and 26, 1784, in accordance with the proposition of Governor Basco; to the office was united that of the subdelegate superintendency of the treasury. The new office was independent of the superior government of the islands. The first incumbent of the new office was Ciriaco Gonzalez Carvajal, then auditor of the royal Audiencia and assessor-general of the government. See Montero y Vidal, Historia general, ii, pp. 311, 312.

[24] The first edition of the Recopilación de leyes de Indias was published at Madrid in 1681.

[25] For the powers of the alcaldes-mayor, see VOL. XVII, pp. 323, 324, and 333, 334.

[26] i.e., A report of the matter must be made to the government, through its respective ministries, and after deliberation the course to be followed would be ordered. Throughout the history of the Philippines, this method often proved a great drawback to effective government, because of the distance from Spain and difficulty of communication; so much so that when the answer was received, the matter was already wellnigh or completely a dead letter.

[27] On leaving his office Francisco Enriquez left two printed documents as follows: Oficio al Secretario de Estado dando cuenta de haber hecho entrega de la Intendencia á D. Luis Urrejola (Manila, June 11, 1836; 2 leaves on rice paper); and Entrega que hace de sus funciones, en este dia, el Intendente general de Ejercito ... al Ecsmo. Sr. D. Luis Urrejola (Manila, July 11, 1836; in 16 leaves). The document mentioned by Mas must be one of these. See Retana's Bibliografia filipina, pp. 54, 55 (the title to the first document is made by Retana).

[28] i.e., All the papers belonging to any matter, judicial, legislative, or executive, consisting of orders, opinions, reports, and all other measures.

[29] A note at this point states that the polo and service tax had not been extended to the Chinese mestizos, who were not in existence when the tax was first imposed, or were but few, until a few years back, when the natives of Lingayen brought up the matter. Chinese mestizos formed the wealthiest part of many villages; and it was decided that since they were to the natives as 1:6, they should pay such taxes for one month to the natives' six. At Vigan, Ilocos Sur, the natives also presented a petition against the mestizos because natives alone were compelled to furnish provisions, etc., to the troops in their province at the schedule price, while the mestizos escaped; and for which reason many of the natives joined the mestizo ranks, saying that the state profited thereby because as mestizos they paid a double tribute. Governor Oraá, however, imposed a fine for such denaturalization. As regards the petition against the mestizos, an expediente was formed, and in July, 1841, the natives were ordered to send a salaried agent to conduct a suit against the mestizos. But they being poor could not do so, while it was understood that the mestizos had paid a bribe of 1,000 pesos to the assessor. Consequently, it appears that notwithstanding the efforts of the alcalde-mayor and Mas, nothing could be done, as the governor was so hedged in.

[30] Francisco Enriquez succeeded Urrijola (who had been appointed October, 1820, as intendant-general of the army and treasury), in the office of intendant in 1828, being granted more ample powers than the latter had enjoyed. By a royal decree of October 27, 1829, it was ordered that the superintendency should be held by the intendant of the army and royal treasury, and accordingly Enriquez took such charge on September 9, 1630. See Montero y Vidal, Hist. gen., ii, pp. 457, 521.

[31] See José Cabezas de Herrera's Apuntes históricos sobre la organización político-administrativa de Filipinas (Manila, 1883). This is an excellent treatise on the governmental administration of the Philippines.

[32] See the budget of receipts and expenditures in the Philippines for the year, July, 1885-June, 1886, in Montero y Vidal's El archipiélago filipino, pp. 169-186. The expenditures involve: general obligations, 1,523,335.07 pesos; state, 125,000 pesos; grace and justice, 1,085,769.62 pesos; war, 3,494,923.31 pesos; treasury, 1,356,031.30 pesos; navy, 2,423,518.91 pesos; government, 1,267,007.43 pesos; public works (fomento), 349,322.87 pesos; total, 11,624,908.51 pesos. The receipts were 11,528,178 pesos.

[33] The administrative affairs of the colonies were placed in charge of the ministerio de la gobernación (ministry of the government) in 1832, and were added in 1836 to the ministerio de marina (ministry of the navy), which was after that called secretaría del despacho de marina, comercio y gobernación de ultramar (department of the navy, commerce, and colonial government). After various other changes, the ministerio de ultramar (ministry of the colonies) was established by royal decree, May 20, 1863. The duties of the ministry are outlined as follows: to modify the organization or administrational régime of the colonies; to fix or change the annual budget of receipts and expenditures; to dispose of the surplus products of the colonies; to adopt any rule relative to the establishment or suppression of imposts; to propose persons for the offices of governor and captain-general, intendants, and regents of the Audiencia; to grant titles, etc., to persons in the colonies; to adopt any measure affecting the exterior regimen of the Church or the royal patronage; to decide any serious matter according to the judgment of the minister; to draw up preparatory measures of resolutions allowing expenses or advances of funds by the public treasury of the Peninsula, which resolutions belong to the ministry of the treasury; to transmit communications of the ministers of state, war, and navy, to the authorities of those provinces, and the communications of the latter to the respective ministers. See Dic. encic. Hisp.-Amer., xiii, pp. 131, 132.

[34] In 1803 a Spanish pamphlet was published at Philadelphia, advocating the opinion that Spain "ought to get rid of all her colonies in America and Asia, in order to promote agriculture and industries in the Peninsula;" it is attributed to the Marqués de Casa Irujo (Vindel, Catálogo biblioteca filipina, no. 1797).

[35] Matta took possession of the above office on June 2, 1841; he had long been connected with the affairs of the colony. In 1837 he had drawn up a detailed report on the advantage which would result from introducing steamboats into the islands. (Montero y Vidal, Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 573.)

[36] Cuerpo del Resguardo: the guards employed by the treasury to look after the customs and excise duties on the government monopolies of tobacco, wines, liquors, etc.

[37] For accounts of the confraternity of San José, see Manuel Sancho's Relacion expresiva de los principales acontecimientos de la titulada Cofradía del señor San José (first published by W. E. Retana in La Política de España, no. 21, et seq.); Memoria histórica de la conducta militar y politica del Teniente General D. Marcelino Oraá (Madrid, 1851), probably written by Pedro Chamorro; and Montero y Vidal, Hist. gen., iii, pp. 37-56. This confraternity was founded by Apolinario de la Cruz, a Tagálog, a native of Lucban in the province of Tayabas, who was a donné in the hospital of San Juan de Dios in Manila. The new confraternity soon had many adherents in the provinces of Tayabas, Laguna, and Batangas, and in the middle of 1840 began to hold meetings in Lucban, to which both sexes were admitted, and at which letters from Apolinario were read. The attention of the friar parish priests was directed to the confraternity, and the meeting of October 19, 1840 was surprised and about 243 persons out of the 500 or 600 attending it, arrested. The governor of Tayabas province, however, who regarded the matter as entirely one of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, ordered the prisoners to be released. Through the representations of the parish priest of Lucban, the provincial governor finally intervened, and the adherents to the confraternity thereupon held their meetings secretly in Majayjay in Laguna Province. The meeting of Sept. 19, 1841, at the latter place, was surprised and some arrests made, although but few, as information of the intended raid had been received. The departure of the provincial governor of Tayabas, Joaquin Ortega, for Manila, was favorable to the new sect, as a native adherent or sympathizer was left in charge of the government. Through his acquiescence, the members of the confraternity who had gathered in armed bands at the village of Bay in Laguna (where they were joined by Apolinario, who had fled from Manila), were allowed to ensconce themselves in Igsaban, Tayabas. From thence they opened negotiations with the government at Tayabas to be allowed to occupy that city, the substitute governor requesting from the parish priest that they be allowed to hold a novena in his church. Negotiations failed, and Ortega, returning on the twenty-second of October, ordered the natives to disperse, and on their refusal attacked them the next day with a force of over three hundred men. The natives, aided by a band of Negritos who had joined them, repulsed this force and killed Ortega, and then retired to Alitao to celebrate a novena. There they were attacked on the first of November by a force composed of troops sent by Oraá, and those of the province of Tayabas, and after a severe engagement the natives were defeated. Apolinario, who fled, was soon captured and shot on the fourth, others of the leaders being also arrested. Apolinario was but twenty-seven years old, and evidently worked on the superstitious nature of his countrymen, who believed that he was immune from danger and that the rebel forces would be aided by the direct intervention of heaven. His followers baptized him under the name of "The king of the Tagálogs." No one except pure-blooded natives were allowed to become members of the organization, from which circumstance the Spaniards have always professed to believe that the confraternity was political in nature and that religious motives were merely a blind. Some (as in Vindel's Catálogo biblioteca filipina, no. 1895) assert that the confraternity was a sort of Katipunan. It is quite probable, however, that its origin was entirely religious, but religion mingled with superstition and fanaticism. The fact that Apolinario attempted to legalize the existence of the organization through both ecclesiastical and government centers, which was refused in both instances, indicates that the insurrection was forced by the Spaniards, through either fear or contempt. It is highly unlikely that the organization had at the beginning any political motive, and its attempted suppression was a mistake of the religious and civil authorities.

[38] The defeat and slaughter of the members of the confraternity of San José angered the native soldiers from the Province of Tayabas, who were quartered in Malate. Conspiring with some of the garrison of the fort of Santiago, also from the same province, they attacked and took that fort Jan. 20, 1843, under the leadership of two brothers (mestizos and officers of the regiment), after killing the officers on guard. The mutiny was quickly stilled by Oraá, and the commander of the insurgents, a sergeant, Samaniego, and some of the other leaders were shot on the twenty-second at the camp of Bagumbayang. The other native soldiers remained loyal and aided in quelling the mutiny. See Montero y Vidal, Hist. de Filipinas, iii, pp. 58, 59, and note.

[39] The Spanish government decided to aid France against England, and declared war against the latter power in June, 1779. The Spaniards aided the Americans against the British in Florida and Mississippi, and in March, 1780, captured Mobile. Martin A. S. Hume says in Modern Spain (New York, 1900), p. 6: "As Aranda himself foresaw, and set forth in a most remarkable prophecy, the aid lent by Spain to the revolt of the English North American Colonies formed a dangerous precedent for the separation of her own colonial dominions, and promoted the establishment of a great Anglo-Saxon republic in America, which in time to come should oust Spain from her last foothold in the New World. 'This new federal republic,' wrote Aranda to Floridablanca, 'is, so to speak, born a mere pigmy, and has needed the support of two powerful nations like France and Spain to win its independence. But the day will come when it will grow into a giant, a terrible Colossus. It will then forget the benefits it has received, and think only of its own aggrandizement.'"

[40] See Mas's remarks in this connection, ante, pp. 32-34.

[41] Magistrates appointed to inquire into the circumstances of a violent death.

[42] The college of San José sent out the following bishops: José Cabral, bishop-elect of Nueva Cáceres; Rodrigo de la Cueva Jiron, bishop of Nueva Segovia; Francisco Pizarro de Orellana, bishop of Nueva Segovia; Jeronimo de Herrera, bishop of Nueva Segovia; Felipe de Molina y Figueroa, bishop of Nueva Cáceres; Domingo de Valencia, bishop of Nueva Cáceres; José de Andaya, bishop of Ovieda, Spain, bishop-elect of Puebla de los Angeles, Mexico, and archbishop of Mexico; and Ignacio de Salamanca, bishop of Cebu. The college also sent out one auditor, one royal treasurer, two alcaldes-mayor; 39 Jesuits (of whom three were martyrs), 4 provincials, 11 calced Augustinians, 10 Recollects, 8 Franciscans, and 3 Dominicans. These statistics are given by Pablo Pastells in a letter in 1902, a translation of which is in the possession of Rev. T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.

[43] Vindel says (Catálogo biblioteca filipina, no. 756) that the school of agriculture in Manila was organized by Rafael García López. In regard to this school, which was founded in 1889, see VOL. XLV, pp. 314-318.

[44] On May 4, 1869, a society was authorized for "the promotion of instruction in the arts and trades in the Filipinas Islands;" but it was of short duration, as schools of this sort were soon afterward established by the government. (Vindel, ut supra, no. 1661; see also VOL. XLV of this series.)

[45] Vindel mentions (Catálogo biblioteca filipina, p. 50) "arrangements regarding the Philippine Institute, and chairs of Tagálog, Bisayan, and practical land-surveying," in the Boletin oficial del Ministerio de Ultramar, vol. i.

[46] "There was still at Manila another caste of mestizos, originating from Japanese and the Indian women. These Japanese landed on the island of Luçon, about fourscore years ago, in a dismantled vessel, and destitute of everything; I saw them in 1767. They numbered, I believe, at most sixty or seventy persons, all Christians. But as the form of government doubtless did not please them, nor perhaps did the Inquisition, they had demanded to return [to their own country]; and all, or nearly all, actually departed in that same year, 1767, and returned to Japan, where they have probably resumed the faith of their fathers." (Le Gentil, Voyage, ii, pp. 53, 54.) Concepción states (Hist. de Philipinas, vii, p. 6) that in 1658 a number of Christian Japanese were living in the barrio of San Anton, near Manila; some of them had come on a Japanese ship that was driven to Cavite by storms, and remained with their countrymen at Manila.

[47] A list of many practical plans and regulations for the benefit of the Philippine Islands, appearing in the Boletin oficial del Ministerio de Ultramar (Madrid, 1875-83) may be found in Vindel, ut supra, pp. 49, 50. Many other lists of interesting articles regarding the islands, found in periodical publications, are given therein, pp. 46-62; also in Beleña's Recopilacion (p. 67).

[48] Some credit should also be given to the Royal Philippine Company (Real Compañía de Filipinas), which, though unsuccessful financially, stimulated considerably the development of Philippine agriculture between 1790 and 1820, after which year it did little until its dissolution.

[49] Comyn's Estado says that in 1810 the number of Spaniards, born in the Peninsula or elsewhere, and of Spanish mestizos, of both sexes and all ages, classes, and occupations, did not exceed 3,500 to 4,000. Diaz Arenas (Memorías históricas y estadísticas de Filipinas; Manila, 1850) quotes official figures showing 293 Spaniards settled in the provinces, outside of Manila and Tondo, in 1848; and he records 7,544 as the number of Spanish mestizos in the islands, including Tondo, as Manila province was then called. Cavada (Historia geográfica, geológica y estadística de Filipinas; Manila, 1876), taking his figures apparently from the governmental statistics as to houses and their occupants for 1870, gives for that year 3,823 Spaniards (all but 516 of them males) from the Peninsula, and 9,710 "Filipino-Spaniards," the latter classification apparently including Spanish mestizos with such pure-blooded Spaniards as had been born in the Philippines. Among his Peninsular Spaniards would be included over 1,000 members of religious orders, an approximately equal number of soldiers, and the civil officials of Spanish blood (except a relatively small number born in the islands themselves, mostly in the minor categories of officials). J. F. del Pan (La poblacion de Filipinas; Manila, 1883), and F. Cañamaque (Las íslas Filipinas; Madrid, 1880) both report the parochial statistics of 1876 as showing the total of Spaniards, apart from members of the religious orders, the civil service, and the army and navy, to be 13,265; Cañamaque speaks of this latter class as "Spaniards without official character (Peninsulars and Filipinos)," and Del Pan calls them "persons not subject to the capitation-tax on account of being of the Spanish race." At least some of the Spanish mestizos in the islands would appear to have been included in this total. A statistical résumé for 1898 (La Política de España en Filipinas, 1898, pp. 87-92) gives the number of Spaniards in the Philippines at the end of Spanish rule as 34,000 (of whom 5,800 are credited as officers and employees of governments, 3,800 as the normal number of Spaniards in army and navy, and 1,700 as of the clerical estate). These figures, like various other estimates in pamphlets of recent years, are considerably exaggerated; they are reconcilable only on the supposition that they include not only Spaniards of Philippine birth, but also Spanish mestizos. In 1903, only 3,888 Peninsular Spaniards were found in the archipelago. The census of 1896 would have shown separately Spaniards and Spanish mestizos; but it was not completed for all provinces, and has never been published. The foregoing estimates and figures do, however, show the great relative increase of Spaniards and Spanish influence in the Philippines in the latter part of the nineteenth century.

Apropos of Mr. LeRoy's note the following is of interest as regards the population of the eighteenth century. "The number of Spaniards who are in the part of Manila not occupied by the friars is very inconsiderable; in 1767, they did not exceed eight hundred persons. It can be said that the friars are masters of the city, for all the houses, except perhaps five or six, belong to them. This makes a fine revenue for them, since the houses are very dear--from two hundred to four hundred piasters (one thousand to two thousand livres). They are still dearer in the suburb of Santa Cruz, where they are worth at least five hundred piasters, for it is there that all the foreign merchants from India or China lodge. Manila is still peopled by the Tagálogs, who are the natives at once of this city and of its bishopric; the Tagálogs serve the Spaniards as domestics, or live by some petty trade or occupation." (Le Gentil, Voyage, ii, p. 104.)--Eds.

[50] "The Spanish-Filipino Bank, the oldest bank in the islands, was founded (1852) by an order of the Spanish government uniting the obras pías funds of the four orders of friars in the Philippines." (Census of Philippine Islands, iv, p. 541).--Eds.

[51] In the tariff revision of 1891, Spanish goods in Spanish ships were made free of customs duties in Philippine ports; prior to that time they had, as a rule, paid one-half the duties assessed on foreign goods.

[52] In 1898, for instance, when the war with the United States began, the governor-general of the Philippines who had recently negotiated a peace with the insurgent chiefs, had just turned over his place to a new man, a stranger in the islands, and sailed for home. The new Liberal administration, which came into power in Spain in October, 1897, had also sent to the Philippines a new set of provincial governors, to take the place of men who had served, in many cases, less than two years. Some of these new governors had not gone to their posts when Commodore Dewey's squadron arrived, and they were consequently blockaded in Manila.

[53] This was accomplished on December 31, 1882--(but see post, p. 141).--Eds.

[54] F. Jagor, Reisen in den Philippinen (Berlin, 1873), p. 287.

Also of interest in this connection are Jagor's remarks in the following two citations from the same book (pp. 288 and 289, respectively). "Government monopolies mercilessly administered, grievous disregard of the creoles and the rich mestizos, and the example of the United States, these were the principal causes of the loss of the American possessions [of Spain]; and the same causes are menacing the Philippines also. Of the monopolies sufficient account has been given in the text. Mestizos and creoles are not, it is true, shut out, as formerly in America, from all offices; but they feel that they are deeply injured and despoiled by the crowds of office seekers whom the frequent changes of ministers at Madrid bring to Manila. Also the influence of the American elements is at least discernible on the horizon, and will come more to the front as the relations of the two countries grow closer. At present these are still of little importance; in the meantime commerce follows its old routes, which lead to England and the Atlantic ports of the Union. Nevertheless, he who attempts to form a judgment as to the future destiny of the Philippines cannot fix his gaze only on their relations to Spain; he must also consider the mighty changes which within a few decades are being effected on that side of our planet. For the first time in the world's history, the gigantic nations on both sides of a gigantic ocean are beginning to come into direct intercourse: Russia, which alone is greater than two divisions of the world together; China, which within her narrow bounds contains a third of the human race; America, with cultivable soil enough to support almost three times the entire population of the earth. Russia's future rôle in the Pacific Ocean at present baffles all calculations. The intercourse of the two other powers will probably have all the more important consequences when the adjustment between the immeasurable necessity for human labor-power on the one hand, and a correspondingly great surplus of that power on the other, shall fall on it as a problem." "But in proportion as the commerce of the western coast of America extends the influence of the American elements over the South Sea, the ensnaring spell which the great republic exercises over the Spanish colonies will not fail to assert itself in the Philippines also. The Americans appear to be called upon to bring the germ planted by the Spaniards to its full development. As conquerors of the New World, representatives of the body of free citizens in contradistinction to the nobility, they follow with the axe and plow of the pioneer where the Spaniards had opened the way with cross and sword. A considerable part of Spanish America already belongs to the United States, and has, since that occurred, attained an importance which could not have been anticipated either during Spanish rule or during the anarchy which ensued after and from it. In the long run, the Spanish system cannot prevail over the American. While the former exhausts the colonies through direct appropriation of them to the privileged classes, and the metropolis through the drain of its best forces (with, besides, a feeble population), America draws to itself the most energetic elements from all lands; and these on her soil, free from all trammels, and restlessly pushing forward, are continually extending further her power and influence. The Philippines will so much the less escape the influence of the two great neighboring empires, since neither the islands nor their metropolis are in a condition of stable equilibrium. It seems desirable for the natives that the opinions here expressed shall not too soon be realized as facts, for their training thus far has not sufficiently prepared them for success in the contest with those restless, active, most inconsiderate peoples; they have dreamed away their youth." Some writers have carried the evolution one step farther, as for instance, the following: See Count Edward Wilczek's interesting study on "The historical importance of the Pacific Ocean," in H. F. Helmolt's History of the World (N. Y., 1902), i, pp. 566-599; he predicts a future contest which "will have to decide whether, by the permanent occupation of the northern Pacific, the white race shall accomplish its world-embracing destiny, or whether, with the goal already in sight, and for the first time in its history, it will have to make way for a stronger"--that is, for the yellow race, in the form of Japan and China.--Eds.

[55] See the most important of these decrees in our educational appendix, VOL. XLVI.--Eds.

[56] In 1899 and 1900, the American government continued the subsidies to the Jesuits to sustain the normal school and Manila Ateneo. With the establishment, however, of an educational system under the Taft Commission, the subsidy to the Ateneo was withdrawn and a Manila public high school established. The normal school was established in the old buildings of the exposition of 1887, and was the first special school organized under Dr. Atkinson. The vacation normal school is due to Dr. Barrows, who established it in the spring vacation of 1901, in order that the teachers from the provinces might be gathered together for brief instruction in new methods, exchange of ideas, and general inspiration. The regular normal school has been a very notable feature since 1901, and in some ways the most striking thing in the new school system. Its woman's dormitory has been a center of Filipino gatherings and a constant theme of praise by the Filipino press. (From a previous communication to the Editors by J. A. LeRoy.) See VOL. XLVI, p. 95, note.--Eds.

[57] This exchange of Mindanao missions by the Recollects for parishes in and around Manila and in Mindoro was closely connected with the pro-seculars' campaign made in Manila and Madrid at that time--Father Burgos of the Cathedral standing out preëminently on behalf of his fellows the native priests, a direct step in the way toward his execution in connection with the Cavite mutiny of 1872. (James A. LeRoy, in a personal letter dated January 6, 1906.) See XXVIII, pp. 342, 343.--Eds.

[58] See post, pp. 170, 171, note 119. With the three priests was also executed one Francisco Saldúa. Máximo Inocencio, Enrique Paraíso, and Crisanto de los Reyes were sentenced to ten years' imprisonment. Others were also condemned to death, some of whose sentences were commuted to life imprisonment. The following persons were deported to Marianas: Antonio María Regidor, 8 years; Máximo Paterno; Agustín Mendoza, parish priest of the district of Santa Cruz de Manila; Joaquín Pardo de Tavera, a regidor of Manila and university professor, 6 years. Some of the latter and others lost their qualification as advocates of the Audiencia.--Eds.

[59] In a pamphlet by Manrique A. Lallave (Madrid, 1872), an ex-Dominican missionary from Filipinas, he declares that "the friars at that time possessed property to the value of eleven millions of pesos fuertes." (Vindel, Catálogo biblioteca filipina, no. 1846.)--Eds.

[60] See post, p. 182.--Eds.

[61] Bibliography of the Philippine Islands (Bureau of Insular Affairs, Washington, 1903), comprising under one cover these two volumes which were also published separately by the Library of Congress: A List of Books (with references to periodicals) on the Philippine Islands in the Library of Congress, compiled by A. P. C. Griffin; and the Biblioteca Filipina of Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera. For information regarding general bibliographies and bibliographical lists of Philippina, see VOL. LIII of this series.

[62] Reference has already been made in another footnote to the German original; English and Spanish translations of this work, both defective, were also published. It has not been deemed necessary in this brief sketch to append the bibliographical details, except when they may not be found in Bibliography of the Philippine Islands, under the names of the authors herein cited.

[63] Particularly his Las colonias españolas de Asia. Islas Filipinas (Madrid, 1880).

[64] It is closely related also with the political questions of this period, with the friar controversy, and with matters of administration as such.

[65] El Diario de Manila was established in 1848, a name which was changed to El Boletin oficial de Filipinas in 1852, and again to the former name in 1860; papers called El Comercio were founded in 1858 (probably), and in 1869; La Oceanía Española, in 1877 (which succeeded El Porvenir Filipino); La Voz Española was founded in 1888 under the name of La Voz de España, the issue of March 5, 1892, marking the change of name. See Retana's El periodismo.--Eds.

[66] See also Griffin's List for a list of periodical articles (mainly from American magazines, although some foreign titles are also noted.)--Eds.

[67] Retana reproduced this Reglamento de Asuntos de Imprenta of 1857 in volume i of the Archivo. Retana, who was for a time a newspaper man in Manila, says it was not known by the newspaper editors or by the political censor; in other words, the censor did about as he pleased.

[68] The Filipino press of propaganda, published abroad, will merit attention further on, when "Reform and Revolution" are discussed.

[69] Census of the Philippine Islands, 4 vols. (Washington, 1903). In vol. ii, pp. 17-22, are tables comparing Spanish estimates and censuses, with references to such.

[70] Archipiélagos filipinos en la Oceanía, Censo de población veríficado el 31 de Diciembre de 1887 ... (Manila, 1889).

[71] For population alone, there may also be mentioned the table of various civil and ecclesiastical estimates, based mainly on the returns of the tributes, in Sancianco y Goson's El progreso de Filipinas (Madrid, 1881), pp. 175-186; and the summaries of five Spanish censuses and tables of the 1896 census in Report of the Philippine Commission, 1901, ii, appendices HH and II.

[72] If possible, Pardo de Tavera's bibliographical comments should be checked up by those made by Retana to some of these works in his various bibliographies.--Eds.

[73] See Library of Congress List, etc., pp. 9-11.

[74] Cited in Pardo de Tavera's Biblioteca as nos. 269 and 2,003. The American consular reports are given in a separate table in the Library of Congress List, pp. 178-180. Only those of Consul Webb, 1888-90, need be mentioned as containing some data of interest.

[75] Both the papers cited have subsequently been reproduced in several other government bulletins, which will be cited in their places. E. W. Hardin's Report on the Financial and Industrial Condition of the Philippines (Senate Document no. 169, 55th Congress, 3rd session) was similarly reproduced. All three of these documents, which were useful to American inquirers immediately following the events of 1898, may be disregarded by the student who resorts to the Spanish and other sources herein given.

[76] A 36-page pamphlet, Commercial Progress in the Philippine Islands (London, 1905), by A. M. Regidor y Jurado and J. W. T. Mason, is quite inaccurate and in part gossipy, but may be noted as containing some nineteenth-century data on foreign traders and bankers not elsewhere in print.

[77] Spanish Public Land Laws in the Philippine Islands and their History to August 13, 1898 (Washington, Bureau of Insular Affairs, 1901). These laws and conditions of land tenure under Spanish rule are also succinctly summarized by D. R. Williams in Official Handbook of the Philippines (Manila, 1903); in other respects the Handbook, a Washington library compilation prepared for the St. Louis Exposition of 1904, has no independent value and is often inaccurate.

[78] According to Retana, who cites this Informe emitido ... sobre bancos hipotecarios (Madrid, 1889) in the Estadismo, ii, p. 151*. Pardo de Tavera (Biblioteca, p. 76) says that this report led to the official decision that, in view of the general lack of titles, the establishment of land banks would be premature.

[79] Following are special citations from his El progreso de Filipinas: Land tax, and arguments therefor, pp. 9, 10, 28-34, 48-53, 56, 65-80; tax on real estate in towns, pp. 81-89; deficiency of provisions for obtaining title to unoccupied lands, pp. 48-53, 54-56, 57-66, 222-223; data (mostly from Jordana y Morera) regarding development of forest and agricultural resources and amount of cultivated land, province by province, to 1873-74, pp. 187-204; value assigned to land, province by province, result of official inquiry of 1862, pp. 212-223; Filipino laborer and his share in development of agricultural resources, pp. 223-237; rates of interest on real-estate loans, pp. 253-254; land measures in use, pp. 257-258.

[80] The intemperate and fantastic writings of "Quioquiap" (Pablo Feced) in El Diario de Manila and La Política de España en Filipinas are in point.

[81] See also ibid., i, pp. 150-159.

[82] These tables entirely supersede those presented, earlier in the period of American occupation, in the Monthly Summary of Commerce and Finance of the United States for November, 1899, and July, 1901 (which also reproduced the memoranda of Greene, Tornow, and others, already cited). Some of the tables presented in Bulletin No. 14, Section of Foreign Markets, Department of Agriculture (Washington, 1898) give in convenient form Philippine trade statistics by countries, both for imports and exports.

[83] El progreso de Filipinas, pp. 238-244, foreign commerce, entry of Spanish and foreign vessels, etc., for 1868; p. 244, table of exports for 1871, in quantities (66 per cent of the hemp and over 50 per cent of the sugar going to the United States in that year); pp. 245-249, internal trade and inter-island shipping; pp. 253-255, rates of interest and kinds of money in circulation; pp. 255-258, weights and measures in use (about 1880).

[84] Questions of customs administration belong with the subject of Spanish administration, further on.

[85] It is another instance of the old tendency to emphasize political evils and remedies, and neglect economic considerations, in the Philippines. The labor monograph of V. S. Clark, above cited, brings out the fact that higher wages for Filipinos since 1898 are in part only a compensation for the previous penalization of the Filipino laborer through a declining medium of exchange.

[86] In Report of Philippine Commission, 1904, iii, pp. 487-503; and ibid., 1905, iv, pp. 71-87.

[87] See M. Sastrón, La insurrección en Filipinas (Madrid, 1897 and 1901), chap. i, for a summary of the reforms of the '80's and 1893.

[88] It is thus that, from their point of view, the Philippine friars and their Spanish clerical-conservative defenders have branded the Filipino campaign, eventually for separation, as entirely produced and fostered by Spanish Liberalism.

[89] List of Books (with references to periodicals) relating to the theory of colonization, government of dependencies, protectorates, and related topics, by A. P. C. Griffin (Washington, 1900). It is inserted also in O. P. Austin's Colonial administration, 1800-1900 (from Summary of Commerce and Finance of the United States for March, 1903).

[90] The Statesman's Yearbook and such general works of reference will merit consultation; but it should be remarked that, prior to 1898, encyclopedias, annuals, etc., commonly treated the Philippines rather cursorily and not always accurately, while, generally speaking, the Spanish colonies have had very inadequate consideration at the hands of English and American authors and editors. For the special subjects of military and naval organization, see Salinas y Angulo's Legislación militar (Manila, 1879), and Rodriguez Trujillo's Memoria sobre la Marina (Manila, 1887), both cited in the Bibliography.

[91] Published in La España Oriental, Manila, 1893, and La Política de España en Filipinas, 1893-94. See Pardo de Tavera's Biblioteca, no. 1496; note also his no. 2702, under Tiscar.

[92] It is to be emphasized, however, that this abstract shows only the framework of that government, and that just as it stood (on paper) at the beginning of 1898, its author not having traced the development of that organism even for a few years back nor learned that some of the provisions he outlined were not really in practice.

[93] Grifol y Aliaga (vol. XLVI, p. 109, note 48) is very naïve, seeking to waive away the effect of the Maura law's plain provisions in the same way as did some friar and other writers. In his decree providing regulations for carrying out the law, Blanco explained that the parish priests were to retain their inspection of the schools as regards the teaching of religion and morals. The municipal tribunals were expressly created as schoolboards--an institution of which Zamora (Las corporaciones religiosas) bitterly complains. In reality, however, this reform remained a dead letter in most villages, except in the provinces most advanced in the propaganda, where the Filipino local officials asserted their power of regulation (Bulakan, Batangas, Manila, etc.). (From a previous communication from Mr. LeRoy.)--Eds.

[94] Pedro A. Paterno's Regimen municipal de las islas Filipinas (Madrid, 1893), reproducing Minister Maura's decree in its original form, with notes, was therefore premature. Except in some of its comments, however, this work is at least not merely ridiculous, as are this author's writings on an imaginary primitive religion and civilization of the Filipinos. Don Pedro has a lively imagination, too lively for politics and history, but capable of providing good entertainment when he exercises it as a dramatist. One finds him much more pleasing in this rôle than as a Filipino reform propagandist, though in the latter capacity he seems to have been taken very seriously by Doctor Schurman and Mr. Foreman, and by various Spanish officials before them, including, for a time, Governor-Generals Primo de Rivera and Augustín.

[95] Once more, the Manila press since 1898 merits attention here. The Filipino press has not been always fair in treating of the old régime, but both in the Filipino and the Spanish press of Manila since 1898 some things have been brought to light which were either suppressed for private gossip or not frankly discussed at the time of their conference.

[96] Notes from his Progreso de Filipinas: Lack of public improvements and defects of public services, especially education, pp. 26-34; defects in administration of justice and its expensiveness, pp. 134-136; lack of development of material resources, pp. 205-211, 253-254; restriction of opportunities for Filipino laborers, and the evils of caciquism, pp. 212-237. A study of caciquism (subjection of the masses) and its deep roots in Philippine social, economic, and political conditions may be found in J. A. LeRoy's Philippine Life in Town and Country (New York, 1905), chap. vi; also the same in part by the same author in the Atlantic Monthly for March, 1905.

[97] Though unsupported evidence here given, particularly when obviously gossip or when coming from partisan witnesses, is to be accepted with caution. F. H. Sawyer's reminiscences of the administrations of various governor-generals are subject to the same caution, except where the author plainly speaks from a personal knowledge of the facts; nevertheless, that such opinions on the highest officials of the islands could pass current even as gossip among Spaniards and foreigners in Manila is in itself alone very significant of the tone of public life in the islands. Note Sawyer also on the administration of justice, and Foreman on the "pickings" of officials in the provinces.

[98] Note especially Military Governor of the Philippine Islands on Civil Affairs (Report War Dept., 1900, i,