Chapter VII

.

[12] _Primitive Folkmoots._ See Appendix A.

[13] _Early Fortifications in Scotland_, p. 13. He adds an instance showing that Moot Hill is sometimes a mistake for Moot Hall.

[14] _Scottish Review_, vol. xxxii.

[15] Some writers give the name of moot-hill to places in Yorkshire and elsewhere where the older ordnance maps give moat-hill. _Moat_ in this connection is the same as _motte_, the Scotch and Irish _mote_, i.e., the hillock of a castle, derived from the Norman-French word _motte_. As this word is by far the most convenient name to give to these hillocks, being the only specific name which they have ever had, we shall henceforth use it in these pages. We prefer it to _mote_, which is the Anglicised form of the word, because of its confusion with _moat_, a ditch. Some writers advocate the word _mount_, but this appears to us too vague. As the word _motte_ is French in origin, it appropriately describes a thing which was very un-English when first introduced here.

[16] At York, a prehistoric crouching skeleton was found by Messrs Benson and Platnauer when excavating the castle hill in 1903, 4 feet 6 inches below the level of the ground. The motte at York appears to have been raised after the destruction of the first castle, but whether the first hillock belonged to the ancient burial is not decided by the account, "Notes on Clifford's Tower," by the above authors. _Trans. York. Philosoph. Soc._, 1902. Another instance is recorded in the _Revue Archæologique_, to which we have unfortunately lost the reference.

[17] From the report of a competent witness, Mr Basil Stallybrass.

[18] Earle, _Two Saxon Chronicles Parallel_, Introd., xxiii.

[19] Nennius says that Ida "_unxit_ (read cinxit) Dynguayrdi Guerth-Berneich"=a strength or fort of Bernicia. _Mon. Hist. Brit._, 75. Elsewhere he calls Bamborough Dinguo Aroy. It is quite possible that there might have been a Keltic _din_ in a place so well fitted for one as Bamborough.

[20] Bede, H. E., iii., 16.

[21] See Bede, as above, and Symeon, ii., 45 (R.S.).

[22] We infer this from the strong defences of what is now the middle ward.

[23] The fact, however, that the _Trinoda Necessitas_, the duty of landholders to contribute to the repair of boroughs and bridges, and to serve in the fyrd, is occasionally mentioned in charters earlier than the Danish wars, shows that there were town walls to be kept up even at that date. See Baldwin Brown, _The Arts in Early England_, i., 82.

[24] See Wright, _History of Domestic Manners_, p. 13.

[25] The Danish fortress of Nottingham is mentioned by the _Chronicle_ in 868, but we are speaking now of purely Anglo-Saxon fortresses.

[26] Asser, ch. 91, Stevenson's edition.

[27] "That same year King Alfred repaired London; and all the English submitted to him, except those who were under the bondage of the Danish men; and then he committed the city (_burh_) to the keeping of Ethelred the ealdorman." _A.-S. C._, 886. The word used for London is _Londonburh_. Asser says: "Londoniam civitatem honorifice restauravit et habitabilem fecit," p. 489.

[28] Birch's _Cartularium_, ii., 220, 221.

[29] _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, 878, 893, 896. According to Henry of Huntingdon, the work on the Lea was the splitting of that river into two channels; but I am informed that no trace of such a division remains.

[30] _Gesta Pontificum_, 186. See Appendix C.

[31] Birch's _Cartularium_, ii., 222; Kemble's _Codex Diplomaticus_, v., 142.

[32] He signs a charter in 889 as "subregulus et patricius Merciorum," Kemble's _Codex Diplomaticus_. See Freeman, _N. C._, i., 564; and Plummer, _A.-S. C._, i., 118.

[33] The dates in this chapter are taken from Florence of Worcester, who is generally believed to have used a more correct copy of the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ than those which have come down to us.

[34] See Appendix B.

[35] _A.-S. C._, 910, 911.

[36] _New English Dictionary_, Borough.

[37] _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, 942. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle has three words for fortifications, _burh_, _faesten_, and _geweorc_. Burh is always used for those of Edward and Ethelfleda, faesten (fastness) or geweorc (work) for those of the Danes.

[38] See the illustrations in Wright, _History of Domestic Manners_.

[39] _Bury_ is formed from _byrig_, the dative of _burh_.

[40] Professor Maitland observed: "To say nothing of hamlets, we have full 250 parishes whose names end in burgh, bury, or borough, and in many cases we see no sign in them of an ancient camp or of an exceptionally dense population." _Domesday Book and Beyond_, 184.

[41] Schmid, _Gesetze der Angelsachsen_, pp. 176, 214, 372. It is not absolutely certain that the _burh_ in these three cases does not mean a town.

[42] Schmid, 138. Professor Maitland says: "In Athelstan's day it seems to be supposed by the legislator that a _moot_ will usually be held in a _burh_. If a man neglect three summonses to a moot, the oldest men of the _burh_ are to ride to his place and seize his goods." _Domesday Book and Beyond_, 185. "All my reeves," are mentioned in the Preface to _Athelstan's Laws_, Schmid, 126.

[43] Schmid, 138. "Butan porte" is the Saxon expression, _port_ being another word for town; see Schmid, 643.

[44] Schmid, Edgar III., 5; Ethelred II., 6.

[45] Edgar IV., 2.

[46] The writer was first led to doubt the correctness of the late Mr G. T. Clark's theory of burhs by examining the A.-S. illustrated MSS. in the British Museum. On p. 29 of the MS. of _Prudentius_ (Cleopatra, c. viii.), there is an excellent drawing of a four-sided enclosure, with towers at the angles, and battlemented walls of masonry. The title of the picture is "Virtutes urbem ingrediuntur," and _urbem_ is rendered in the A.-S. gloss as _burh_. See Fig. 2.

[47] Florence translates _burh_ as _urbs_ nineteen times, as _arx_ four times, as _murum_ once, as _munitio_ once, as _civitas_ once.

[48] Published in 1884, but comprising a number of papers read to various archæological societies through many previous years, during which Mr Clark's reputation as an archæologist appears to have been made.

[49] "Eallum thæm folc to gebeorge." Birch's _Cartularium_, ii., 222.

[50] Professor Maitland has claimed that the origin of the boroughs was largely military, the duty of maintaining the walls of the county borough being incumbent on the magnates of the shire. _Domesday Book and Beyond_, 189. See Appendix C.

[51] Parker's _Domestic Architecture in England from Richard II. to Henry VIII._, part ii., 256.

[52] _A.-S. C._, 1048.

[53] _William of Jumièges_, vii.-xvii.

[54] _A.-S. C._ (Peterborough), 1048.

[55] _A.-S. C._, 1052 (Worcester). This castle is generally supposed to be Richard's Castle, Herefordshire, built by Richard Scrob; but I see no reason why it should not be Hereford, as the Norman Ralph, King Edward's nephew, was Earl of Hereford. We shall return to these castles later.

[56] Mr Freeman says: "In the eleventh century, the word _castel_ was introduced into our language to mark something which was evidently quite distinct from the familiar _burh_ of ancient times.... Ordericus speaks of the thing and its name as something distinctly French: "munitiones quas Galli castella nuncupant." The castles which were now introduced into England seem to have been new inventions in Normandy itself. William of Jumièges distinctly makes the building of castles to have been one of the main signs and causes of the general disorder of the days of William's minority, and he seems to speak of the practice as something new." _N. C._, ii., 606. It is surprising that after so clear a statement as this, Mr Freeman should have fallen under the influence of Mr Clark's _burh_ theory, and should completely have confused castles and boroughs.

[57] _Codex Diplomaticus_, i., 138.

[58] _History of Rochester_, 1772, p. 21.

[59] Stevenson's edition of _Asser_, 331. See Appendix D.

[60] _Asser_, c. xlix.

[61] Worcester, Chester, Tamworth, Stafford, Warwick, Hertford, Buckingham, Bedford, Maldon, Huntingdon, Colchester, Stamford, and Nottingham.

[62] _Domesday Book and Beyond_, 216.

[63] Buckingham is the only place which is included in both lists. See Appendix E.

[64] _Domesday Book and Beyond_, 188. See Appendix E. Southwark, one of the names, which is not called a borough in Domesday, retains its name of _The Borough_ to the present day.

[65] No Roman remains have been found in either place.

[66] _Beauties of England and Wales_, Oxfordshire.

[67] See Skeat's _Dictionary_, "Timber."

[68] Excavation has recently shown that many of the great hill-forts were permanently inhabited, and it is now considered improbable that they were originally built as camps of refuge. It seems more likely that this use, of which there are undoubted instances in historic times (see Cæsar, _Bello Gallico_, vi., 10, and v., 21), belonged to a more advanced stage of development, when population had moved down into the lower and cultivatable lands, but still used their old forts in cases of emergency.

[69] _Ante_, p. 21.

[70] Haverfield, in V. C. H. Worcester, _Romano-British Worcester_, i.

[71] _Early Fortifications in Scotland_, p. 105.

[72] Gairdner and Mullinger, _Introduction to the Study of English History_, 268.

[73] The tower called Cæsar's Tower is really a mural tower of the 13th century. E. W. Cox, "Chester Castle," in _Chester Hist. and Archæol. Soc._, v., 239.

[74] Cox, as above. See also Shrubsole, "The Age of the City Walls of Chester," _Arch. Journ._, xliv., 1887. The present wall, which includes the castle, is an extension probably not earlier than James I.'s reign.

[75] The charter is given in Ormerod's _History of Cheshire_, ii., 405.

[76] _Journ. of Brit. Arch. Ass._, 1875, p. 153.

[77] _Itin._, ii., 2.

[78] "Arcem quam in occidentali Sabrinæ fluminis plaga, in loco qui Bricge dicitur lingua Saxonica, Ægelfleda Merciorum domina quondam construxerat, fratre suo Edwardo seniore regnante, Comes Rodbertus contra regem Henricum, muro lato et alto, summoque restaurare coepit." 1101.

[79] A good deal has been made of the name Oldbury, as pointing to the _old burh_; but Oldbury is the name of the manor, not of the hillock, which bears the singular name of Pampudding Hill. Tradition says that the Parliamentary forces used it for their guns in 1646. Eyton's _Shropshire_, i., 132.

[80] "Bricge cum exercitu pene totius Angliæ obsedit, machinas quoque ibi construere et castellum firmare præcepit." _Florence_, 1102.

[81] Florence in fact says _urbem restauravit_.

[82] D. B., i., 246.

[83] These buildings formed part of a hunting lodge built in the reign of Edward III., called The Chamber in the Forest. See Ormerod's _Cheshire_, ii., 3. When visiting Eddisbury several years ago, the writer noticed several Perpendicular buttresses in these ruins.

[84] D. B., i., 238a, 1.

[85] "Abbas de Couentreu habet 36 masuras, et 4 sunt wastæ propter situm castelli.... Hae masurae pertinent ad terras quas ipsi barones tenent extra burgum, et ibi appreciatae sunt." D. B., i., 238.

[86] _Domesday Book and Beyond_, p. 189. See Appendix D.

[87] Dugdale's _Warwickshire_, 1st edition, pp. 50 and 75. The derivation of Kirby from Cyricbyrig is not according to etymological rules, but there can be no doubt about it as a fact; for in Domesday it is stated that _Chircheberie_ was held by Geoffrey de Wirche, and that the monks of St Nicholas [at Angers] had two carucates in the manor. In the charter in which Geoffrey de Wirche makes this gift Chircheberie is called Kirkeberia [_M. A._, vi., 996], but in the subsequent charter of Roger de Mowbray, confirming the gift, it is called Kirkeby.

[88] _Britannia_, ii., 375.

[89] _Numismatic Chronicle_, 3rd S., xiii., 220.

[90] Fowler's _History of Runcorn_ gives a plan of this fort, and there is another in Hanshall's _History of Cheshire_, p. 418 (1817). A very different one is given in Beaumont's _History of Halton_.

[91] Beaumont's _Records of the Honour of Halton_. In 1368, John Hank received the surrender of a house near to the castle in Runcorn.

[92] _Mediæval Military Architecture_, ii., 120.

[93] _Essex Naturalist_, January 1887.

[94] Danbury Camp, which has also been surveyed by Mr Spurrell (_Essex Naturalist_, 1890), is precisely similar in plan to Witham, but nothing is known of its history.

[95] See _Victoria History of Bedfordshire_, i., 281.

[96] Morant's _History of Essex_, i. Three sides of the rampart were visible in his time.

[97] D. B., ii., 5.

[98] _Itin._, i., 12.

[99] Baker's _History of Northampton_, ii., 321.

[100] D. B., i., 219b.

[101] _A.-S. C._, 921. "Wrohte tha burg æt Tofeceastre mid stan wealle." Florence says 918.

[102] Baker, _History of Northants_, ii., 318. See also Haverfield, _V. C. H._, Northants, i., 184.

[103] Atkinson's _Cambridge Described_, p. 1.

[104] There is, however, this difficulty, that Cambridge was still occupied by a Danish force when Wigingamere was built. It submitted to Edward in 918.

[105] See Mr Plummer's discussion of these variations in his edition of the _Chronicle_, ii., 116.

[106] Lewis, _Topographical Dictionary of England_. Mr Rye remarks:--"The silting up of the harbour has ruined a port which once promised to be of as great importance as Norwich." _History of Norfolk_, p. 228.

[107] It is really wonderful that the identification of Cledemuthan with the mouth of the Cleddy in Pembrokeshire could ever have been accepted by any sober historian. That Edward, whose whole time was fully occupied with his conquests from the Danish settlers, could have suddenly transported his forces into one of the remotest corners of Wales, would have been a feat worthy of the coming days of air-ships. William of Worcester has preserved a tradition that Edward repaired Burgh, "quae olim Saxonice dicebatur Burgh-chester," but he confuses it with Norwich. _Itinerarium_, 337. Is it possible that we ought to look for Cledemuthan at Burgh Castle, at the mouth of the Waveney? It would be quite in accordance with Edward's actions elsewhere to restore an old Roman _castrum_.

[108] Leland says: "There were 7 principall Towers or Wards in the waulles of Staunford, to eche of which were certeyne freeholders in the Towne allottid to wache and ward in tyme of neadde." _Itinerarium_, vii., 11.

[109] _A.-S. C._, 868.

[110] Shipman's _Old Town Wall of Nottingham_, pp. 73-75. The evidence for a Roman origin of the borough is altogether too slight, as, except some doubtful earthenware bottles, no Roman remains have been found at Nottingham.

[111] _A.-S. C._, 921. _Florence of Worcester_, 919.

[112] I am indebted for much of the information given here to the local antiquarian knowledge of Mr Harold Sands, F.S.A. He states that the old borough was 1400 yards from the Trent at its nearest point, and that the highest ground on the south side of the Trent is marked by the Trent Bridge cricket ground, the last spot to become flooded. Here, therefore, was the probable site of Edward's second borough.

[113] See Appendix F.

[114] Whitaker's _History of Manchester_, i., 43.

[115] _Trans. of Lanc. and Chesh. Hist. and Ant. Soc._, v., 246.

[116] "Castle" in combination with some other word is often given to works of Roman or British origin, because its original meaning was a fortified enclosure; but the name Castle Hill is extremely common for mottes.

[117] We may remark here that it is not surprising that there should be a number of motte castles which are never mentioned in history, especially as it is certain that all the "adulterine" castles, which were raised without royal permission in the rebellions of Stephen's and other reigns, were very short-lived.

[118] _Mediæval Military Architecture_, i., 18. See Mr Round's remarks on Mr Clark's vagueness in his "Castles of the Conquest," _Archæologia_, 1902.

[119] The _A.-S. C._ speaks of this Danish host as "a great heathen army." 866.

[120] "Worhton other fæsten ymb hie selfe." The same language is frequently used in the continental accounts of the Danish fortresses: "Munientes se per gyrum avulsæ terræ aggere," _Dudo_, 155 (Duchesne): "Se ex illis (sepibus et parietibus) _circumdando_ munierant." _It._, p. 81.

[121] The earthworks at Bayford Court must belong to the mediæval castle which existed there. See _Beauties of England and Wales, Kent_, p. 698. Castle Rough is less than an acre in area.

[122] Mr Harold Sands, _Some Kentish Castles_, p. 10.

[123] See the plan in _Victoria History of Kent_, paper on Earthworks by the late Mr I. C. Gould. Hasted states that there was a small circular mount there as well as an embankment, and that there are other remains in the marsh below, which seem to have been connected with the former by a narrow ridge or causeway, _Kent_, iii., 117. The causeway led to a similar mount in the marsh below, but Mr Gould inclined to think the mounts and causeway later, and possibly part of a dam for "inning" the marsh. _V. C. H._, p. 397.

[124] "Hæsten's Camps at Shoebury and Benfleet," _Essex Naturalist_, iv., 153.

[125] The _Chronicle_ says that the ships of Hæsten were either broken to pieces, or burnt, or taken to London or Rochester. 894.

[126] _Essex Naturalist_, as above, p. 151. These berms certainly suggest Roman influence.

[127] _A.-S. C._, 894.

[128] _Montgomery Collections_, xxxi., 337; Dymond, _On the Site of Buttington_. See also Steenstrup, _Normannerne_, ii., 80.

[129] _Beauties of England and Wales_, vii., 246. There is nothing left either at Great or Little Amwell now but fragments of what are supposed to be homestead moats. _Royal Commission on Historical Monuments_, pp. 95, 142, Herts. vol.

[130] Florence's date.

[131] _Victoria History of Bedfordshire_, i., 282, from which this description is taken.

[132] The _Chronicle_ speaks of _Tempsford_ as a _burh_, so it must have been a large enclosure.

[133] Mr Clark actually speaks of a subsequent Norman castle at Tempsford (_M. M. A._, i., 78), but we have been unable to find any confirmation of this. Faint traces of larger works in the fields below were formerly visible. _V. C. H. Bedfordshire_.

[134] Stephenson's _Asser_, p. 27.

[135] There are no remains of earthworks in Thanet or Sheppey, except a place called Cheeseman's Camp, near Minster in Thanet, which the late Mr Gould regarded as of the "homestead-moat type." _V. C. H. Kent_, i., 433. Nor are there any earthworks on Mersey Island mentioned by Mr Gould in his paper on Essex earthworks in the _V. C. H._

[136] Stukeley, who saw this earthwork when it was in a much more perfect state, says that it contained 30 acres. See Mr Hope's paper in _Camb. Antiq. Soc._, vol. xi.

[137] Blomefield's _Norfolk_, ii., pp. 7, 8, 27. His description is very confused.

[138] See Erlingssen's _Ruins of the Saga Time, Viking Club_, p. 337.

[139] Richerii, _Historiarum Libri Quatuor_, edition Guadet, p. 67.

[140] "In modo castri, munientes se per girum avulsæ terræ aggere." _Dudo_, 155 (edition Duchesne).

[141] "The castle end of Cambridge was called the Borough within the memory of persons now living." Atkinson's _Cambridge Described_ (1897), p. 9.

[142] Steenstrup says that the Northmen built themselves shipyards all round Europe, especially on the islands where they had their winter settlements. _Normannerne_, i., 354.

[143] A.-S., _hyth_, a shore, a landing-place.

[144] _Victoria County History of Beds._, i., 282.

[145] Steenstrup's _Normannerne_, vol. iv.; _Danelag_, p. 40.

[146] _A.-S. C._, 914-921.

[147] Steenstrup, _Danelag_, p. 41.

[148] _Ibid._, pp. 22, 23.

[149] Such quartering must have been confined to the unmarried Danes, but there must have been plenty of unmarried men in the piratical host, even at the period when it became customary to bring wives and children with the army.

[150] _Normannerne_, i., 282.

[151] _Dudo_, 76 (Duchesne).

[152] Herr Steenstrup shows that so far from the settlement of the Danes in Normandy being on feudal lines, they only reluctantly accepted the feudal yoke, and not till the next century. _Normannerne_, i., 305, 310. It is not till the 11th century that feudal castles become general in Normandy.

[153] The Danes in Normandy soon made Rouen a great centre of trade. _Normannerne_, i., 190.

[154] Cunningham's _Growth of English Industry_, i., 92.

[155] See Vinogradoff, _English Society in the 11th Century_, pp. 5, 11, 478.

[156] See Stubbs, _Constitutional History_, i., 251; Maitland's _Domesday Book and Beyond_, p. 157; Round's _Feudal England_, p. 261; Vinogradoff's _English Society in the 11th Century_, p. 41.

[157] Professor Maitland wrote: "The definitely feudal idea that military service is the tenant's return for the gift of land did not exist [before the Norman Conquest], though a state of things had been evolved which for many practical purposes was indistinguishable from the system of knight's fees." _Domesday Book and Beyond_, p. 157. Dr Round holds that "the military service of the Anglo-Norman tenant-in-chief was in no way derived or developed from that of the Anglo-Saxons, but was arbitrarily fixed by the king, from whom he received his fief." _Feudal England_, p. 261. Similarly, Professor Vinogradoff states that "the law of military fees is in substance French law brought over to England by the [Norman] conquerors." _English Society in the 11th Century_, p. 41.

[158] Giesebrecht, _Geschichte der Kaiserzeit_, i., 224. The word _Burg_, which Giesebrecht uses for these strongholds, means a castle in modern German; but its ancient meaning was a town (see Hilprecht's _German Dictionary_), and it corresponded exactly to the Anglo-Saxon _burh_. It was used in this sense at least as late as the end of the 12th century; see, _e.g._, Lamprecht's _Alexanderlied_, passim. It is clear by the context that Giesebrecht employs it in its ancient sense.

[159] _Ibid._, 222. Henry's son Otto married a daughter of Edward the Elder. Henry received the nickname of Townfounder (Städtegründer).

[160] "Carolus civitates Transsequanas ab incolis firmari rogavit, Cinomannis scilicet et Turonis, ut præsidio contra Nortmannos _populis_ esse possent." _Annales Bertinianorum_, Migne, Pat., 125, 53.

[161] Flodoard, _Hist. Ecc. Remensis_, iv., viii.

[162] Modern historians generally say that he built the _castle_ of Coucy; but from Flodoard's account it seems very doubtful whether anything but the town is meant. _Annales_, iv., xiii. His words are: "Munitionem quoque apud Codiciacum tuto loco constituit atque firmavit." _Munitio_ properly means a bulwark or wall.

[163] _Gesta Episcop. Cameracensium_, Pertz, vii., 424.

[164] _Chron. Camarense et Atrebatorum_, Bouquet, x., 196.

[165] Sismondi, _Histoire des Français_, ii., 172.

[166] Guizot, _Histoire de la Civilisation en France_, iii., 311.

[167] Enlart, _Manuel d'Archæologie Française_, ii., 494.

[168] See Dr Haverfield's articles in the _Victoria County Histories_, passim. The late J. H. Burton justly wrote: "We have nothing from the Romans answering to the feudal stronghold or castle, no vestige of a place where a great man lived apart with his family and his servants, ruling over dependants and fortifying himself against enemies." _History of Scotland_, i., 385.

[169] _Annals of Fulda_, 394, Pertz, i.

[170] _Cap. Regum Francor._, ii., 360.

[171] Thus De Caumont unfortunately spoke of the fortress built by Nicetus, Bishop of Treves, in the 6th century, as a _château_ (_Abécédaire_, ii., 382); but Venantius Fortunatus, in his descriptive poem, tells us that it was a vast enclosure with no less than thirty towers, built by the good pastor for the protection of his flock. It even contained fields and vineyards, and altogether was as different from a private castle as anything can well be. Similarly the _castrum_ of Merliac, spoken of by Enlart (_Architecture Militaire_, p. 492) as a "veritable château," is described as containing cultivated lands and sheets of water! (Cited from Gregory of Tours, _Hist. Francorum_, liii., 13.) De Caumont himself says: "Les grandes exploitations rurales que possédaient les rois de France et les principaux du royaume du V^ième au X^ième siècle ne furent pas des forteresses et ne doivent point être confondues avec les chateaux." _Abécédaire_, ii., 62.

[172] See Appendix D.

[173] "Volumus et expresse mandamus, ut quicunque istis temporibus castella et firmitates et haias sine nostro verbo fecerint, Kalendis Augusti omnes tales firmitates disfactas habeant; quia vicini et circummanentes exinde multas depredationes et impedimenta sustinent." _Capitularia Regum Francorum_, Boretius, ii., 328.

[174] These instances are as follows:--868, A certain Acfrid shut himself up in a _casa firmissima_ in the _villa_ of Bellus Pauliacus on the Loire, and it was burnt over his head (_Annales Bertinianorum_, pp. Migne, 125, 1237); 878, The sons of Goisfrid attack the _castellum_ and lands of the son of Odo (_ibid._, p. 1286); 879, Louis the Germanic besieges some men of Hugh, son of Lothaire, _in quodam castello juxta Viridunum_: he takes and destroys the castellum (_Annals of Fulda_, Pertz, i., 393); 906, Gerard and Matfrid fortify themselves in a certain _castrum_, in a private war (_Regino_, Pertz, i., 611). Sismondi states that the great nobles wrested from Louis-le-Bégue (877-879) the right of building private castles. So far, we have been unable to find any original authority for this statement.

[175] See Guizot, _Histoire de la Civilisation_, iii., 309. "On voit les _villæ_ s'entourer peu à peu de fossés, de remparts de terre, de quelques apparences de fortifications."

[176] We hear of monasteries being fortified in this way; in 869 Charles the Bald drew a bank of wood and stone round the monastery of St Denis; "castellum in gyro ipsius monasterii ex ligno et lapide conficere coepit." _Ann. Bertinian_, Migne, pp. 125, 1244. In 889 the Bishop of Nantes made a _castrum_ of his church by enclosing it with a wall, and this wall appears to have had a tower. _Chron. Namnetense_, p. 45, in _Lobineau's Bretagne_, vol. ii. In 924 Archbishop Hervey made a _castellum_ of the monastery of St Remi by enclosing it with a wall. _Flodoard_, p. 294 (Migne). But the fortification of monasteries was a very different thing from the fortification of private castles.

[177] In 951 Duke Conrad, being angry with certain men of Lorraine, threw down the _towers_ of some of them; these may have been the keeps of private castles. Flodoard, _Annales_, p. 477.

[178] _Presidium_ is one of those vague words which chroniclers love to use; it means a defence of any kind, and may be a town, a castle, or a garrison. The town in which this turris stood appears by the context to have been Chateau Thierry. _Cf._ Flodoard, _Annales_, pp. 924, with 933.

[179] "Castrum muro factum circa eam [ecclesiam]." _Chron. Namnetense_, p. 45. "Precepit [Alanus] eis terrarium magnum in circuitu Ecclesiæ facere, sicut murus prioris castri steterat, quo facto turrem principalem _reficiens_, in ea domum suam constitit." _Ibid._

[180] Flodoard, _Annales_, pp. 931 and 949. This tower was heightened by Charles, the last of the Carlovingians, and furnished with a ditch and bank, in 988.

[181] It is often supposed that these towers were derived from the _Pretoria_, or general's quarters in the Roman _castra_. It is far more probable that they were derived from mural towers. The Pretorium was not originally fortified, and it was placed in the centre of the Roman camp. But one great object of the feudal keep was to have communication with the open country. The keep of Laon was certainly on the line of the walls, as Bishop Ascelin escaped from it down a rope in 989, and got away on a horse which was waiting for him. Palgrave, _England and Normandy_, ii., 880.

[182] The word _motte_ or _mota_ does not occur in any contemporary chronicle, as far as is known to the writer, before the 12th century; nor is the word _dangio_ to be found in any writer earlier than Ordericus. But the _thing_ certainly existed earlier.

[183] [Fulk and his son Geoffrey] "in occidentali parte montis castellum determinaverunt.... Aggerem quoque in prospectu monasterii cum turre lignea erexerunt." _Chron. St Florentii_, in Lobineau's _Bretagne_, ii., 87. Some remains of this motte are still visible. De Salies, _Foulques Nerra_, p. 263.

[184] "Elegantissimus in rebus bellicis" is the quaint language of the Angevin chronicler, 176.

[185] See De Salies, _Histoire de Foulques Nerra_, which indirectly throws considerable light on the archæological question.

[186] Salies, _Histoire de Foulques Nerra_, p. 170. M. Enlart, in his _Manuel d'Archæologie Française_, ii., 495, has been misled about this castle by the _Chronicon Andegavense_, which says: "Odo.... Fulconem expugnare speravit, et totis nisibus adorsus est. Annoque presenti (1025) Montis Budelli castellum, quod circiter annos decem retro abhinc contra civitatem Turonicam firmaverat Fulco, obsedit, et turrim ligneam miræ altitudinis super domgionem ipsius castri erexit." Bouquet, x., 176. M. Enlart takes this to be the first recorded instance of a motte. But the passage is evidently corrupt, as the other accounts of this affair show that Count Odo's wooden tower was a siege engine, employed to attack Fulk's castle, and afterwards burnt by the besieged. See the _Gesta Ambasiens. Dom._, _ibid._, p. 257, and the _Chron. St Florentii_. Probably we should read _contra_ domgionem instead of _super_. The _Chronicon Andegavense_ was written in the reign of Henry II.

[187] When Fulk invaded Bretagne in or about 992, he collected an army "tam de suis quam conductitiis." _Richerius_, edition Guadet. The editor remarks that this is perhaps the first example of the use of mercenaries since the time of the Romans (ii., 266). Spannagel, citing Peter Damian, says that mercenaries were already common at the end of the 10th century. _Zur Geschichte des Deutschen Heerwesens_, pp. 72, 73.

[188] This was always the custom in mediæval castles. See Cohausen, _Befestigungen der Vorzeit_, p. 282.

[189] "Qui vivens turres altas construxit et ædes, Unam Carnotum, sed apud Dunense reatum." _Chron. St Florentii._

[190] _Chron. Namnetense_, Lobineau, ii., 47.

[191] _Gesta Ambasiensium Dominorum_, in _Spicilegium_, p. 273.

[192] _Guide Joanne_, p. 234.

[193] The furthest point of the headland on which the castle is placed is a small circular court, with a fosse on all sides but the precipices. From personal visitation.

[194] _Dunio_ is subsequently explained by Lambert as _motte_: "Motam altissimam sive dunionem eminentem in munitionis signum firmavit." _Lamberti Ardensis_, p. 613. It is the same word as the Saxon _dun_, a hill (preserved in our South Downs), and has no connection with the Irish and Gaelic _dun_, which is cognate with the German _zaun_, a hedge, A.-S. _tun_, and means a hedged or fortified place. The form _dange_ appears in Northern France, and this seems to be the origin of the word _domgio_ or _dangio_ which we find in the chroniclers, the modern form of which is _donjon_. If we accept this etymology, we must believe that the word _dunio_ or _domgio_ was originally applied to the hill, and not to the tower on the hill, to which it was afterwards transferred. It is against this view that Ordericus, writing some fifty years before Lambert, uses the form _dangio_ in the sense of a tower. Professor Skeat and the _New English Dictionary_ derive the word _donjon_ or _dungeon_ from Low Lat. _domnionem_, acc. of _domnio_, thus connecting it with _dominus_, as the seignorial residence.

[195] Ducange conjectured that the motte-castle took its origin in Flanders, but it was probably the passage cited above from Lambert which led him to this conclusion. See art. "Mota" in Ducange's _Glossarium_.

[196] Steenstrup, _Normannerne_, i., 297.

[197] _Ibid._, i., 301.

[198] _England and Normandy_, ii., 535.

[199] "Muros et propugnacula civitatum refecit et augmentavit." _Dudo_, p. 85 (Duchesne's edition).

[200] "Henricus rex circa turrem Rothomagi, _quam ædificavit primus Richardus dux Normannorum in palatium sibi_, murum altum et latum cum propugnaculis ædificat." _Robert of Toringy_, R.S., p. 106.

[201] _Ordericus_, ii., 15, 17, 46 (edition Prévost).

[202] _William of Jumièges_, anno 1035. Mr Freeman remarks that the language of William would lead us to suppose that the practice of castle-building was new.

[203] There are some facts which render it probable that the earliest castles built in Normandy were without mottes, and were simple enclosures like those we have described already. Thus the castle of the great family of Montgomeri is an enclosure of this simple kind. Domfront, built by William Talvas in Duke Robert's time, has no motte. On the other hand, Ivry, built by the Countess Albereda in Duke Richard I.'s days, "on the top of a hill overlooking the town" (William of Jumièges), may possibly have been a motte; and there is a motte at Norrei, which we have just mentioned as an early Norman castle.

[204] _Manuel d'Archæologie Française_, p. 457.

[205] This want will be supplied, as regards England, by the completion of the _Victoria County Histories_, and as regards France, by the _Societé Préhistorique_, which is now undertaking a catalogue of all the earthworks of France. The late M. Mortillet, in an article in the _Revue Mensuelle de l'École d'Anthropologie_, viii., 1895, published two lists, one of actual mottes in France, the other of place-names in which the word motte is incorporated. Unfortunately the first list is extremely defective, and the second, as it only relates to the name, is not a safe guide to the proportional numbers of the thing. All that the lists prove is that mottes are to be found in all parts of France, and that place-names into which the word _motte_ enters seem to be more abundant in Central France than anywhere else. It is possible that a careful examination of local chroniclers may lead to the discovery of some earlier motte-builder than Thibault-le-Tricheur. We should probably know more about Thibault's castles were it not that the Pays Chartrain, as Palgrave says, is almost destitute of chroniclers.

[206] Cited at length by De Caumont, _Bulletin Monumental_, ix., 246. Von Hochfelden considered that the origin of feudal fortresses in Germany hardly goes back to the 10th century; only great dukes and counts then thought of fortifying their manors; those of the small nobility date at earliest from the end of the 12th century.

[207] _Die Befestigungen der Vorzeit_, p. 28.

[208] _Entwickelung des Kriegswesens_, iii., 370.

[209] _Antiquitates Italicæ_, ii., 504. He says they are many times mentioned both in charters and chronicles in Italy.

[210] We hear of Robert Guiscard building a wooden castle on a hill at Rocca di St Martino in 1047. Amari, _Storia dei Musulmani di Sicilia_, i., 43. Several place-names in Italy and Sicily are compounded with _motta_, as the Motta Sant'Anastasia in Sicily. See Amari, _ibid._, p. 220.

[211] Especially Montfort and Blanchegarde. But there is a wide field for further research both in Palestine and Sicily.

[212] "Bei den Sclaven haben die Chateaux-à-motte keinen Eingang gefunden, weil ihnen das Lehnswesen fremd geblieben ist." iii., 338.

[213] Professor Montelius informed the writer that they are quite unknown in Norway or Sweden; and Dr Christison obtained an assurance to the same effect from Herr Hildebrand.

[214] "These are small well-defended places, the stronghold of the individual, built for a great man and his followers, and answering to mediæval conditions, to a more or less developed feudal system." _Vor Oldtid_, p. 642.

[215] I am informed by a skilled engineer that even in the wet climate of England it would take about ten years for the soil to settle sufficiently to bear a stone building.

[216] Köhler says: "By far the greater part of the castles of the Teutonic knights in Prussia, until the middle of the fourteenth century, were of wood and earth." _Die Entwickelung des Kriegswesen_, iii., 376.

[217] _Cal. of Patent Rolls_, 1232-1247, p. 340. Mandate to provost of Oléron to let Frank De Brene have tools to make a new motte in the isle of Rhé. Later the masters and crews of the king's galleys are ordered to help in building the motte and the wooden castle. P. 343.

[218] _Antiquitates Italicæ_, ii., 504. Can Grande's motte at Padua. Anno 1320. "Dominus Alternerius [podesta of Padua] ... cum maxima quantitate peditum et balistariorum Civitatis Paduæ, iverunt die predicto summo mane per viam Pontis Corvi versus quamdam motam magnam, quam faciebat facere Dominus Canis, cum multis fossis et tajatis ad claudendum Paduanos, ne exirent per illam partem, et volendo ibidem super illam motam ædificare castrum. Tunc prædictus Potestas cum aliis nominatis splanare incoeperunt, et difecerunt dictam motam cum tajatis et fossa magna."

We may remark here that as early as the 17th century the learned Muratori protested against the equation of _mota_ and _fossatum_, and laughed at Spelman for making this translation of _mota_ in his _Glossary_. _Antiquitates Italicæ_, ii., 504.

[219] Cited by Westropp, _Journal of R.S.A., Ireland_, 1904.

[220] Vicars' _Parliamentary Chronicle_, cited by Hunter, _South Yorks_, ii., 235.

[221] "Camps on the Malvern Hills," _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._, x., 319.

[222] M. de Salies has traced in detail the connection between Fulk Nerra's castles and the Roman roads of Anjou and Touraine.

[223] See some excellent remarks on this subject in Mr W. St John Hope's paper on "English Fortresses" in _Arch. Journ._, lx., 72-90.

[224] Only a very small number of mottes have as yet been excavated. Wells were found at Almondbury, Berkeley, Berkhampstead, Carisbrook, Conisborough, Kenilworth, Northallerton, Norwich, Pontefract, Oxford, Tunbridge, Worcester, and York. At Caus, there is a well in the ditch between the motte and the bailey. Frequently there is a second well in the bailey.

[225] The writer at one time thought that the ruins at the east end of the castle of Pontefract concealed a second motte, but wishes now to recant this opinion. _Eng. Hist. Review_, xix., 419.

[226] Thus Henry I. erected a siege castle to watch Bridgenorth (probably Pampudding Hill), and then went off to besiege another castle. Mr Orpen kindly informs me that the camp from which Philip Augustus besieged Château Gaillard contains a motte. Outside Pickering, Corfe, and Exeter there are earthworks which have probably been siege castles.

[227] Henry II. built a castle and very fine borough (burgum pergrande) at Beauvoir in Maine. _Robert of Torigny_, R.S., p. 243. Minute regulations concerning the founding of the borough of Overton are given in _Close Rolls_, Edward I. (1288-1296), p. 285.

[228] See Round, _Studies in Domesday_, pp. 125, 126.

[229] Neckham, "De Utensilibus," in Wright's _Volume of Vocabularies_, pp. 103, 104. Unfortunately this work of Neckham's was not written to explain the construction of motte castles, but to furnish his pupils with the Latin names of familiar things; a good deal of it is very obscure now.

[230] See frontispiece.

[231] _Acta Sanctorum_, 27th January, Bolland, iii., 414. This biography was written only nine months after Bishop John's death, by an intimate friend, John de Collemedio.

[232] Guisnes is now in Picardy, but in the 12th century it was in Flanders, which was a fief of the Empire.

[233] This description is from the _Historia Ardensium_ of Walter de Clusa, which is interpolated in the work of Lambert, Bouquet, pp. 13, 624.

[234] Yet in some of the later keeps, such as Conisburgh, where we find only one window to a storey, the room must have been undivided.

[235] See Wright, _History of Domestic Manners_, p. 26.

[236] According to Littré, the original derivation of the word _motte_ is unknown. I have not found any instance of the word _mota_ in chronicles earlier than the 12th century, but the reason appears to be that _mota_ or motte was a folk's word, and appeared undignified to an ambitious writer. Thus the author of the _Gesta Consulum Andegavensium_ says that Geoffrey Martel, Count of Anjou, gave to a certain Fulcoius the fortified house which is still called by the vulgar Mota Fulcoii. D'Achery, _Spicilegium_, p. 257.

[237] See Appendix G.

[238] See Appendix H.

[239] _Peel, its Meaning and Derivation_, by George Neilson.

[240] See Appendix I. Cohausen has some useful remarks on the use of hedges in fortification. _Befestigungen der Vorzeit_, pp. 8-13. A quickset hedge had the advantage of resisting fire. The word _sepes_, which properly means a hedge, is often applied to the palitium.

[241] This list or _catalogue raisonné_ was originally published in the _English Historical Review_ for 1904 (vol. xix.). It is now reproduced with such corrections as were necessary, and with the addition of five more castles, as well as of details about thirty-four castles for which there was not space in the _Review_. The Welsh castles are omitted from this list, as they will be given in a separate chapter.

[242] The list is brought up to fifty by interpreting the _regis domus_ of Winchester to be Winchester castle; the reasons for this will be given later. The number would be increased to fifty-two if we counted Ferle and Bourne in Sussex as castles, as Mr Freeman does in his _Norman Conquest_, v., 808. But the language of Domesday seems only to mean that the lands of these manors were held of Hastings castle by the service of castle-guard. See D. B., i., pp. 21 and 206.

[243] The total number would be eighty-six if Burton and Aldreth were included. Burton castle is mentioned in Domesday, but there is no further trace of its existence. The castle of Alrehede or Aldreth in the island of Ely is stated by the _Liber Eliensis_ to have been built by the Conqueror, but no remains of any kind appear to exist now. Both these castles are therefore omitted from the list.

[244] Exact numbers cannot be given, because in some cases the bounds of the ancient borough are doubtful, as at Quatford.

[245] At Winchester and Exeter. For Winchester, see Milner, _History of Winchester_, ii., 194; for Exeter, Shorrt's _Sylva Antiqua Iscana_, p. 7.

[246] Colchester is the only exception to this rule, as the castle there is in the middle of the town; but even this is only an apparent exception, as the second bailey extended to the town wall on the north, and had been royal demesne land even before the Conquest. See Round's _Colchester Castle_, ch. vii.

[247] These five are Berkeley, Berkhampstead, Bourn, Pontefract, Rayleigh.

[248] I am indebted for these measurements to Mr D. H. Montgomerie.

[249] Notification in Round's _Calendar of Documents preserved in France_, p. 367. Mr Round dates the Notification 1087-1100.

[250] Description furnished by Mr D. H. Montgomerie, F.S.A.

[251] "Castrum Harundel T. R. E. reddebat de quodam molino 40 solidos, et de 3 conviviis 20 solidos, et de uno pasticio 20 solidos. Modo inter burgum et portum aquæ et consuetudinem navium reddit 12 libras, et tamen valet 13. De his habet S. Nicolaus 24 solidos. Ibi una piscaria de 5 solidos et unum molinum reddens 10 modia frumenti, et 10 modia grossæ annonæ. Insuper 4 modia. Hoc appreciatum est 12 libras. Robertus filius Tetbaldi habet 2 hagas de 2 solidis, et de hominibus extraniis habet suum theloneum." Several other _hagæ_ and _burgenses_ are then enumerated. (D. B., i., 23a, 1.)

[252] See Mr Round's remarks on the words in his _Geoffrey de Mandeville_, Appendix O. The above was written before the appearance of Mr Round's paper on "The Castles of the Conquest" (_Archæologia_, lviii.), in which he rejects the idea that _castrum Harundel_ means the castle.

[253] See _ante_, p. 28.

[254] Florence of Worcester mentions the castle of Arundel as belonging to Roger de Montgomeri in 1088.

[255] See Appendix R.

[256] The expenses entered in the _Pipe Rolls_ (1170-1187) are for the works of the castle, the chamber and wall of the castle, the _houses_ of the castle (an expression which generally refers to the keep), and for flooring the tower (turris) and making a garden. _Turris_ is the usual word for a keep, and is never applied to a mere mural tower.

[257] This gateway is masked by a work of the 13th century, which serves as a sort of barbican.

[258] In operibus castelli de Arundel 22_l._ 7_s._ 8_d._ Et debet 55_l._ 18_s._ 6_d._ _Pipe Roll_, 31, Henry I., p. 42.

[259] D. B., i., 23a, 1.

[260] _Testa de Nevill_, i., iii., 236, cited by C. Bates, in a very valuable paper on Bamborough Castle, in _Archæologia Æliana_, vol. xiv., "Border Holds." Mr Bates gives other evidence to the same effect. The early existence of the castle is also proved by the fact that Gospatric, whom William had made Earl of Northumberland, after his raid on Cumberland in 1070, brought his booty to the _firmissimam munitionem_ of Bamborough. Symeon of Durham, 1070.

[261] _Vita S. Oswaldi_, ch. xlviii., in Rolls edition of Symeon.

[262] This was the opinion of the late Mr Cadwalader Bates, who thought that the smallness of the sums entered for Bamborough in Henry II.'s reign might be accounted for by the labour and materials having been furnished by the crown tenants. _Border Strongholds_, p. 236.

[263] Bamborough rock has every appearance of having been once an island. As late as 1547 the tide came right up to the rock on the east side; the sea is now separated from the castle by extensive sandhills.

[264] _M. A._, v., 197.

[265] _Domesday_ mentions the destruction of twenty-three houses at Barnstaple, which may have been due partly or wholly to the building of the castle. I., 100.

[266] From a lecture by Mr J. R. Chanter.

[267] The _Fundatio_ of Belvoir priory says that Robert founded the church of St Mary, _juxta castellum suum_, _M. A._, iii., 288. As Robert's coffin was actually found in the Priory in 1726, with an inscription calling him Robert de Todnei _le Fundeur_, the statement is probably more trustworthy than documents of this class generally are.

[268] Nicholls, _History of Leicester_, i., 110.

[269] D. B., i., 233b.

[270] "In Ness sunt 5 hidæ pertinentes ad Berchelai, quas comes Willielmus misit extra ad faciendum unum castellulum." D. B., i., 163a, 2.

[271] "Castella per loca firmari præcepit." _Flor. Wig._, 1067. See Freeman, _N. C._, iv., 72. Domesday tells us that FitzOsbern built Ness, Clifford, Chepstow, and Wigmore, and rebuilt Ewias.

[272] Robert Fitzhardinge, in his charter to St Austin's Abbey at Bristol, says that King Henry [II.] gave him the manor of Berchall, and all Bercheleiernesse. _Mon. Ang._, vi., 365.

[273] It is not necessary to discuss the authenticity of the story preserved by Walter Map; it is enough that Gytha, the wife of Godwin, held in horror the means by which her husband got possession of Berkeley Nunnery. D. B., i., 164.

[274] _Mediæval Military Architecture_, i., 236.

[275] The gift of the manor was made before Henry became king, and was confirmed by charter on the death of Stephen in 1154. Fitzhardinge was an Englishman, son of an alderman of Bristol, who had greatly helped Henry in his wars against Stephen. See Fosbroke's _History of Gloucester_.

[276] He held Berkeley under the crown at the time of the Survey. D. B., i., 163a.

[277] From information received from Mr Duncan Montgomerie.

[278] Fosbroke's _History of Gloucester_ attributes this bailey to Maurice, son of Robert Fitzhardinge. One of the most interesting features in this highly interesting castle is the wooden pentice leading from the main stairway of the keep to the chamber called Edward II.'s. Though a late addition, it is a good instance of the way in which masonry was eked out by timber in mediæval times.

[279] Clark, _M. M. A._, i., 229.

[280] D. B., i., 163.

[281] _Victoria County History of Herts_, from which the description of these earthworks is entirely taken.

[282] _Mon. Ang._, vii., 1090.

[283] They were excavated by Mr Montgomerie in 1905, and no trace of masonry was found.

[284] Roger of Wendover, 1216.

[285] D. B., i., 163.

[286] The charter, which is in both Anglo-Saxon and Latin, is given in Dugdale's _History of St Paul's_, 304.

[287] See _Freeman_, ii., 356; and D. B., i., 134a.

[288] From report by Mr D. H. Montgomerie.

[289] _Waytemore_ has sometimes been identified with the puzzling Wiggingamere, but in defiance of phonology.

[290] D. B., i., 351b.

[291] _M. A._, vi., 86.

[292] _Itin._, i., 27.

[293] _Associated Archæological Societies_, VI., ix.

[294] Report by Mr D. H. Montgomerie.

[295] Ipse Willielmus tenet Wasingetune. Guerd Comes tenuit T. R. E. Tunc se defendebat pro 59 hidis. Modo non dat geldum. In una ex his hidis sedet castellum Brembre. D. B., i., 28a, 1.

[296] We often find that the architecture of the nearest church throws light on the date of the castle. A Norman seldom built or restored his castle without doing something for the church at the same time.

[297] See Ordericus, ii., 178.

[298] The _Chronica de Fundatoribus of Tewkesbury Abbey_ seems to be the origin of the tradition that Earl Robert was the builder of Bristol Castle. There can be no doubt that his work was in stone, as the same authority states that he gave every tenth stone to the Chapel of Our Lady in St James' Priory. _M. A._, ii., 120. According to Leland, the keep was built of Caen stone. _Itin._, vii., 90. Robert of Gloucester calls it the flower of all the towers in England.

[299] We have no historical account of the Norman conquest of Bristol, and the city is only mentioned in the most cursory manner in D. B.

[300] Seyer (_Memoirs of Bristol_, i.) was convinced that the plan published by Barrett, and attributed to the monk Rowlie, was a forgery; his own plan, as he candidly admits, was largely drawn from imagination.

[301] Castellum plurimo aggere exaltatum. _Gesta Stephani_, 37.

[302] Seyer, i., 391, and ii., 82.

[303] Quoted by Seyer, ii., 301, from _Prynne's Catal._, p. 11.

[304] Calculated from the measurements given by William of Worcester. _Itin._, p. 260. William probably alludes to the motte when he speaks of the "mayng round" of the castle.

[305] _Benedict of Peterborough_, i., 92.

[306] _Hist. of Bristol_, i., 373.

[307] _Ibid._, vol. ii.

[308] _De Gestis Herewardi Saxonis_, Wright's edition. See Freeman, N. C., iv., 804.

[309] _Beauties of England and Wales_, Buckingham, p. 282.

[310] Camden's _Britannia_, i., 315.

[311] D. B., i., 143.

[312] "Willielmus de Scohies tenet 8 carucatas terræ in castellaria de Carliun, et Turstinus tenet de eo. Ibi habet in dominio unam carucam, et tres Walenses lege Walensi viventes, cum 3 carucis, et 2 bordarios cum dimidio carucæ, et reddunt 4 sextares mellis. Ibi 2 servi et una ancilla. Hæc terra wasta erat T. R. E., et quando Willelmus recepit. Modo valet 40 solidos." D. B., i., 185b, 1.

[313] The _Gwentian Chronicle_, Cambrian Archæological Association, A.D. 962, 967. It is not absolutely impossible that these passages refer to Chester. Caerleon appears to have been seized by the Welsh very soon after the death of William I.

[314] _Itin. Camb._, p. 55.

[315] Loftus Brock, in _Journ. Brit. Arch. Ass._, xlix. J. E. Lee, in _Arch. Camb._, iv., 73.

[316] D. B., i., 185b.

[317] [Rex] "in reversione sua Lincolniæ, Huntendonæ et Grontebrugæ castra locavit." _Ord. Vit._, p. 189.

[318] D. B., i., 189.

[319] A similar plan was made independently by the late Professor Babington. Some traces of the original earthwork of the city are still to be seen. See Mr Hope's paper on _The Norman Origin of Cambridge Castle_, Cambridge Antiquarian Soc., vol. xi.; and Babington's _Ancient Cambridgeshire_, in the same society's _Octavo Publications_, No. iii., 1853.

[320] W. H. St John Hope, as above, p. 342.

[321] "Archiepiscopus habet ex eis [burgensibus] 7 et abbas S. Augustini 14 pro excambio castelli." D. B., i. a, 2.

[322] "Et undecim sunt perditi infra fossatum castelli"; cited by Larking, _Domesday of Kent_, App. xxiv. Domesday says, "sunt vastatæ xi. in fossa _civitatis_." There can be no doubt that the Chartulary gives the correct account.

[323] The hill is called the Dungan, Dangon, or Dungeon Hill in many old local deeds. See "Canterbury in Olden Times,"_Arch. Journ._, 1856. Stukeley and Grose both call it the Dungeon Hill.

[324] See Appendix N.

[325] Somner's _Antiquities of Canterbury_, p. 144. Published in 1640.

[326] _Antiquities of Canterbury_, p. 75.

[327] Mr Clark thought there was another motte in the earthworks outside the walls, though he expresses himself doubtfully: "I rather think they [the mounds outside the city ditch] or one of them, looked rather like a moated mound, but I could not feel sure of it." _Arch. Cantiana_, xv., 344. Gostling (_A Walk about Canterbury_, 1825) says there were _two_, which is perhaps explained by a passage in Brayley's _Kent_ (1808), in which he describes the external fortification as "a lesser mount, now divided into two parts, with a ditch and embankment." P. 893. Stukeley's description (circa 1700) is as follows: "Within the walls is a very high mount, called Dungeon Hill; a ditch and high bank enclose the area before it; it seems to have been part of the old castle. Opposite to it without the walls is a hill, seeming to have been raised by the Danes when they besieged the city. The top of the Dungeon Hill is equal to the top of the castle." _Itin. Curiosum_, i., 122. It is of course not impossible that there may have been two mottes to this castle, as at Lewes and Lincoln, but such instances are rare, and it seems more likely that a portion of the bailey bank which happened to be in better preservation and consequently higher was mistaken for another mount. Mr Clark committed this very error at Tadcaster, and the other writers we have quoted were quite untrained as observers of earthen castles. At any rate there can be no doubt that the Dane John is the original chief citadel of this castle, as the statements of Somner, Stukeley, and we may add, Leland, are explicit. The most ancient maps of Canterbury, Hoefnagel's (1570), Smith's (_Description of England_, 1588), and Grose's (1785), all show the Dungeon Hill within the walls, but take no notice of the outwork outside.

[328] _Archæologia Cantiana_, xxxiii., 152.

[329] _Ibid._, xxi.

[330] _Close Rolls_, i., 234b, ii., 7b, 89.

[331] Now, to the disgrace of the city of Canterbury, converted into gasworks.

[332] For instance, at Middleham, Rochester, Rhuddlan, and Morpeth.

[333] _Beauties of England and Wales, Kent_, p. 893.

[334] The passages from the _Pipe Roll_ bearing on this subject (which have not been noticed by any previous historian of Canterbury) are as follows:--

1166-7. In operatione civitatis Cantuar. claudendæ £5 19 6

" Ad claudendam civitatem Cantuar. 20 0 0

1167-8. Pro claudenda civitate Cantuar. 5 1 1

1168-9. In terris datis Adelizæ filie Simonis 15 solidos de tribus annis pro escambio terræ suæ quæ est in Castello de Cantuar. 0 15 0

1172-3. In operatione turris ejusdem civitatis 10 0 0

" In operatione predicte turris 53 6 8

" Summa denariorum quos vicecomes misit in operatione turris 73 1 4

1173-4. In operatione turris et Castelli Chant. 24 6 0

" In operatione turris Cantuar. 5 11 7

1174-5. Et in warnisione ejusdem turris 5 8 0

The latter extract, which refers to the provisioning of the keep, seems to show that it was then finished. The sums put down to the castle, amounting to about £4000 of our money, are not sufficient to defray the cost of so fine a keep. But the entries in the _Pipe Rolls_ relate only to the Sheriff's accounts, and it is probable that the cost of the keep was largely paid out of the revenues of the archbishopric, which Henry seized into his own hands during the Becket quarrel.

[335] The portion of the wall of Canterbury, which rests on an earthen bank, extends from Northgate to the Castle, and is roughly semicircular in plan. In the middle of it was St George's Gate, which was anciently called _Newingate_ (Gostling, p. 53) and may possibly have been Henry II.'s new gate. The part enclosing the Dungeon Hill is angular, and appeared to Mr Clark, as well as to Somner and Hasted, to have been brought out at this angle in order to enclose the hill.

[336] _Arch. Journ._, 1856.

[337] D. B., i., 2a, 1.

[338] "Isdem rex tenet Alwinestone. Donnus tenuit. Tunc pro duabus hidis et dimidia. Modo pro duabus hidis, quia castellum sedet in una virgata." D. B., i., 2a, 1.

[339] See below, under Windsor.

[340] "In hac [insula] castellum habebat ornatissimum lapidum ædificio constructum, validissimo munimine firmatum." _Gesta Stephani_, R. S., p. 28.

[341] Stone's _Official Guide to the Castle of Carisbrooke_, p. 39.

[342] Mr W. H. Stevenson, in his edition of _Asser_, pp. 173, 174, shows that the name Carisbrooke cannot possibly be derived from Wihtgares-burh, as has been sometimes supposed, as the older forms prove it to have come from _brook_, not _burh_. The lines of the present castle banks, if produced, would not correspond with those of the Tilt-yard, which is proof that the Norman castle was not formed by cutting an older fortification in two.

[343] Bower's _Scotochronicon_, v., xlii. Cited by Mr Neilson, _Notes and Queries_, viii., 321. See also Palgrave, _Documents and Records_, i., 103.

[344] _Cal. of Close Rolls_, Edward II., iii., 161.

[345] _Mon. Ang._, v., 12. "Castelli nostri de Acra."

[346] As at Burton, Mexborough, Lilbourne, and Castle Colwyn.

[347] Harrod's _Gleanings among the Castles and Convents of Norfolk_. See also _Arch. Journ._, xlvi., 441.

[348] D. B., ii., 160b.

[349] "Castellum de Estrighoiel fecit Willelmus comes, et ejus tempore reddebat 40 solidos, tantum de navibus in silvam euntibus." D. B., i., 162. Tanner has shown that while Chepstow was an alien priory of Cormeille, in Normandy, it is never spoken of by that name in the charters of Cormeille, but is always called Strigulia. _Notitia Monastica_, Monmouthshire. See also Marsh's _Annals of Chepstow Castle_.

[350] I must confess that in spite of very strong opposing opinions, I see no reason why this building should not be classed as a keep. It is of course a gross error to call Martin's Tower the keep; it is only a mural tower.

[351] D. B., 162, 1a.

[352] "Cestriæ munitionem condidit." P. 199 (Prévost's edition).

[353] _Chester Historical and Archæological Society_, v., 239.

[354] _Pipe Rolls_, ii., 7. Ranulph, Earl of Chester, died in 1153, and the castle would then escheat into the king's hands.

[355] This work seems to have been completed in the reign of Edward II., who spent £253 on the houses, towers, walls, and gates. _Cal. of Close Rolls_, Edward II., ii., 294.

[356] _Close Rolls_, 35, Henry III., cited by Ormerod, _History of Cheshire_, i., 358.

[357] See Mr Cox's paper, as above, and Shrubsole, _Chester Hist. and Arch. Soc._, v., 175, and iii., New Series, p. 71.

[358] _Benedict of Peterborough_, i., 135, R. S.

[359] D. B., i., 262b.

[360] "Willelmus comes fecit illud [castellum] in wasta terra quam tenebat Bruning T. R. E." D. B., i., 183a, 2.

[361] "Ancient Charters," _Pipe Roll Society_, vol. x., charter xiii., and Mr Round's note, p. 25.

[362] It is extraordinary that Mr Clark, in his description of this castle, does not mention the motte, except by saying that the outer ward is 60 or 70 feet lower than the inner. _M. M. A._, i., 395.

[363] This passage occurs in a sort of appendix to Domesday Book, which is said to be in a later hand, of the 12th century. (Skaife, _Yorks. Arch. Journ._, Part lv., p. 299.) It cannot, however, be very late in the 12th century, as it speaks of Roger's holdings in Craven in the present tense.

[364] See Farrer's _Lancashire Pipe Rolls_, p. 385. The castle is not actually mentioned, but "le Baille" (the bailey) is spoken of. Mr Farrer also prints an abstract of a charter of Henry I. (1102): "per quam concessit eidem Roberto [de Laci] Boelandam [Bowland] quam tenuit de Rogero Comite Pictavensi, ut extunc eam de eodem rege teneat." P. 382.

[365] In an inquisition of Henry de Laci (+ 1311) it is said that "castelli mote et fossæ valent nihil." (Whitaker's _History of Whalley_, p. 280.) This is probably an instance of the word _motte_ being applied to a natural rock which served that purpose. See another instance under Nottingham, _post_, p. 176.

[366] Dugdale's _Baronage_, i., p. 99. Dugdale's authority appears to have been the "Historia Laceiorum," a very untrustworthy document, but which may have preserved a genuine tradition in this instance. The loopholes in the basement of the keep, with the large recesses, appear to have been intended for crossbows, and the crossbow was not reintroduced into England till the reign of Richard I.

[367] _Victoria History of Lancashire_, ii., 523.

[368] See Farrer, _Lancashire Pipe Rolls_, i., 260.

[369] Printed by Mr Round in _Essex Arch. Society's Transactions_, vii., Part ii. The charter is dated 1101.

[370] See Maitland, _Domesday Book and Beyond_, p. 22.

[371] _History of Colchester Castle_, p. 141.

[372] It has been much debated whether these tiles are Roman or Norman; the conclusion seems to be that they are mixed. See Round's _History of Colchester_, p. 78.

[373] The single _Pipe Roll_ of Henry I. shows that he spent £33, 15s. on repairs of the castle and borough in 1130.

[374] In operatione unius Rogi (a kiln), £13, 18s. In reparatione muri castelli, £16, 3s. 2d. The projection of the buttresses (averaging 1 ft. 3 ins.) is about the same as that found in castles of Henry I. or Henry II.'s time.

[375] Ad faciendum Ballium circa castellum, £50. _Pipe Rolls_, xix., 13. This is followed by another entry of £18, 13s. 7d. "in operatione castelli," which may refer to the same work.

[376] Round's _History of Colchester_.

[377] _Close Rolls_, i., 389. Mandamus to the bishop of London to choose two lawful and discreet men of Colchester, "et per visum eorum erigi faceatis palicium castri nostri Colecestrie, quod nuper prostratum fuit per tempestatem."

[378] Round's _History of Colchester_, pp. 135, 136.

[379] Tota civitas ex omnibus debitis reddebat T. R. E., £15, 5s. 4d., in unoquoque anno. Modo reddit £160. D. B., ii., 107.

[380] Eyton, _Key to Domesday_, p. 43. This passage was kindly pointed out to me by Dr Round. The castle is not mentioned in Domesday under Wareham, but under Kingston. "De manerio Chingestone habet rex unam hidam, in qua fecit castellum Warham, et pro ea dedit S. Mariæ [of Shaftesbury] ecclesiam de Gelingeham cum appendiciis suis." D. B., i., 78b, 2.

[381] "Advocatio ecclesie de Gillingeham data fuit abbati [_sic_] de S. Edwardo in escambium pro terra ubi castellum de Corf positum est." _Testa de Nevill_, 164b.

[382] It is by no means certain that Corfe was the scene of Edward's murder, as we learn from a charter of Cnut (_Mon. Ang._, iii., 55) that there was a Corfe Geat not far from Portisham, probably the place now called Coryates.

[383] Called by Asser a _castellum_; but it has already been pointed out that _castellum_ in early writers means a walled town and not a castle. (See p. 25.) Wareham is a town fortified by an earthen vallum and ditch, and is one of the boroughs of the _Burghal Hidage_. (See Ch. II, p. 28.) A Norman castle was built there after the Conquest, and its motte still remains. D. B. says seventy-three houses were utterly destroyed from the time of Hugh the Sheriff. I., 75.

[384] Edred granted "to the religious woman, Elfthryth," supposed to be the Abbess of Shaftesbury, "pars telluris Purbeckinga," which would include Corfe. _Mon. Ang._, ii., 478.

[385] Both these kings spent large sums on Corfe Castle. See the citations from the _Pipe Rolls_ in Hutchins' _Dorset_, vol. i., and in Mr Bond's _History of Corfe Castle_.

[386] See Professor Baldwin Brown's paper in the _Journal of the Institute of British Architects_, Third Series, ii., 488, and Mr Micklethwaite's in _Arch. Journ._, liii., 338; also Professor Baldwin Brown's remarks on Corfe Castle in _The Arts in Early England_, ii., 71.

[387] There are other instances in which the chapel is the oldest piece of mason-work about the castle, as, for example, at Pontefract.

[388] Cited in Hutchins' _Dorset_, i., 488, from the _Close Rolls_.

[389] _Close Rolls_, i., 178b.

[390] Hutchins' _Dorset_, i., 488.

[391] Castrum Doveram, studio atque sumptu suo communitum. P. 108. Eadmer makes Harold promise to William "Castellum Dofris cum puteo aquæ ad opus meum te _facturum_." _Hist. Novorum_, i., d. The castle is not mentioned in Domesday Book.

[392] _Norman Conquest_, iii., 217.

[393] In 1580 an earthquake threw down a portion of the cliff on which the castle stands, and part of the walls. Statham's _History of Dover_, p. 287.

[394] "Wendon him tha up to thære burge-weard, and ofslogen ægther ge withinnan ge withutan, ma thanne 20 manna." Another MS. adds "tha burh-menn ofslogen 19 men on othre healfe, and ma gewundode, and Eustatius atbærst mid feawum mannum."

[395] See _ante_, pp. 17-19.

[396] His description is worth quoting:

Est ibi mons altus, strictum mare, litus opacum, Hinc hostes citius Anglica regna petunt; Sed castrum Doveræ, pendens a vertice montis, Hostes rejiciens, littora tuta facit. Clavibus acceptis, rex intrans moenia castri Præcepit Angligenis evacuare domos; Hos introduxit per quos sibi regna subegit, Unumquemque suum misit ad hospitium.

"Carmen de Bello Hastingensi," in _Monumenta Britannica_, p. 603.

[397] William's description is also of great interest: "Deinde dux contendit Doueram, ubi multus populus congregatus erat, pro inexpugnabile, ut sibi videtur, munitione; quia id castellum situm est in rupe mari contigua, quæ naturaliter acuta undique ad hoc ferramentis elaborate incisa, in speciem muri directissima altitudine, quantum sagittæ jactus permetiri potest, consurgit, quo in latere unda marina alluitur." P. 140.

[398] The following entries in the _Pipe Rolls_ refer to this:--

1194-5. Three hundred planks of oak for the works of the castle £2 0 0 1196-7. Repair of the wall of the castle 76 3 0 1208-9. Timber for walling the castles of Dover and Rochester, also rods and [wooden] hurdles and other needful things 76 13 4 1210-11. Payment for the carpenters working the timber 24 9 5 1212-13. For the carriage of timber and other things 48 16 7 1214-15. For the carriage of timber for the castle works 2 0 0 1214-15. For timber and brushwood for the works, and for cutting down wood to make hurdles, and sending them sum not given,

but £100 entered same year for the works of the castle. There is no mention of stone for the castle during these two reigns, but after the death of John we find that works are going on at Dover for which kilns are required. (_Close Rolls_, i., 352, 1218.) This entry is followed by a very large expenditure on Dover Castle (amounting to at least £6000), sufficient to cover the cost of a stone wall and towers round the outer circuit. The orders of planks for joists must be for the towers, and the large quantities of lead, for roofing them. The order for timber "ad palum et alia facienda" in 1225 _may_ refer to a stockade on the advanced work called the Spur, which is said to be Hubert's work. (_Close Rolls_, ii., 14.)

[399] Cited by Statham, _History of Dover_, pp. 265, 313.

[400] _Commune of London_, pp. 278-81.

[401] The ninth name, Maminot, is attached to three towers on the curtain of the keep ward.

[402] "Recepto castro, quæ minus erant per dies octo addidit firmamenta." P. 140.

[403] Lyon says: "The keep [hill] was formed of chalk dug out of the interior hill." Cited by Statham, p. 245.

[404] "Per præceptum regis facta est apud Doveram turris fortissima." II. 8, R. S., anno 1187. The _Historia Fundationis_ of St Martin's Abbey says that Henry II. built the high tower in the castle, and enclosed the donjon with new walls: "fit le haut tour en le chastel, et enclost le dongon de nouelx murs." _M. A._, iv., 533.

[405] Puckle's _Church and Fortress of Dover Castle_, p. 57.

[406] _Pipe Rolls_, 1178-80. "In operatione muri circa castellum de Doura, £165, 13s. 4d. The same, £94, 7s. 1d."

[407] Mr Statham thinks the port of Dover, though a Roman station, was unwalled till the 13th century, and gives evidence. _History of Dover_, p. 56.

[408] See Professor Baldwin Brown, "Statistics of Saxon Churches" in the _Builder_, 20th October 1900; and in _The Arts in Early England_, ii., 338.

[409] D. B., i., 1.

[410] "Istedem Willelmus tenet Dudelei, et ibi est castellum ejus. T. R. E. valebat 4 libras, modo 3 libras." D. B., i., 177.

[411] _M. M. A._, i., 24.

[412] "Circa dies istos castellum de Huntinduna, de Waletuna, de Legecestria, et Grobi, de Stutesbers [Tutbury], de Dudeleia, de Tresc, et alia plura pariter corruerunt, in ultionem injuriarum quas domini castellorum regi patri frequenter intulerunt." _Diceto_, i., 404, R. S.

[413] _Close Rolls_, i., 380.

[414] Parker's _History of Domestic Architecture_, Licenses to Crenellate, 13th century, Part ii., p. 402. Godwin, "Notice of the Castle at Dudley," _Arch. Journ._, xv., 47.

[415] D. B., i., 95b.

[416] Narrow terraces of this kind are found in several mottes, such as Mere, in Wilts. They are probably natural, and may have been utilised as part of the plan. The more regular terraces winding round the motte are generally found where the motte has become part of a pleasure-ground in later times.

[417] This is the only case in which I have had to trust to Mr Clark for the description of a castle. _M. M. A._, ii., 24.

[418] Mentioned in _Close Rolls_, i., 518a.

[419] D. B., i., 95b.

[420] Symeon of Durham, 1072. "Eodem tempore, scilicet quo rex reversus de Scotia fuerat, in Dunelmo castellum _condidit_, ubi se cum suis episcopus tute ab incursantibus habere potuisset."

[421] This chapel is an instance of the honour so frequently done to the chapel, which was in many cases built of stone when the rest of the castle was only of timber, and was always the part most lavishly decorated.

[422] The bailey was twice enlarged by Bishops Flambard and Pudsey.

[423] Surtees, Durham, iv., 33.

[424] Surtees Society, xx., 11-13.

[425] Evidently the southern wing wall up the motte; but we need not suppose _murus_ to mean a stone wall.

[426] _Domus_, a word always used for a _habitation_ in mediæval documents, and often applied to a tower, which it evidently means here.

[427] This is the only indication which Lawrence gives that the keep was of wood.

[428]

"Cingitur et pulchra paries sibi quilibet ala, Omnis et in muro desinit ala fero."

The translation is conjectural, but _gallery_ seems to make the best sense, and the allusion probably is to the wooden galleries, or _hourdes_, which defended the walls.

[429] Evidently the northern wing wall.

[430] This is the bailey; the two vast palaces must mean the hall and the lodgings of the men-at-arms, who did not share the bishop's dwelling in the keep. These were probably all of wood, as the buildings of Durham Castle were burnt at the beginning of Pudsey's episcopate (1153) and restored by him. Surtees Society, ix., 12.

[431] "Hujus in egressu pons sternitur." This seems a probable allusion to a drawbridge, but if so, it is an early one.

[432] This describes the addition to the bailey made by Flambard. The part of the peninsula to the S. of the church was afterwards walled in by Pudsey, and called the South Bailey.

[433] _Liber Eliensis_, ii., 245 (Anglia Christiana). The part cited was written early in the 12th century: see Preface.

[434] Stowe's _Annals_, 145, 1.

[435] D. B., ii., 192.

[436] "Alured de Merleberge tenet castellum de Ewias de Willelmo rege. Ipse rex enim concessit ei terras quas Willelmus comes ei dederat, qui hoc castellum refirmaverat, hoc est, 5 carucatas terræ ibidem.... Hoc castellum valet 10_l_." D. B., i., 186a. As there is no statement of the value in King Edward's day, we cannot tell whether it had risen or fallen.

[437] _Feudal England_, p. 324. The present writer was led independently to the same conclusion. Pentecost was the nickname of Osbern, son of Richard Scrob, one of Edward's Norman favourites, to whom he had given estates in Herefordshire. Osbern fled to Scotland in 1052, but he seems to have returned, and was still holding lands in "the castelry of Ewias" at the time of the Survey, though his nephew Alured held the castle. See Freeman, _N. C._, ii., 345, and _Florence of Worcester_, 1052.

[438] "Locum vero intra moenia ad extruendum castellum delegit, ibique Baldwinum de Molis, filium Gisleberti comitis, aliosque milites præcipuos reliquit, qui necessarium opus conficerent, præsidioque manerunt." Ordericus, ii., 181.

[439] Exeter is one of the few cities where a tradition has been preserved of the site of the Saxon royal residence, which places it in what is now Paul Street, far away from the present castle. Shorrt's _Sylva Antiqua Iscana_, p. 7.

[440] "In hac civitate vastatæ sunt 48 domi postquam rex venit in Angliam." D. B., i., 100.

[441] _Norman Conquest_, iv., 162.

[442] The outer ditch may have been of Roman origin, but in that case it must have been carried all round the city, and we are unable to find whether this was the case or not. The banks on the north and east sides must also have been of Roman origin, and if we rightly understand the statements of local antiquaries, the Roman city wall stood upon them, and has actually been found _in situ_, cased with mediæval rubble. _Report of Devon Association_, 1895.

[443] This resemblance to a pit may be seen in every motte which still retains its ancient earthen breast-work, as at Castle Levington, Burton in Lonsdale, and Castlehaugh, Gisburne. Perhaps this is the reason that we so frequently read in the _Pipe Rolls_ of "the houses _in_ the motte" (domos in Mota) instead of _on_ the motte. Devizes Castle is another and still more striking instance.

[444] Professor Baldwin Brown, _The Arts in Early England_, ii., 82.

[445] "In custamento gaiole in ballia castelli, £16, 15s. 8d."

[446] Cited by Dr Oliver, "The Castle of Exeter," in _Arch. Journ._, vii., 128.

[447] The whole of this passage is worth quoting: "Castellum in ea situm, editissimo aggere sublatum, muro inexpugnabile obseptum, turribus Cæsarianis inseissili calce confectis firmatum. Agmine peditum instructissime armato exterius promurale, quod ad castellum muniendum aggere cumulatissimo in altum sustollebatur, expulsis constanter hostibus suscepit, pontemque interiorem, quo ad urbem de castello incessus protendebatur, viriliter infregit, lignorumque ingentia artificia, quibus de muro pugnare intentibus resisteretur, mire et artificiose exaltavit. Die etiam et noctu graviter et intente obsidionem clausis inferre; nunc cum armatis aggerem incessu quadrupede conscendentibus rixam pugnacem secum committere; nunc cum innumeris fundatoribus, qui e diverso conducti fuerunt, intolerabile eos lapidum grandine infestare; aliquando autem ascitis eis, qui massæ subterranæ cautius norunt venus incidere, ad murum diruendum viscera terræ scutari præcipere: nonnunquam etiam machinas diversi generis, alias in altum sublatis, alias humo tenus depressas, istas ad inspiciendam quidnam rerum in castello gereretur, illas ad murum quassandum vel obruendum aptare." _Gesta Stephani_, R. S., 23.

[448] _Pipe Rolls_, 1169-1186.

[449] The difficulty about this, however, is that passages branch off from the central cave in every direction.

[450] Oliver's _History of Exeter_, p. 186.

[451] [Willelmus Malet] fecit suum castellum ad Eiam. D. B., ii., 379. For Malet, see Freeman, _N. C._, 466, note 4.

[452] "In operatione castelli de Eya et reparatione veterarum bretascharum et 2 novarum bretascharum et fossatorum et pro carriagio et petra et aliis minutis operationibus 20_l._ 18_s._ 4_d._" _Pipe Rolls_, xix., 19 Henry II. The small quantity of stone referred to here can only be for some auxiliary work. The _bretasches_ in this case will be mural towers of wood. "In emendatione palicii et 1 exclusæ vivarii et domorum castelli 20_s._" 28 Henry II.

[453] D. B., ii., 319, 320.

[454] D. B., i., 162. "Sedecim domus erant ubi sedet castellum, quæ modo desunt, et in burgo civitatis sunt wastatæ 14 domus."

[455] Rudge, _History of Gloucester_, p. 7. Haverfield, _Romanisation of Britain_, p. 204.

[456] It is, however, possible that by the _burgus_ may be meant a later quarter which had been added to the city.

[457] Fosbroke's _History of Gloucester_, pp. 125, 126. Stukeley, writing in 1721, says: "There is a large old gatehouse standing, and near it the castle, with a very high artificial mount or keep nigh the river." _Itin. Cur._, i., 69.

[458] "Of al partes of yt the hy tower _in media area_ is most strongest and auncient." Leland, _Itin._, iii., 64.

[459] "In excambium pro placea ubi nunc turris stat Gloucestriæ, ubi quondam fuit ortus monachorum." _Mon. Ang._, i., 544. The document is not earlier than Henry II.'s reign.

[460] Round, _Studies in Domesday_, p. 123.

[461] "In operatione frame turris de Glouec, 20_l._" _Pipe Rolls_, i., 27. In the single _Pipe Roll_ of Henry I. there is an entry "In operationibus turris de Glouec," 7_l._ 6_s._ 2_d._, which _may_ be one of a series of sums spent on the new stone keep.

[462] _Pipe Rolls_, 1177, 1180, 1181, 1184.

[463] _Close Rolls_, ii., 88b.

[464] "In reparatione murorum et bretaschiarum," 20_l_. 7_s._ 11_d._ _Pipe Rolls_, 1193.

[465] "Jussit ut foderetur castellum ad Hestengaceastra."

[466] D. B., i., 18a, 2. "Rex Willelmus dedit comiti [of Eu] castellariam de Hastinges."

[467] "Dux ibidem [at Pevensey] non diu moratus, haud longe situm, qui Hastinges vocatur, cum suis adiit portum, ibique opportunum nactus locum, ligneum agiliter castellum statuens, provide munivit." _Chron. Monast. de Bello_, p. 3, ed. 1846. There is also the evidence of Ordericus, who says that Humphrey de Tilleul received the custody of Hastings Castle "from the first day it was built." iv., 4.

[468]

Par conseil firent esgarder Boen lieu a fort chastel fermer. Donc ont des nes mairrien iete, A la terre l'ont traine, Que le quens d'Ou i out porte Trestot percie e tot dole. Les cheuilles totes dolees Orent en granz bariz portees. Ainz que il fust avespre En ont un chastelet ferme; Environ firent une fosse, Si i ont fait grant fermete.--Andresen's edition, p. 289.

[469] The north curtain is of ruder work than the other masonry.

[470] In attractu petre et calcis ad faciendam turrim de Hasting 6_l._ Idem 13_l._ 12_s._ Vol. xviii., p. 130. The work must have been extensive, as it is spoken of as "operatio castelli novi Hasting." 1181-1182. Though the sum given is not sufficient for a great stone keep, it may have been supplemented from other sources.

[471] See Mr Sands' paper on Hasting's Castle, in _Trans. of the South-Eastern Union of Scientific Societies_, 1908.

[472] This bailey has been supposed to be a British or Roman earthwork, but no evidence has been brought forward to prove it, except the fact that discoveries made in one of the banks point to a flint workshop on the site.

[473] Totum manerium valebat T. R. E. 20 libras, et postea wastum fuit. Modo 18 libras 10 solidos. D. B., i., 18a, 2.

Since the above was written, Mr Chas. Dawson's large and important work on Hastings Castle has appeared, and to this the reader is referred for many important particulars, especially the passages from the _Pipe Rolls_, i., 56, and the repeated destructions by the sea, ii., 498-9. The reproduction of Herbert's plan of 1824 (ii., 512) seems to show more than one bailey outside the inner ward. The evidence for a great outer ditch, enclosing all these works, and supposed to be prehistoric, is given on p. 515, vol. ii.

[474] See _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, 1048 (Peterborough) and 1052 (Worcester), and compare with _Florence of Worcester_.

[475] _N. C._, ii., 394.

[476] _Pipe Rolls_, 11 Henry II., p. 100, and 15 Henry II., p. 140. Stephen granted to Miles of Gloucester "motam Hereford cum toto castello." Charter cited by Mr Round, _Geoffrey de Mandeville_, Appendix O, p. 329.

[477] Cited by Grose, _Antiquities_, ii., 18. Stukeley saw the motte, and mentions the well in it lined with stone. _Itin. Curiosum_, i., 71. See also Duncombe's _History of Hereford_, i., 229.

[478] In custamento prosternandi partem muri castri nostri de Hereford, et preparatione rogi ad reficiendum predictum murum, 26s. 6d. _Pipe Rolls_, 1181-1182.

[479] In operatione 5 bretaschiarum in castro de Hereford, £15, 3s. 9d. _Pipe Rolls_, 1173-1174.

[480] _Close Rolls_, i., 134a.

[481] Hubertus Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus et totius Angliæ summus Justiciarius, fuit in Gwalia apud Hereford, et recepit in manu sua castellum de Hereford, et castellum de Briges, et castellum de Ludelaue, expulsis inde custodibus qui ea diu custodierant, et tradidit ea aliis custodibus, custodienda ad opus regis. _Roger of Howden_, iv., 35, R. S.

[482] D. B., i., 179.

[483] "In loco castri fuerunt 20 mansiones, quæ modo absunt." D. B., i., 203.

[484] _Ordericus_, ii., 185.

[485] _Benedict of Peterborough_, i., 70. The Justiciar, Richard de Lucy, threw up a siege castle against it.

[486] "Pro uncis ad prosternandum palicium de Hunted, 7_s._ 8_d._ In operatione novi castelli de Hunted, et pro locandis carpentariis et pro croccis et securibus et aliis minutis rebus, 21_l._" _Pipe Rolls_, 20 Henry II., pp. 50, 63. It is clear that the _operatio_ was in this case one of pulling down. Giraldus (_Vita Galfredi_, iv., 368, R. S.) and _Diceto_ (i., 404, R. S.), both say the castle was destroyed.

[487] _Mon. Ang._, vi., 80.

[488] Leland tells us that Launceston was anciently called Dunheved. _Itin._, vii., 122.

[489] "Ibi est castrum comitis." D. B., i., 121b. "Hæc duo maneria [Hawstone et Botintone] dedit episcopo comes Moriton pro excambio castelli de Cornualia." D. B., i., 101b, 2.

[490] There are no entries for Launceston except repairs in the reigns of Henry II. and his sons.

[491] Murray's _Guide to Cornwall_, p. 203.

[492] "Olim 20_l._; modo valet 4_l._" D. B., i., 121b.

[493] D. B., ii., 157, 163, 172. The first entry relating to this transaction says: "Hoc totum est pro escangio de 2 maneriis Delaquis." The second says: "Pertinent ad castellum Delaquis." It is clear that Lewes is meant, as one paragraph is headed "De escangio Lewes." I have been unable to find any explanation of this exchange in any of the Norfolk topographers, or in any of the writers on Domesday Book.

[494] Lincoln is the only other instance known to the writer. Deganwy has two natural mottes. It is possible that two mottes indicate a double ownership of a castle, a thing of which there are instances, as at Rhuddlan.

[495] Exeter and Tickhill are instances of early Norman gateways, and at Ongar and Pleshy there are fragments of early gateways, though there are no walls on the banks. We have already seen that Arundel had a gateway which cannot be later than Henry I.'s time.

[496] D. B., i., 26a, 1.

[497] "De predictis wastis mansionibus propter castellum destructi fuerunt 166." D. B., i., 336b, 2.

[498] "In reversione sua Lincoliæ, Huntendonæ, et Grontebrugæ castra locavit." Ordericus, 185 (Prévost).

[499] At present the bank is wanting on a portion of the south side, between the two mottes.

[500] Mr Clark gravely argues that the houses were inside what he believes to have been the Saxon castle. There is not a vestige of historical evidence for the existence of any castle in Lincoln in the Saxon period.

[501] Stephen gave Ralph the castle and city of Lincoln, and gave him leave to fortify one of the towers in Lincoln Castle, and have command of it until the king should deliver to him the castle of Tickhill; then the king was to have the city and castle of Lincoln again, excepting the earl's own tower, which his mother had fortified. His mother was Lucy, daughter of Ivo Taillebois; and as the principal tower was known as the Luce Tower, the masonry may have been her work. In that case the Norman work on the smaller motte may be due to Ralph Gernon, and may possibly be the _nova turris_ which was repaired in John's reign. _Pipe Roll_, 2 John. Stephen's charter is in Farrer's _Lancashire Pipe Rolls_.

[502] "In custamento firmandi ballium castelli Lincoll." _Pipe Roll_, 5 Richard I. In an excavation made for repairs in modern times it was found that this wall rested on a timber frame-work, a device to avoid settling, the wall being of great height and thickness. Wilson, Lincoln Castle, _Proc. Arch. Inst._, 1848.

[503] D. B., i. 336b, 2: "Tochi filius Outi habuit in civitate 30 mansiones præter suam hallam, et duas ecclesias et dimidiam, et suam hallam habuit quietam ab omni consuetudine.... Hanc aulam tenuit Goisfredus Alselin et suus nepos Radulfus. Remigius episcopus tenet supradictas 30 mansiones ita quod Goisfredus nihil inde habet."

[504] "In castello Monemouth habet Rex in dominio 4 carucas. Willelmus filius Baderon custodit eas. Quod rex habet in hoc castello valet c solidos." D. B., 180b.

[505] _Liber Landavensis_, Evans' edition, pp. 277-278. See also Round's _Calendar of Documents Preserved in France_, p. 406.

[506] _Theatre of Britain_, p. 107.

[507] Speed's map shows the curtain wall surrounding the top of the hill and also a large round tower towards the N.E. part, but not standing on any "other mount." The square keep is not indicated separately. It must be remembered that Speed's details are not always accurate or complete.

[508] "Ipse comes tenet in dominio Bishopstowe, et ibi est castellum ejus quod vocatur Montagud. Hoc manerium geldabat T. R. E. pro 9 hidas, et erat de abbatia de Adelingi, et pro eo dedit comes eidem ecclesiæ manerium quod Candel vocatur." D. B., i., 93a, 1.

[509] _Itin._, ii., 92.

[510] From a description communicated by Mr Basil Stallybrass. The motte is shown in a drawing in Stukeley's _Itinerarium Curiosum_. The "immense Romano-British camp" of which Mr Clark speaks (_M. M. A._, i., 73) is nearly a mile west.

[511] Mountjoy, Monthalt (Mold), Beaumont, Beaudesert, Egremont, are instances in point.

[512] _Gaimar_, 214, Wright's edition. Gaimar wrote in the first half of the 12th century; Wright states that his work is mainly copied from the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, but its chief value lies in the old historical traditions of the north and east of England which he has preserved.

[513] Hodgson's _History of Northumberland_, Part II., ii., 384, 389.

[514] This account is taken from a description kindly furnished by Mr D. H. Montgomerie.

[515] Bates' _Border Holds_, p. 11.

[516] _Simeon of Durham_, 1080. "Castellum Novum super flumen Tyne condidit."

[517] See the map in an important paper on Newcastle by Longstaffe, _Arch. Æliana_, iv., 45.

[518] _Guide to the Castle of Newcastle_, published by Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle, 1901.

[519] Longstaffe, as above.

[520] "Condidit castellum in excelso preruptæ rupis super Twedam flumen, ut inde latronum incursus inhiberet, et Scottorum irruptiones. Ibi enim utpote in confinia regni Anglorum et Scottorum creber prædantibus ante patebat excursus, _nullo enim quo hujusmodi impetus repelleretur præsidio locato_." _Symeon of Durham_, R. S., i., 140.

[521] "Castellum di Northam, quod munitionibus infirmum reperit, turre validissima forte reddidit." _Geoffrey of Coldingham_, 12 (Surtees Society). Symeon says it was built "precepto regis." The keep was extensively altered in the Decorated period.

[522] _M. M. A._, ii., 331.

[523] _Richard of Hexham_, 319 (Twysden).

[524] "In illa terra de quâ Herold habebat socam sunt 15 burgenses et 17 mansuræ vastæ, quæ sunt in occupatione castelli; et in burgo 190 mansuræ vacuæ in hoc quod erat in soca regis et comitis, et 81 in occupatione castelli." D. B., ii., 116. This shows that the castle and its ditches occupied ground partly within and partly without the ancient _burh_.

[525] Harrod's _Gleanings among Castles_, p. 142.

[526] The authorities from which this map is compiled are not given.

[527] The "new borough" at Norwich was the quarter inhabited by the Normans. D. B., ii., 118. "Franci de Norwich: in novo burgo 36 burgenses et 6 Anglici." Mr Hudson says that Mancroft Leet corresponds to the new burgh added to Norwich at the Conquest. See his map in _Arch. Journ._, xlvi.

[528] Norwich was not a Roman town; see Haverfield, _Vict. Hist. of Norfolk_, i., 320. But the Roman road from Caistor passed exactly underneath the castle motte. _Brit. Arch. Assoc. Journ._, xlvi., Rev. H. Dukinfield Astley.

[529] Harrod's _Gleanings among Castles_, p. 137.

[530] _Mon. Ang._, iv., 13. In 37 Henry III. the monks of Norwich Priory received "licentiam includendi eandem villam cum fossis," and by doing this they enclosed the lands of other fees.

[531] _Arch. Journ._, xlvi., 445.

[532] Kirkpatrick's _Notes of Norwich Castle_, written about 1725. He states that the angles of the motte had been spoilt, and much of it fallen away.

[533] _Archæologia_, vol. xii.

[534] Mr Hartshorne thought it was built between 1120 and 1125. _Arch. Journ._, xlvi., 260. It is certainly not as late as Henry II.'s reign, or the accounts for it would appear in the _Pipe Rolls_.

[535] _Pipe Rolls_, 19 Henry II., p. 117. In reparatione pontis lapidei et palicii et 3 bretascharum in eodem castello, 20_l._ 4_s._ 8_d._

[536] _Close Rolls_, ii., 22. Order that the palicium of Norwich Castle, which has fallen down and is threatened with ruin, be repaired.

[537] Kirkpatrick, _Notes on Norwich Castle_.

[538] Except Kirkpatrick, who shows a judicious scepticism on the subject. _Ibid._, p. 248.

[539] _Mon. Ang._, i., 482.

[540] D. B., ii., 117.

[541] Ordericus, ii., 184.

[542] Published in a paper on Nottingham Castle by Mr Emanuel Green, in _Arch. Journ._ for December 1901.

[543] See Mr Green's paper, as above, p. 388.

[544] "Apud Rokingham liberavimus Philippo Marco ad faciendam turrim quam dominus Rex precepit fieri in Mota de Notingham 100 marcas quas burgenses de Notingham et Willelmus Fil. Baldwini dederunt domino Regi pro benevolencia sua habenda." In Cole's _Documents Illustrative of English History_, 235. There is some reason to think that John instead of building the cylindrical keeps which were then coming into fashion, reverted to the square form generally followed by his father.

[545] _Pipe Rolls_, 1170-1186. The _Pipe Roll_ of 6 Richard I. mentions the making of "1 posterne in mota," which may be the secret passage in the rock.

[546] This is rendered probable by a writ of Henry III.'s reign, ordering that half a mark is to be paid annually to Isolde de Gray for the land which she had lost in King John's time "_per incrementum forinseci ballii Castri de Notinge_." _Close Rolls_, i., 508.

[547] _Close Rolls_, i., 548b. "Videat quid et quantum mæremii opus fuerit ad barbecanas et palitia ipsius castri reparanda" (1223). _Close Rolls_, i., 531b. Timber ordered for the repair of the bridges, bretasches, and _palicium gardini_ (1223). _Cal. of Close Rolls_, 1286, p. 390: Constable is to have timber to repair the weir of the mill, and the _palings of the court_ of the castle. Nottingham was one of eight castles in which John had baths put up. _Rot. Misæ._, 7 John.

[548] The murage of the town of Nottingham was assigned "to the repair of the outer bailey of the castle there" in 1288. _Patent Rolls_, Edward I., i., 308.

[549]