Chapter IV

.

[593] Domesday Book says: "Ipse comes (Roger) tenet Ardinton. Sancta Milburga tenuit T. R. E. Ibi molinum et nova domus et burgus Quatford dictus, nil reddentes." I., 254.

[594] G. T. Clark, in _Arch. Cambrensis_, 1874, p. 264.

[595] _Ord. Vit._, iv., 32.

[596] "In hoc manerio fecit Suenus suum castellum." D. B., ii., 33b.

[597] Freeman, _N. C._, ii., 329, and iv., Appendix H.

[598] Mr Round has suggested that this castle was at Canfield in Essex, where there is a motte and bailey.

[599] "Isdem Osbernus habet 23 homines in castello Avreton et reddit 10 solidos. Valet ei castellum hoc 20 solidos." D. B., i., 186b.

[600] Mr Clark's plan is strangely incorrect, as he altogether omits the bailey. Compare the plan in Mr Round's Castles of the Conquest, _Archæologia_, vol. lviii., and Mr Montgomerie's plan here, Fig. 27.

[601] "Comes Alanus habet in sua castellata 199 maneria.... Præter castellariam habet 43 maneria." D. B., i., 381a, 2.

[602] This is stated in a charter of Henry II., which carefully recapitulates the gifts of the different benefactors to St Mary's. _Mon. Ang._, iii., 548. It is curious that the charter of William II., the first part of which is an inspeximus of a charter of William I., does not mention this chapel in the castle.

[603] Mr Skaife, the editor of the _Yorkshire Domesday_, thinks that it was at Hinderlag, but gives no reasons. Hinderlag, at the time of the Survey, was in the hands of an under-tenant. _Yorks. Arch. Journ._, lii., 527, 530.

[604] "Hic Alanus primo incepit facere castrum et munitionem juxta manerium suum capitale de Gilling, pro tuitione suorum contra infestationes Anglorum tunc ubique exhæredatorum, similiter et Danorum, et nominavit dictum castrum Richmond suo ydiomate Gallico, quod sonat Latine divitem montem, in editiori et fortiori loco sui territorii situatum." _Mon. Ang._, v., 574.

[605] There are no remains of fortification at Gilling, but about a mile and a half away there used to be an oval earthwork, now levelled, called Castle Hill, of which a plan is given in M'Laughlan's paper, _Arch. Journ._, vol. vi. It had no motte. Mr Clark says, "The mound at Gilling has not long been levelled." _M. M. A._, i., 23. It probably never existed except in his imagination.

[606] See Clarkson's _History of Richmond_.

[607] _Journal of Brit. Arch. Ass._, lxiii., 179.

[608] These are the dates given in Morice's _Bretagne_.

[609] Henry spent 51_l._ 11_s._ 3_d._ in 1171 on "operationes domorum et turris," and 30_l._ 6_s._ in 1174 on "operationes castelli et domorum."

[610] "Episcopus de Rouecestre, pro excambio terræ in qua castellum sedet, tantum de hac terra tenet quod 17 sol. et 4 den. valet." D. B., i., 2b.

[611] See Mr George Payne's paper on _Roman Rochester_, in _Arch. Cantiana_, vol. xxi. Mr Hope tells me that parts of all the four sides are left.

[612] Thus Egbert of Kent, in 765, gives "terram intra castelli moenia supra-nominati, id est Hrofescestri, unum viculum cum duobus jugeribus," _Kemble_, i., 138; and Offa speaks of the "episcopum castelli quod nominatur Hrofescester," Earle, _Land Charters_, p. 60.

[613] See an extremely valuable paper on _Mediæval Rochester_ by the Rev. Greville M. Livett, _Arch. Cantiana_, vol. xxi.

[614] See the charter of Coenulf, King of Mercia, giving to Bishop Beornmod three ploughlands on the southern shore of the city of Rochester, from the highway on the east to the Medway on the west. _Textus Roffensis_, p. 96.

[615] The name Boley may possibly represent the Norman-French _Beaulieu_, a favourite Norman name for a castle or residence. Professor Hales suggested that Boley Hill was derived from Bailey Hill (cited in Mr Gomme's paper on Boley Hill, _Arch. Cantiana_, vol. xvii.). The oldest form of the name is Bullie Hill, as in Edward IV.'s charter, cited below, p. 200.

[616] Roman urns and lachrymatories were found in the Boley Hill when it was partially levelled in the 18th century to fill up the castle ditch. _History of Rochester_, p. 281. At the part now called Watt's Avenue, Mr George Payne found "the fag-end of an Anglo-Saxon cemetery." _Arch. Cantiana_, vol. xxi.

[617] "In pulchriore parte civitatis Hrouecestre." _Textus Roffensis_, p. 145. Mr Freeman and others have noticed that the special mention of a _stone_ castle makes it probable that the first castle was of wood. Mr Round remarks that the building of Rochester Castle is fixed, by the conjunction of William II. and Lanfranc in its history, to some date between September 1087 and March 1089. _Geoffrey de Mandeville_, p. 339. Probably, therefore, it was this new castle which Bishop Odo held against Rufus in 1088. Ordericus says that "cum quingentis militibus intra Rofensem urbem se conclusit." P. 272.

[618] It is now attributed to Archbishop William of Corbeuil, to whom Henry I. gave the custody of the castle in the twenty-seventh year of his reign, with permission to make within it a defence or keep, such as he might please. _Continuator of Florence_, 1126. Gervase of Canterbury also says "idem episcopus turrim egregiam ædificavit." Both passages are cited by Hartshorne, _Arch. Journ._, xx., 211. Gundulf's castle cost 60_l._ and can scarcely have been more than an enclosing wall with perhaps one mural tower. See Mr Round, _Geoffrey de Mandeville_, 340, and Mr Livett's paper, cited above.

[619] Two common friends of Rufus and Gundulf advised the king that in return for the grant of the manor of Hedenham and the remission of certain moneys, "episcopus Gundulfus, quia in opere cæmentario plurimum sciens et efficax erat, castrum sibi Hrofense _lapideum_ de suo construeret." _Textus Roffensis_, p. 146. There was therefore an exchange of land in this affair also.

[620] _Arch. Cantiana_, vol. xxi.

[621] _Arch. Cantiana_, vol. xxi., p. 49.

[622] There are several entries in the _Close Rolls_ relating to this wall of Henry III. in the year 1225.

[623] Mr Beale Poste says that this ancient wall was met with some years since in digging the foundations of the Rev. Mr Conway's house, standing parallel to the present brick walls and about 2 feet within them. "Ancient Rochester as a Roman Station," _Arch. Cantiana_, ii., 71. The Continuator of Gervase of Canterbury tells us (ii., 235) that at the siege of Rochester in 1265, Simon de Montfort captured the outer castle up to the keep (forinsecum castellum usque ad turrim), and Mr Livett thinks this outer castle must have been the Boley Hill.

[624] _Close Rolls_, ii., 98b.

[625] Hasted's _Kent_, iv., 163.

[626] "Ymb sætan tha ceastre and worhton other fæsten ymb hie selfe." See _ante_, p. 49, _note 120_.

[627] Mr Hope suggests the east side, as the north was a marsh.

[628] _History of Rochester_ (published by Fisher, 1772), p. 285.

[629] D. B., i., 56.

[630] "Wasta erat quando Rex W. iussit ibi castellum fieri. Modo valet 36 solidos." D. B., i., 220.

[631] "I markid that there is stronge Tower in the Area of the Castelle, and from it over the Dungeon Dike is a drawbridge to the Dungeon Toure." _Itin._, i., 14.

[632] "In operatione nove turris et nove camere in cast. 126_l._ 18_s._ 6_d._"

[633] D. B., i., 120.

[634] See the plan reproduced in Wise's _Rockingham Castle and the Watsons_, p. 66.

[635] Vol. i., p. 224: cited by Mr Irving in his valuable paper on Old Sarum in _Arch. Journ._, xv., 1859. Sir Richard made a vague reference to an MS. in the Cottonian and Bodleian libraries, for which Mr Irving says he has searched in vain.

[636] General Pitt-Rivers in his Address to the Salisbury meeting of the Archæological Institute in 1887, says that traces of these roads may still be seen. He adds that Old Sarum does not resemble the generality of ancient British fortifications, in that the rampart is of the same height all round, instead of being lower where the ground is steeper; this led him to think that the original fortress had been modernised in later times. Sir Richard Colt Hoare noticed that the ramparts of Sarum were twice as high as those of the fine prehistoric camps with which he was acquainted. _Ancient Wiltshire_, p. 226.

[637] Benson and Hatcher's _Old and New Sarum_, p. 604.

[638] _Cf._ Benson and Hatcher, 63, with _Beauties of England and Wales_, xv., 78.

[639] D. B., i., 66. "Idem episcopus tenet Sarisberie." Part of the land which had been held under the bishop was now held by Edward the Sheriff, the ancestor of the earls of Salisbury. This in itself is a proof that the castle was new. See Freeman, _N. C._, iv., 797.

[640] This policy had been dictated by an oecumenical council.

[641] He gives to the canons of the church two hides in the manor, "et ante portam castelli Seriberiensis terram ex utraque parte viæ in ortorum domorumque canonicorum necessitate." _M. A._, vi., 1294.

[642] _Gentleman's Magazine_, 1795.

[643] The area of the outer camp is 29-1/2 acres.

[644] It is unlikely that this is the _turris_ mentioned in the solitary _Pipe Roll_ of Henry I. "In unum ostium faciendum ad cellarium turris Sarum, 20s." This entry is of great interest, as entrances from the outside to the basement of keeps were exceptional in the 12th century; but the basement entrance of Colchester keep has every appearance of having been added by Henry I.

[645] William of Malmesbury, _Hist. Nov._, ii., 91.

[646] In 1152; the writ is given by Benson and Hatcher, p. 32.

[647] "In operatione unius Bretesche in eodem Castro 50s." _Pipe Rolls_, 1193-4.

[648] "Virgam et mairemium ad hordiandum castrum." _Close Rolls_, i., 198b (1215).

[649] Benson and Hatcher, p. 704.

[650] "Dicunt quod castrum cum burgo Veteris Sarum et dominicus burgus domini Regis pertinent ad coronam cum advocatione cujusdam ecclesiæ quæ modo vacat." _Hundred Rolls_, Edward I., cited by Benson and Hatcher, p. 802.

[651] Cited by Benson and Hatcher, p. 802.

[652] D. B., 66a, 1. The value T. R. E. is not, however, very distinctly stated.

[653] "Dicunt Angligenses burgenses de Sciropesberie multum grave sibi esse quod ipsi reddunt totum geldum sicut reddebant T. R. E. quamvis castellum comitis occupaverit 51 masuras et aliæ 50 masuræ sunt wastæ." D. B., i., 252.

[654] Some writers, such as Mr Kerslake and Mr C. S. Taylor, have supposed Sceargate to mean Shrewsbury.

[655] Mandatum est vicecomiti Salopie quod veterem palum et veterem bretaschiam de vetere fossato ville Salopie faciat habere probos homines ville Salopie ad novum fossatum ejusdem ville, quod fieri fecerant, efforciandum et emendendum. _Close Rolls_, 1231, p. 508. The honest men of the city are also to have "palum et closturam" from the king's wood of Lichewood "ad hirucones circa villam Salopie faciendas ad ipsam villam claudendam." _Ibid._ _Hirucones_ are the same as _heritones_ or _hericias_, a defence of stakes on the counterscarp of the ditch.

[656] "In op. castelli de Salop^be in mota 5_l._" _Pipe Rolls_, 19 Henry II., p. 108.

[657] "Dampnum mote castri Salopp' ad valenciam 60 marcarum, sed non recolligunt totum evenisse propter molendinum abbatis Salopp', quia 30 annis elapsis mota castri fuit fere deteriorata sicut nunc est." _Hundred Rolls_, ii., 80. "Dicunt quod unus magnus turris ligneus (_sic_) qui ædificatur in castro Salopp' corruit in terram tempore domini Uriani de S. Petro tunc vicecomitis, et meremium ejus turris tempore suo et temporibus aliorum vicecomitum postea ita consumitur et destruitur quod nihil de illo remansit, in magnum damnum domini Regis et deteriorationem eiusdem castri." _Ibid._, p. 105.

[658] _Pipe Rolls_, 11 Henry II., p. 89; 12 Henry II., p. 59; 14 Henry II., p. 93; 15 Henry II., p. 108; 20 Henry II., p. 108.

[659] Payment to those who dig stone for the castle of Shrewsbury, _Close Rolls_, i., 622b. This is in 1224. There is also a payment of 50_l._ for works at the castle in 1223. _Ibid._, 533b.

[660] _Hundred Rolls_, ii., 80. A _jarola_ or garuillum is a stockade; apparently derived from a Gallic word for _oak_, and may thus correspond to an oak paling. See Ducange.

[661] Owen and Blakeway's _History of Shrewsbury_, i., 450.

[662] _Chronicon de Melsa_, R. S. See Preface, p. lxxii.

[663] _Yorks Inquisitions_ (Yorks Rec. Ser.), i., 83.

[664] _Rot. Lit. Claus._, i., 474b.

[665] Poulson's _History of Holderness_, i., 457.

[666] D. B., i., 323b.

[667] Ethelwerd, anno 910.

[668] "Ipse Henricus tenet Cebbeseio. Ad hoc manerium pertinuit terra de Stadford, in qua rex precepit fieri castellum, quod modo est destructum." D. B., i., 249a.

[669] "Apud Estafort alteram [munitionem] locavit." _Ord. Vit._, p. 199.

[670] It should be said that Mr Eyton interprets the passage differently, and takes it to mean that the castle was built on land in the borough of Stafford belonging to the manor of Chebsey. But he himself says that "the site of Stafford Castle, within the liberties, though not within the borough of Stafford, would suggest a royal foundation"; and he believes this castle (the one on the motte) to have been the one garrisoned by Henry I. and made a residence by Henry II. _Domesday Studies_, p. 21.

[671] _Salt. Arch. Soc. Trans._, vol. viii., "The Manor of Castre or Stafford," by Mr Mazzinghi, a paper abounding in valuable information, to which the present writer is greatly indebted.

[672] In the addenda to Mr Eyton's _Domesday of Staffordshire_ (p. 135) the learned editor says there are two Stafford castles mentioned in Domesday, in two different hundreds. We have carefully searched through the whole Stafford account, and except at Burton and Tutbury, there is no other castle mentioned in Staffordshire but this one at Chebsey.

[673] Dugdale conjectures that Robert was sheriff of Staffordshire. He had large estates round the town of Stafford. Eyton, _Staffordshire_, p. 61.

[674] Mazzinghi, _Salt Arch. Soc. Trans._, viii., 6; Eyton, _Domesday Studies_, p. 20.

[675] _Monasticon_, vi., 223: "Ecclesiam S. Nicholai in castello de Stafford."

[676] Ordericus, vii., 12. See also vii., 13, p. 220 (ed. Prévost).

[677] Mazzinghi, _Salt Arch. Soc. Trans._, viii., 22.

[678] In a charter to Stone Abbey, _Salt Collections_, vol. ii. That the castle he speaks of was the one outside the town is proved by his references to land "extra burgum."

[679] The _Pipe Roll_ contains several entries relating to this gaol at Stafford. It is clear from several of the documents given by Mr Mazzinghi that the king's gaol of Stafford and the king's gaol of the castle of Stafford are equivalent expressions.

[680] _Pipe Rolls_, 2 John.

[681] _Close Rolls_, i., 69.

[682] _Constitutional History_, i., 272.

[683] Cited in _Salt Arch. Soc. Trans._, vi., pt. i., 258.

[684] _Patent Rolls_, 22 Edward iii., cited by Mazzinghi, p. 80.

[685] _Salt Arch. Soc. Trans._, viii., 122. It was undoubtedly at this time that the oblong stone keep on the motte, which is described in an escheat of Henry VIII.'s reign, was built.

[686] _Salt Arch. Coll._, viii., 14.

[687] Speed's _Theatre of Britain_; Leland, _Itin._, vii., 26.

[688] The Stafford escheat of Henry VIII.'s reign, which describes the town, also makes no mention of any castle in the town. Mazzinghi, p. 105.

[689] _Salt Arch. Trans._, viii., 231. The mistake may possibly have arisen from the fact that a fine castellated gateway, shown in W. Smith's map (_Description of England_), stood on the south-west wall of the town, close to the spot where Speed's map marks a Castle Hill.

[690] There must be some error in the first statement of the Stafford revenue in Domesday, which says that the king and earl have 7_l._ between them, as it is contradicted by the later statement. D. B., i., 246a and 247b, 2.

[691] There were 141 _mansiones_, T. R. E., "et modo totidem sunt præter 5 quæ propter operationem castelli sunt wastæ." From a passage in the _Domesday of Nottingham_ it would seem that a _mansio_ was a group of houses.

[692] _Gervase of Canterbury_, i., 156, R. S.

[693] Peck's _Antiquarian Annals of Stamford_; he gives the charter, p. 17.

[694] Cited in Nevinson's "Notes on the History of Stamford," _Journ. Brit. Arch. Ass._, xxxv.

[695] "T. R. E. dabat Stanford 15_l._; modo dat ad firmam 50_l._ De omni consuetudine regis modo dat 28_l._"

[696] "Ibi habet Helgot castellum, et 2 carucas in dominio, et 4 servos, et 3 villanos, et 3 bordarios, et 1 Francigenam cum 3-1/2 carucis. Ibi ecclesia et presbyter. T. R. E. valebat 18 solidos; modo 25 solidos. Wastam invenit." D. B., i., 258b. There are some fragments of Norman work in the church, which is chiefly Early English, doubtless of the same date as the mural tower of the castle.

[697] Stapleton's Introduction to _Rot. Scac. Normanniæ_, vol. ii.

[698] It used to be supposed that herring-bone work was a Saxon sign, and this furnished an additional claim to the Saxon origin of this castle; but it is now known that herring-bone work only occurs in the later Saxon work, and is far more common in Norman. See _note_, p. 136.

[699] See _ante_, p. 34.

[700] Ordericus, xi., ch. iii.

[701] There are three entries for the works of the _turris_ at Tickhill in the _Pipe Rolls_ of 1178 and 1179, amounting to £123, 12s. 5d.

[702] _Pipe Roll_, 31 Henry I., 33, 36. Expenses for work at the wall of the castle are mentioned. Ordericus says that Robert Belesme fortified the castle of Blythe at the time of his rebellion in 1101, but he also says that it had belonged to Roger de Busli. _Hist. Ecc._, iv., 33; xi., 3.

[703] Vicar's _Parliamentary Chronicle_, quoted by Hunter, _South Yorks_, ii., 235.

[704] D. B., i., 319a.

[705] _A.-S. C._ in _anno_.

[706] D. B., i., 76.

[707] _M. A._, iv., 630.

[708] Leland is responsible for this last statement.

[709] D. B., i., 108b.

[710] "Egressus Lundoniæ rex _dies aliquot_ in propinquo loco Bercingio morabatur, dum firmamenta quædam in urbe contra mobilitatem ingentis et feri populi perficerentur." P. 165. Ordericus is quoting from William of Poitiers. There was formerly a Roman camp at Barking, and the motte which William hastily threw up on its rampart to defend his sojourn still remains. See _Victoria History of Essex_.

[711] Mr Harold Sands suggests to me that the first fortification may simply have been a bank and palisade across the angle of the Roman wall, with perhaps a wooden keep, and that the great fire in London in 1077 determined William to build a stone keep.

[712] Hearne's _Textus Roffensis_, 212. "Idem Gundulfus, ex precepto Regis Willielmi Magni, præesset operi magnæ turris Londoniæ."

[713] The building of stone keeps was generally spread over several years, as we learn from the _Pipe Rolls_. Richard I. built his celebrated keep of Chateau Gaillard in one year, but he himself regarded this as an architectural feat. "Estne bella, filia mea de uno anno," he said in delight.

[714] _A.-S. C._ in _anno_.

[715] Round's _History of Colchester_, ch. iv.

[716] The keep of Norwich Castle measures 100 × 95 feet; Middleham, 100 × 80; Dover, 95 × 90. These are the largest existing keeps in England, next to the Tower and Colchester. The destroyed keep of Duffield measured 99 × 93 feet; that of Bristol is believed to have been 110 × 95.

[717] The reader will find little help for the structural history of the Tower in most of the works which call themselves Histories of the Tower of London. The plan of these works generally is to skim over the structural history as quickly as possible, perhaps with the help of a few passages from Clark, and to get on to the history of the prisoners in the Tower. For the description in the text, the writer is greatly indebted to Mr Harold Sands, F.S.A., who has made a careful study of the Tower, and whose monograph upon it, it is hoped, will shortly appear.

[718] _Ante_, p. 89.

[719] Many of the larger keeps contain rooms quite spacious enough to have served as banqueting halls, and it is a point of some difficulty whether they were built to be used as such. But as late as the 14th century, Piers Ploughman rebukes the new custom which was growing up of the noble and his family taking their meals in private, and leaving the hall to their retainers. Every castle seems to have had a hall in the bailey.

[720] Mr Sands says the main floors are not of too great a span to carry any ordinary weight.

[721] The keep of Pevensey Castle, the basement of which has been recently uncovered, has no less than four apsidal projections, one of which rests on the solid base of a Roman mural tower. But this keep is quite an exceptional building. See _Excavations at Pevensey_, Second Report, by H. Sands.

[722] Mr Sands has conjectured that the third floor may be an addition, and that the second storey was originally open up to the roof and not communicating with the mural passage except by stairs. This was actually the case at Bamborough keep, and at Newcastle and Rochester the mural gallery opens into the upper part of the second storey by inner windows.

[723] Until the end of the 12th century the roofs of keeps were gabled and not flat, but probably there was usually a parapet walk for sentinels or archers.

[724] Parts of these walls, running N. and S. have been found very near the E. side of the Tower. No trace of the Roman wall has been found S. of the Tower, but in Lower Thames Street lines have been found which, if produced, would lead straight to the S. wall of the inner bailey. Communicated by Mr Harold Sands.

[725] I have to thank Mr Harold Sands for kindly revising this account of the Tower.

[726] "Ibi habet comes unum castrum et mercatum, reddentes 101s." D. B., i., 122.

[727] It must be remembered that round arches, in castle architecture, are by no means a certain sign of date. Of course the first castle on this motte must have been of wood.

[728] _Ord. Vit._, ii., 222 (Prévost).

[729] "Henricus de Ferrers habet castellum de Toteberie. In burgo circa castellum sunt 42 homines de mercato suo tantum viventes." D. B., i., 248b.

[730] Shaw's _History of Staffordshire_, i., 49.

[731] Quoted in _Beauties of England and Wales_, Staffordshire, p. 1129.

[732] _Diceto_, i., 384. The castle was then besieged on Henry's behalf by the vassal prince of South Wales, the Lord Rhys.

[733] The foundation charter is in _Mon. Ang._, iii., 393.

[734] _A.-S. C._

[735] William of Poitiers calls it an _oppidum_, p. 141.

[736] Hedges, _History of Wallingford_.

[737] "The Towne of Portsmuth is murid from the Est Tower a forowgh lenght with a Mudde Waulle armid with Tymbre." _Itin._, iii., 113.

[738] "In burgo de Walingeford habuit Rex Edwardus 8 virgatas terræ; et in his erant 276 hagæ reddentes 11 libras de gablo.... Pro castello sunt 8 destructæ." D. B., i., 56. If we divide these 276 _haughs_ by the 114 acres enclosed by the town rampart, we get an average of about 1 rood 26 perches for each haugh; multiply this by 8 (the number destroyed for the castle) and we get an area of 3 acres, which is about the average area of an early Norman castle.

[739] Hedges, _History of Wallingford_, i., 139.

[740] Camden speaks of the motte as being in the middle of the castle, but this is a mistake.

[741] Such is the account in Hedges' _History of Wallingford_, p. 139, but it sounds odd. It is to be inferred from the same source that the fragment of a round building which stands on the top of the motte must be modern; it is thick enough to be ancient.

[742] _Close Rolls_, i., anno 1223.

[743] D. B., i., 56.

[744] "Abbas de Couentreu habet 36 masuras, et 4 sunt wastæ propter situm castelli." D. B., i., 238a.

[745] "Hæ masuræ pertinent ad terras quas ipsi barones tenent extra burgum, et ibi appreciatæ sunt." D. B., i., 238.

[746] Maitland, _Domesday Book and Beyond_, p. 189.

[747] Ordericus, p. 184. "Rex _itaque_ castellum apud Guarevicum condidit, et Henrico Rogerii de Bello Monte filio ad servandum tradidit." Mr Freeman remarks that no authentic records connect Thurkil of Warwick with Warwick Castle. _N. C._, iv., 781.

[748] _N. C._, iv., 190.

[749] In operatione unius domus in mota de Warwick et unius bretaschie 5_l._ 7_s._ 11_d._ _Pipe Rolls_, 20 Henry II. As _domus_ is a word very commonly used for a keep, it is probable this expenditure refers to a wooden keep.

[750] From information received from Mr Harold Sands. There appears to be no foundation whatever for the curious ground plan given by Parker.

[751] See _ante_, p. 42.

[752] "Willelmus comes fecit illud castellum in wasta terra quæ vocatur Mereston." D. B., i., 183.

[753] _Mon. Ang._, vi., 349.

[754] This keep rests on a broad extension of the earthen rampart, similar to what is still to be seen in the mottes of Devizes, Burton-in-Lonsdale, and William Hill, Middleham.

[755] Ordericus says: "Intra moenia Guentæ, opibus et munimine nobilis urbis et mari contiguæ, validam arcem construxit, ibique Willelmum Osberni filium in exercitu suo precipuum reliquit." II., 166. The _intra moenia_ is not to be taken literally, any more than the _mari contiguæ_. It is strange that Mr Freeman should have mistaken Guenta for Norwich, since under 1067 Ordericus translates the Winchester of the A.-S. C. by Guenta.

[756] "De isto manerio testatur comitatus quod injuste accepit [abbas] pro excambio domus regis, quia domus erat regis." D. B., i., 43a, 1.

[757] _Ibid._, i., 43a, 2.

[758] "Sicut rex Willielmus pater meus ei dedit in excambium pro terra illa in qua ædificavit aulam suam in urbe Winton." _Mon. Ang._, ii., 444.

[759] "Pars erat in dominio et pars de dominio abbatis; hoc totum est post occupatum in domo regis." P. 534. This passage throws light on the fraud of the abbot of Hyde, referred to above.

[760] "Extra portam de Vuest ... ibi juxta fuit quidam vicus; fuit diffactus quando rex fecit facere suum fossatum." P. 535.

[761] _Arch. Inst._, Winchester volume, p. 51.

[762] It should also be said that the word _domus_ is frequently used for a keep in chronicles and ancient documents of the 11th and 12th centuries.

[763] The line of the more ancient roof gable can be traced in the north wall, and there is a vestige of a Norman doorway in the east wall.

[764] _History of Winchester_, ii., 210.

[765] Henry of Blois, Bishop of Winchester and brother of King Stephen, pulled down the royal palace close to the cathedral, which presumably was the old Saxon palace, and used the materials to build Wolvesey Castle. See Malmesbury, "De Vitis Sex Episcoporum," _Anglia Sacra_, ii., 421. He could hardly have dared to do this if the palace had still been used by the Norman kings.

[766] _History of Winchester_, ii., 210. See Fig. 37.

[767] _Ibid._, p. 195. It is difficult, now that the area has been levelled, to say exactly where this motte stood. Woodward says that the keep stood in the N.E. corner; but he probably alludes to a mural tower whose foundations can still be seen, near the County Hall. _History of Hampshire_, i., 295-304.

[768] Turner, _History of Domestic Architecture_. He cites from the _Liberate Roll_, 35 Henry II., an order for the repair of the ditch between the great tower and the bailey.

[769] "Radulfus filius Seifrid tenet de rege Clivor. Heraldus comes tenuit. Tunc se defendebat pro 5 hidis, modo pro 4-1/2 hidis, et castellum de Windesores est in dimidia hida." D. B., i., 62b. The _Abingdon History_ also mentions the foundation of Windsor Castle and gives some interesting details about castle guard. "Tunc Walingaforde et Oxenforde et Wildesore, cæterisque locis, castella pro regno servando compacta. Unde huic abbatiæ militum excubias apud ipsum Wildesore oppidum habendas regis imperio jussum." II., 3, R. S.

[770] _Leland_, iv., 1, 37. See also Tighe's _Annals of Windsor_, pp. 1-6. Until recently there was a farmhouse surrounded by a moat at Old Windsor, which was _believed_ to mark the site of Edward's _regia domus_.

[771] Edward's grant of Windsor to Westminster is in _Cod. Dip._, iv., 227. Domesday does not mention the rights of the church, but says the manor of Windsor was held of the crown T. R. E. and T. R. W. Camden gives William's charter of exchange with the convent of Westminster. _Britannia_, i., 151.

[772] This is stated in the charter given by Camden.

[773] In 1 virgata terræ quam Willelmus fil. Walteri habet in escambio pro terra sua quæ capta est ad burgum. P. 721.

[774] The _Red Book of the Exchequer_, which contains an abstract of the missing _Pipe Roll_ of 1 Henry II., has an entry of 12_s._ paid to Richard de Clifwar for the exchange of his land, and regular payments are made later. There was another enlargement of the bailey in Henry III.'s reign, but the second bailey was then existing. See _Close Rolls_, i., 531b.

[775] "In operatione muri circa castellum 11_l._ 10_s._ 4_d._ Summa denariorum quos idem Ricardus [de Luci] misit in operatione predicta de ballia 128_l._ 9_s._" _Pipe Roll_, 20 Henry II., p. 116.

[776] Tighe's _Annals of Windsor_, p. 21.

[777] There is a singular entry in the _Pipe Roll_ of 7 Richard I., "pro fossato prosternando quod fuit inter motam et domos regis," clearly the ditch between the motte and the bailey. Mr Hope informs me that this can only refer to the northern part of the ditch, as the eastern portion was only filled up in 1824. Mr Hope thinks that the castle area has always included the lower bailey. I regret that Mr Hope's History of Windsor Castle did not appear in time to be used in this work.

[778] _Foedera_, vol. i.

[779] _Pipe Rolls_, 30 Henry II.

[780] D. B., i., 62b, 2; 56b, 2.

[781] Roger of Wendover, in _anno_.

[782] Walter and Cradock's _History of Wisbeach_, pp. 270-278.

[783] Morris' _Troubles of our Catholic Forefathers_, p. 223. This keep was one built by Bishop Morton in 1471.

[784] Birch's _Cartularium_, ii., 222.

[785] Ursus erat vicecomes Wigorniæ a rege constitutus, qui in ipsis poene faucis monachorum castellum construxit, adeo ut fossatum coemiterii partem decideret. _Gesta Pontif._, p. 253.

[786] "Castrum Wigorniæ nobis redditum est, tanquam jus noster, usquam motam turris." _Annales de Wigornia_, R. S., p. 407. "Rex Johanni Marescallo salutem: Mandamus vobis quod sine dilatione faciatis habere venerabili patri nostro domino Wigorniensi episcopo ballium castri nostri Wigorniæ, quod est jus ecclesiæ suæ; retenta ad opus nostrum mota ejusdem castri." _Patent Rolls_, 1 Henry III., p. 46.

[787] _Annales de Wigornia_, p. 375.

[788] "In reparatione turris Wigorniæ 8_l._" _Red Book of Exchequer_, ii., 656.

[789] "Precipimus tibi quod per visum liberorum et legalium hominum facias parari portam castri Wigorniæ, quæ nunc est lignea, lapideam, et bonam et pulchram." _Rot. de Liberate_, p. 93, 1204.

[790] Green's _History of Worcester_, i., 19.

[791] Allies' _Antiquities of Worcestershire_, p. 15. His words strictly apply to "the lofty mound called the keep, with its ditches, etc.," but probably the whole area was not more than 4 acres.

[792] See the documents cited by Mr Round in his _Geoffrey de Mandeville_, Appendix O, and the _Pipe Rolls_ of 1173. "In reparatione Mote et Gaiole de Wirecestra, £35, 13s. 8d."

[793] _Gentleman's Magazine_, i., 36, 1834. See Haverfield, "Romano-British Worcester," _Victoria County History of Worcestershire_, vol. i.

[794] D. B., i., 172.

[795] It is needless to remark that _baile_ is the Norman word for an enclosure or courtyard; Low Latin _ballia_; sometimes believed to be derived from _baculus_, a stick.

[796] Ordericus, ii., 188 (edition Prévost).

[797] _Norman Conquest_, iv., 270. Mr Freeman has worked out the course of events connected with the building and destruction of the castles with his usual lucidity. But he never grasped the real significance of mottes, though he emphatically maintained that the native English did not build castles.

[798] "Ethelstanus Castrum quod olim Dani in Eboraco obfirmaverant ad solum diruit, ne esset quo se tutari perfidia posset." _Gesta Regum_, ii., 134.

[799] Widdrington, _Analecta Eboracensia_, p. 120. It was this suburb which Alan, Earl of Richmond gave to the Abbey of St Mary at York, which he had founded. "Ecclesiam sancti Olavii in quâ capud abbatiæ in honorem sanctæ Mariæ melius constitutum est, et _burgum in quo ecclesia sita est_." _Mon. Ang._, iii., 547. For the addition of new boroughs to old ones see _ante_, p. 174, under Norwich. Although Athelstan destroyed the fortifications of this borough, they were evidently renewed when the Danish earls took up their residence there, for when Earl Alan persuaded the monks from Whitby to settle there one inducement which he offered was the fortification of the site, "loci munitionem." _Mon. Ang._, iii., 545.

[800] In Eboraco civitate T. R. E. præter scyram archiepiscopi fuerunt 6 scyræ; una ex his est wasta in castellis. D. B., i., 298.

[801] _Notes on Clifford's Tower_, by George Benson and H. Platnauer, published by the York Philosophical Society.

[802] "Thone castel tobræcon and towurpan." _A.-S. C._ See Freeman, _N. C._, iv., 270.

[803] "In operatione turris de Euerwick, 15_l._ 7_s._ 3_d._" _Pipe Roll_, 19 Henry II., vol. xix., 2. We assume that William's second keep lasted till Henry II.'s reign.

[804] _Benedict of Peterborough_, ii., 107.

[805] "In operatione castri 28_l._ 13_s._ 9_d._" _Pipe Roll_, 3 Richard I. Under the year 1193, after relating the tragedy of the Jews at York Castle, Hoveden says: "Deinde idem cancellarius [William de Longchamp] tradidit Osberto de Lunchamp, fratri suo, comitatum Eboracensem in custodia, et precepit firmari castellum in veteri castellario quod Rex Willelmus Rufus ibi construxerat." III., 34, R. S. The expression _vetus castellarium_ would lead us to think of the Old Baile, which certainly had this name from an early period; and Hoveden, being a Yorkshireman as well as a very accurate writer, was probably aware of the difference between the two castles. But if he meant the Old Baile, then both the castles were restored at about the same time. "Rufus" must be a slip, unless there was some rebuilding in Rufus' reign of which we do not know.

[806] Messrs Benson and Platnauer are of the former opinion. "The existence of a second layer of timber seems to show that the fortification destroyed was rebuilt in wood." _Notes on Clifford's Tower_, p. 2.

[807] "Pro mairemio castri Ebor. prostrato per ventum colligendo, 2_s._" _Pipe Roll_, 19 Henry III. It is, of course, a conjecture that this accident happened to the keep; but the keep would be the part most exposed to the wind, and the _scattering_ of the timber, so that it had to be collected, is just what would happen if a timber structure were blown off a motte.

[808] As the writer was the first to publish this statement, it will be well to give the evidence on which it rests. The keep of York is clearly Early English in style, and of an early phase of the style. It is, however, evident to every one who has carefully compared our dated keeps, that castle architecture always lags behind church architecture in style-development, and must be judged by different standards. We should therefore be prepared to find this and most other keeps to be of later date than their architecture would suggest. Moreover, the expenditure entered to York Castle in the reigns of Henry II., Richard I., and John, is quite insufficient to cover the cost of a stone keep. The _Pipe Rolls_ of Henry III.'s reign decide the matter, as they show the sums which he expended annually on this castle. It is true they never mention the _turris_, but always the _castrum_; we must also admit that the _turris_ and _castrum_ are often distinguished in the writs, even as late as Edward III.'s reign. (_Close Rolls_, 1334.) On the other hand extensive acquaintance with the _Pipe Rolls_ proves that though the mediæval scribe may have an occasional fit of accuracy, he is generally very loose in his use of words, and his distinctions must never be pressed. Take, for instance, the case of Orford, where the word used in the _Pipe Rolls_ is always _castellum_, but it certainly refers to the keep, as there are no other buildings at Orford. Other instances might be given in which the word _castellum_ clearly applies to the keep. It should be mentioned that in 1204 John gave an order for stone for the castle (_Close Rolls_, i., 4b), but the amounts on the bill for it in the _Pipe Rolls_ show that it was not used for any extensive building operations.

[809] "Mandatum est Galterio de Cumpton forestario de Gauteris quod ad pontem et domos castri Eboraci et breccas palicii ejusdem castri reparandos et emendandos Vicecomitem Eboraci mæremium habere faciat in foresta de Gauteris per visum, etc." _Close Rolls_, ii., 61b.

[810] Order to expend up to 6 marks in repairing the wooden peel about the keep of York Castle, which peel is now fallen down. _Cal. of Close Rolls,_ 17 Edward II., 25.

[811] _Cal. of Close Rolls_, 1313-1318, 262. _Mota_ is wrongly translated _moat_.

[812] See Mr Cooper's _York: The Story of its Walls and Castles_. During Messrs Benson and Platnauer's excavations, a prehistoric crouching burial was found in the ground below the motte, 4 feet 6 inches under the present level. This raises the question whether William utilised an existing prehistoric barrow for the nucleus of his motte.

[813] D. B., i., 298a.

[814] _York: The Story of its Walls and Castles_, by T. P. Cooper, p. 222.

[815] See the passage from Hoveden already quoted, _ante_, p. 245.

[816] Drake's _Eboracum_, App. xliv.

[817] See Mr Cooper's _York: The Story of its Walls and Castles_, which contains a mass of new material from documentary sources, and sheds quite unexpected light on the history of the York fortifications. I am indebted to Mr Cooper's courtesy for some of the extracts cited above relating to York Castle.

[818] Cooper's _York_, chapters ii. and iv. 100_l_. was spent by the sheriff in fortifying the walls of York in the sixth year of Henry III. After this there are repeated grants for murage in the same and the following reign. There are some Early English buttresses in the walls, but the majority are later. No part of the walls contains Norman work.

[819] The details of this evidence, which consist mainly in (1) a structural difference in the extended rampart; (2) a subsidence in the ground marking the old line of the city ditch, will be found in Mr Cooper's work, p. 224.

[820] "Locum in Eboraco qui dicitur Vetus Ballium, primo spissis et longis 18 pedum tabulis, secundo lapideo muro fortiter includebat." T. Stubbs, in Raine's _Historians of the Church of York_, ii., 417, R. S.

[821] "The plotte of this castelle is now caullid the Olde Baile, and the area and diches of it do manifestley appere." _Itin._, i., 60.

[822] See the plan in Mr Cooper's _York_, p. 217.

[823] "In the Wales of the Laws, the social system is tribal." Owen Edwards, _Wales_, p. 39.

[824] Vinogradoff, _Growth of the Manor_, pp. 15-16.

[825] Pennant's _Tour in Wales_, Rhys' edition, ii., 234.

[826] _Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales_, pp. 238, 94. The MS. of the _Leges Wallicæ_ is not earlier than the 13th century. The other editions of the Laws are even later. See Wade Evans, _Welsh Mediæval Law_, for the most recent criticism of the Laws of Howel Dda.

[827] The _Leges Wallicæ_ say: "Villani regis debent facere novem domos ad opus regis; scilicet, aulam, cameram, coquinam, penu (capellam), stabulum, kynorty (stabulum canum), horreum, odyn (siccarium) et latrinam." P. 791.

[828] The word Din or Dinas, so often used for a fort in Wales, is cognate with the German _Zaun_, Anglo-Saxon _tun_, and means a fenced place. Neither it nor the Irish form dun have any connection with the Anglo-Saxon _dun_, a hill. See J. E. Lloyd, _Welsh Place-names_, "Y Cymmrodor," xi., 24.

[829] It is doubtful whether Deheubarth ever included the small independent states of Gwent, Brecknock, and Glamorgan.

[830] "Wales and the Coming of the Normans," _Cymmrodorion Trans._, 1899.

[831] There is an earthwork near Portskewet, a semicircular cliff camp with three ramparts and two ditches. It is scarcely likely that this can be Harold's work, as Roman bricks are said to have been found there. Willet's _Monmouthshire_, p. 244. Athelstan had made the Wye the frontier of Wales. _Malmesbury_, ii., 134.

[832] See _A.-S. C._, anno 1097, and compare the entry for 1096 with the account in the _Brut_ for 1093, which shows that the Norman castles had been restored, after being for the most part demolished by the Welsh.

[833] The _Brut y Tywysogion_, or _Story of the Princes_, exists in no MS. older than the 14th century. It and the _Annales Cambriæ_ have been disgracefully edited for the _Rolls_ Series, and the topographical student will find no help from these editions. See Mr Phillimore's criticism of them, in _Y Cymmrodor,_ vol. xi. The Aberpergwm MS. of the _Brut_, known also as the _Gwentian Chronicle_, has been printed in the _Archæologia Cambrensis_ for 1864; it contains a great deal of additional information, but as Mr Phillimore observes, so much of it is forgery that none of it can be trusted when unsupported.

[834] The barbarity on both sides was frightful, but in the case of the Welsh, it was often their own countrymen, and even near relations, who were the victims. And so little patriotism existed then in Wales that the Normans could always find allies amongst some of the Welsh chieftains. Patriotism, however, is a virtue of more recent growth than the 11th century.

[835] There is, however, no contemporary evidence for the existence of the Marcher lordships before the end of the 12th century. See Duckett "On the Marches of Wales," _Arch. Camb._, 1881.

[836] The districts of Cyfeiliog and Arwystli, in the centre of Wales, were also reckoned in Gwynedd.

[837] "Wales and the Coming of the Normans," _Cymmrodorion Trans._, 1899.

[838] In the descriptions of castles in this chapter, those which have not been specially visited for this work are marked with an asterisk. Those which have been visited by others than the writer are marked with initials: D. H. M. being Mr D. H. Montgomerie, F.S.A.; B. T. S., Mr Basil T. Stallybrass; and H. W., the Rev. Herbert White, M.A. This plan will be followed in the three succeeding chapters.

[839] "Hugo comes tenet de rege Roelent (Rhuddlan). Ibi T. R. E. jacebat Englefield, et tota erat wasta. Edwinus comes tenebat. Quando Hugo comes recipit similiter erat wasta. Modo habet in dominio medietatem castelli quod Roelent vocatur, et caput est hujus terræ.... Robertus de Roelent tenet de Hugone comite medietatem ejusdem castelli et burgi, in quo habet ipse Robertus 10 burgenses et medietatem ecclesiæ. Ibi est novus burgus et in eo 10 burgenses.... In ipso manerio est factum noviter castellum similiter Roeland appellatum." D. B., i., 269a, 1.

[840] Ayloffe's _Rotuli Walliæ_, p. 75. "De providendo indempnitati magistri Ricardi Bernard, Personæ Ecclesiæ de Rothelan', in recompensionem terræ suæ occupatæ ad placeam castri de Rothelan' elargandam."

[841] Tut or Toot Hill means "look-out" hill; the name is not unfrequently given to abandoned mottes. The word is still used locally. _Cf._ Christison, _Early Fortifications in Scotland_, p. 16.

[842] Such presentations of abandoned castle sites, and of old wooden castles, to the church, were not uncommon. We have seen how the site of Montacute Castle was given to the Cluniac monks (_ante_, p. 170). Thicket Priory, in Yorkshire, occupied the site of the castle of Wheldrake; and William de Albini gave the site and materials of the old castle of Buckenham, in Norfolk, to the new castle which he founded there. The materials, but not the site, of the wooden castle of Montferrand were given in Stephen's reign to Meaux Abbey, and served to build some of the monastic offices. _Chron. de Melsa_, i., 106.

[843] "Fines suos dilatavit, et in monte Dagannoth, qui mari contiguus est, fortissimum castellum condidit." _Ordericus_, iii., 284 (edition Prévost). The verb _condere_ is never used except for a new foundation.

[844] The _Brut_ says that in the year 823 the Saxons destroyed the _Castle_ of Deganwy. This is one of the only two instances in which the word _castell_ is used in this Welsh chronicle before the coming of the Normans. As the MS. is not earlier than the 14th century it would be idle to claim this as a proof of the existence of a castle at this period. _Castell_, in Welsh, is believed to have come straight from the Latin, and was applied to any kind of fortress. Lloyd, _Welsh Place-names_, "Y Cymmrodor," xi., 28.

[845] The "new castle of Aberconwy" mentioned by the _Brut_ in 1211, undoubtedly means this new stone castle built by the earl at Deganwy, as the castle of Conway did not then exist.

[846] See Pennant, ii., 151; and _Arch. Camb._, 1891, p. 321.

[847] _Brut of Tywysogion_, 1145.

[848] Published with a Latin translation in _Arch. Camb._, 1866. "He built castles in various places, after the manner of the French, in order that he might better hold the country."

[849] The _Brut_ also mentions the castle of Aberlleinog, and says it was built in 1096; _rebuilt_ would have been more correct, as the "Life of Griffith ap Cynan" shows that it was built by the Earl of Chester, and burnt by Griffith, before the expedition of 1096 (really 1098), when Hugh, Earl of Shrewsbury, met with his death on the shore near this castle, from an arrow shot by King Magnus Barefoot, who came to the help of the Welsh.

[850] Mr Hartshorne in his paper on Carnarvon Castle (_Arch. Journ._, vii.) cites a document stating that a wall 18 perches long had been begun _round the moat_ [possibly _motam_; original not given]. He also cites from the _Pipe Rolls_ an item for wages to _carriers of earth dug out of the castle_.

[851] This ruined wall runs in a straight line through the wood on the ridge to the east of the town; at one place it turns at right angles; at the back of the golf pavilion is a portion still erect, showing that it was a dry built wall of very ordinary character.

[852] Roman masonry has been exposed in the bank of the station.

[853] _Life of Griffith ap Cynan_; Brut, 1111.

[854] _Arch. Camb._, iv., series 296 and 911.

[855] The _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ dates this expedition in 1114, and says that Henry caused castles to be built in Wales. The _Brut_ mentions the large tribute, 1111.

[856] _Brut_, 1149. Madoc ap Meredith, with the assistance of Ranulf, Earl of Chester, prepared to rise against Owen Gwynedd, son of Griffith ap Cynan.

[857] D. B., i., 255a. Professor Lloyd says, "Maelor Saesneg, Cydewain, Ceri, and Arwystli came under Norman authority, and paid renders of money or kine in token of subjection." "Wales and the Coming of the Normans," _Cymmrodor. Trans._, 1899.

[858] _Ibid._

[859] See page 130.

[860] _Brut_, under 1107. The castle is called Dingeraint by this chronicler.

[861] "Ipse comes construxit castrum Muntgumeri vocatum." D. B., i., 254.

[862] _Montgomery Collections_, x., 56.

[863] _Close Rolls_, i., 558b.

[864] "Firmiter precipimus omnibus illis qui motas habent in valle de Muntgumeri quod sine dilatione motas suas bonis bretaschiis firmari faciant ad securitatem et defensionem suam et partium illarum." _Close Rolls_, ii., 42.

[865] Mr Davies Pryce has suggested that the Hen Domen, a very perfect motte and bailey within a mile of the present castle of Montgomery was the original castle of Montgomery, and that the one built by Henry III. was on a new site. This of course is quite possible, but I do not see that there is sufficient evidence for it. See _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xx., 709.

[866] _Brut y Tywysogion._

[867] _Itin._, vii., 16.

[868] _Pipe Rolls_, 1158-1164. It should be noted that the _Brut_ does not claim the battle of Crogen as a Welsh victory.

[869] Lyttleton's _History of Henry II._

[870] Pennant thought he saw vestiges of a castle "in the foundations of a wall opposite the ruins" [of the abbey]; but his accuracy is not unimpeachable.

[871] _Pipe Rolls_, 1211-1213. "For the money expended in rescuing the castles of Haliwell and Madrael, £100."

[872] _Itin._, p. 67. Toulmin Smith's edition of Welsh portion.

[873] D. B., i., 255a.

[874] Life of Griffith.

[875] _Pipe Roll_, 1159-1160. £4, 3s. 4d. paid to Roger de Powys "ad custodiam castelli de Dernio"; "In munitione turris de Dermant £6, 4s. 0d." It cannot be doubted that these two names mean the same place.

[876] _Arch. Camb._, iv., 1887.

[877] At the time of the Survey the manor of Gresford (Gretford) was divided between Hugh, Osbern, and Rainald. Osbern had 6-1/2 hides and a mill grinding the corn of _his court_ (curiæ suæ). This probably is a reference to this castle. D. B., i., 268. It was waste T. R. E. but is now worth £3, 5s. 0d.

[878] "On the Town of Holt," by A. N. Palmer, _Arch. Camb._, 1907.

[879] _Beauties of England and Wales, North Wales_, p. 589. I am glad to find that Mr Palmer, in the new edition of his _Ancient Tenures of Land in the Marches of Wales_, confirms the identifications which I have made of these two last castles, pp. 108, 116, 118.

[880] _Arch. Camb._, 5th ser., iv., 352. Camden's statement that this castle was founded in Edward I.'s reign shows that he was unacquainted with the _Pipe Rolls_.

[881] _Pipe Rolls_, 1164-1165, and 1167-1168.

[882] _Pipe Rolls_, 1212-1213.

[883] "Sur l'ewe de Keyroc," _History of Fulk Fitz Warine_, edited by T. Wright for Warton Club.

[884] _Victoria County History of Lancashire_, i., 369.

[885] _England under the Normans and Angevins._

[886] "Ad recutienda castella de Haliwell et Madrael £100." _Pipe Rolls_, 1212-1213.

[887] Wade Evans, _Welsh Mediæval Law_, vol. xii.

[888] It has in fact every appearance of a Roman camp.

[889] _Brut_, 1211.

[890] The castle of Hawarden, which is only about 2-1/4 miles from that of Euloe, is not mentioned in any records before 1215; but it is believed to have been a castle of the Norman lords of Mold. It also is on a motte.

[891] I am indebted for this identification to the kindness of Mr A. N. Palmer of Wrexham.

[892] D. B., i., 254. The manor is called Gal. It had been waste T. R. E., but was now worth 40s.

[893] _Pipe Roll_ (unpublished), 1212-1213.

[894] Whereas there is no rock in the ditch of the neighbouring motte of Tomen y Rhodwydd. Pennant (and others following him) most inaccurately describe Tomen y Rhodwydd as _two_ artificial mounts, whereas there is only one, with the usual embanked court. See Appendix K.

[895] "The Maer dref [which Vardra represents] may be described as the home farm of the chieftain." Rhys and Brynmor Jones, _The Welsh People_, p. 401.

[896] Ordericus, ii., 218, 219 (edition Prévost).

[897] _Brut y Tywysogion_, 1091.

[898] _Brut_, 1071. "The French ravage Ceredigion (Cardigan) and Dyfed"; 1072, "The French devastated Ceredigion a second time."

[899] _A.-S. C._, 1081. "This year the king led an army into Wales, and there he set free many hundred persons"--doubtless, as Mr Freeman remarks, captives taken previously by the Welsh. The _Brut_ treats this expedition as merely a pilgrimage to St David's!

[900] "Then the French came into Dyfed and Ceredigion, _which they have still retained_, and fortified the castles, and seized upon all the land of the Britons." _Brut_, 1091 = 1093.

[901] Powell's _History of Wales_ professes to be founded on that of Caradoc, a Welsh monk of the 12th century; but it is impossible to say how much of it is Caradoc, and how much Powell, or Wynne, his augmentor.

[902] _Brut_, 1107.

[903] "In the Brut, Ystrad Towy does not only mean the vale of Towy, but a very large district, embracing most of Carmarthenshire and part of Glamorganshire." _Welsh Historical Documents_, by Egerton Phillimore, in _Cymmrodor_, vol. xi.

[904] _Brut_, 1092.

[905] Lloyd, "Wales and the Coming of the Normans," _Cymmrodor. Trans._, 1899: refers to Marchegay, _Chartes du Prieurie de Monmouth_.

[906] _Brut_, 1143.

[907] The date given is 1080, but as the dates in the Brut at this period are uniformly two years too early, we alter them accordingly throughout this chapter.

[908] Now more often called the Aberpergwm Brut, from the place where the MS. is preserved.

[909] See Freeman, _Norman Conquest_, v., 820; William Rufus, ii., 79; and Prof. Tout, in Y Cymmerodor, ix., 208. For this reason we do not use the list of castles given in this chronicle, but confine ourselves to those mentioned in the more trustworthy _Brut y Tywysogion_.

[910] The same MS. says, under the year 1099, "Harry Beaumont came to Gower, against the sons of Caradog ap Jestin, and won many of their lands, and built the castle of Abertawy (Swansea) and the castle of Aberllychor (Loughor), and the castle of Llanrhidian (Weobley), and the castle of Penrhys (Penrice), and established himself there, and brought Saxons from Somerset there, where they obtained lands; and the greatest usurpation of all the Frenchmen was his in Gower."

[911] "Primus hoc castrum Arnulphus de Mongumeri sub Anglorum rege Henrico primo ex virgis et cespite, tenue satis et exile construxit." _Itin. Cambriæ_, R. S., 89.

[912] Quoted from Duchesne in _Mon. Ang._, vol. vi.

[913] See Mr Cobbe's paper on Pembroke Castle in _Arch. Camb._, 1883, where reasons are given for thinking that the present ward was originally, and even up to 1300, the whole castle.

[914] A motte-castle of earth and wood was certainly not regarded as "a weak and slender defence" in the time of Giraldus.

[915] _Brut y Tywysogion_, 1095.

[916] Bridgeman's _Hist. of South Wales_, 17.

[917] _Arch. Camb._, 3rd ser., v., a paper on Newport Castle, in which the writer says that there are _two_ mottes at Llanhyfer, the larger one ditched round. The Ordnance Map only shows one.

[918] _Brut y Tywysogion_, 1146.

[919] _Patent Rolls of Henry III._, 255; _Foedera_, i., 161.

[920] _Brut y Tywysogion_, 1192.

[921] Bridgeman says that Narberth was given to Stephen Perrot by Arnulf de Montgomeri, but gives no authority for this statement.

[922] _Brut_, 1171.

[923] _Ibid._, 1107. "Earl Gilbert built a castle at Dingeraint, where Earl Roger had before founded a castle."

[924] The castle of Aberrheiddiol is probably the name of the present castle of Aberystwyth when it was first built, as Lewis Morris says that the river Rheiddiol formerly entered the sea near that point. Quoted by Meyrick, _History of Cardigan_, p. 488.

[925] _Brut_, 1107.

[926] _Brut_, 1113.

[927] _Ibid._, 1135.

[928] _Ibid._, 1135, 1157, 1199, 1203, 1207.

[929] Meyrick's _Hist. of Cardigan_, p. 293. Dinerth is not the same as Llanrhystyd, though Lewis (_Top. Dict. Wales_) says it is; the two places have separate mention in _Brut_, 1157. Mr Clark mentions the motte. _M. M. A._, i., 115.

[930] _Brut_, 1135.

[931] Meyrick's _Hist. of Cardigan_, p. 232.

[932] _Brut_, 1157.

[933] _Beauties of England and Wales_, Cardigan, p. 502.

[934] _Brut_, under 1113.

[935] In the _Rolls_ edition of the _Brut_ this castle is called Llanstephan, but the context makes it probable that Lampeter is meant; the _Annales Cambriæ_ say "the castle of Stephen."

[936] _Beauties of England and Wales_, p. 492.

[937] _Brut_, 1216.

[938] _Arch. Journ._, xxviii., 293.

[939] _Brut_, 1094.

[940] _Desc. Camb._, i., 10.

[941] _Brut_, 1094.

[942] _Ibid._, p. 110. There is a farmhouse called Rhyd y Gors about a mile lower down than Carmarthen, and on the opposite side are some embankments; but I am assured by Mr Spurrell of Carmarthen that these are only river-embankments. Rhyd y Gors means the ford of the bog; there is no ford at this spot, but there was one at Carmarthen.

[943] See _Arch. Camb._, 1907, pp. 237-8.

[944] See Round's _Ancient Charters_, p. 9, _Pipe Roll_ Series, vol. x.

[945] _Brut_, 1113.

[946] The first mention of the castle of Llanstephan is in the _Brut_, 1147, if, as has been assumed above, the mention in 1136 refers to Stephen's castle at Lampeter, as the _Annales Cambriæ_ say.

[947] The motte of Conisburgh in Yorkshire is a very similar case known to the writer; it measures 280 × 150 feet. Such very large mottes could rarely be artificial, but were formed by entrenching and scarping a natural hill.

[948] _Brut_, 1256. See _Arch. Camb._, 1907, p. 214, for Col. Morgan's remarks on this castle.

[949] The name _Gueith tineuur_ is found in the _Book of Llandaff_, p. 78 (Life of St Dubricius), but it seems doubtful whether this should be taken to prove the existence of some "work" at Dinevor in the 6th century. See Wade-Evans, _Welsh Mediæval Law_, p. 337-8.

[950] _Brut_, 1145. "Cadell ap Griffith took the castle of Dinweiler, which had been erected by Earl Gilbert."

[951] _Gwentian Chronicle._

[952] The statement of Donovan (_Excursions Through South Wales_), that the castle stands on an artificial mount is quite incorrect.

[953] The _Rolls_ edition of the _Brut_ gives the corrupt reading Aber Cavwy for the castle of "Robert the Crook-handed," but a variant MS. gives Aber Korram, and it is clear from the _Gwentian Chronicle_ and Powell (p. 145) that Abercorran is meant.

[954] _Brut_, 1152.

[955] See paper by Mr D. C. Evans, _Arch. Camb._, 1907, p. 224.

[956] The first mention known to the writer is in 1285.

[957] _Arch. Camb._, 3rd ser., v., 346.

[958] _Annales Cambriæ_, 1205; _Brut_, 1207, 1208. The _Annales_ call it the castle of Luchewein.

[959] _Beauties of England and Wales_, "Caermarthen," pp. 192, 309.

[960] _Mon. Ang._, iii., 244.

[961] This motte is mentioned in a charter of Roger, Earl of Hereford, Bernard's grandson, in which he confirms to the monks of St John "molendinum meum situm super Hodeni sub pede mote castelli." _Arch. Camb._, 1883, p. 144.

[962] The dates in the _Brut_ are now one year too early. Under 1209 it says, "Gelart seneschal of Gloucester fortified (cadarnhaaod) the castle of Builth." We can never be certain whether the word which is translated _fortified_, whether from the Welsh or from the Latin _firmare_, means built originally or rebuilt.

[963] _Beauties of England and Wales_, "Brecknockshire," p. 153.

[964] _Brut_, in _anno_. The Mortimers were the heirs of the De Braoses and the Neufmarchés.

[965] _Annales Cambriæ_, 1260. This may, however, be merely a figure of speech.

[966] Order to cause Roger Mortimer, so soon as the castle of Built shall be closed with a wall, whereby it will be necessary to remove the bretasches, to have the best bretasche of the king's gift. _Cal. of Close Rolls_, Ed. I., i., 527.

[967] See Clark, _M. M. A._, i., 307.

[968] Round, _Ancient Charters_, No. 6.

[969] _Itin._, v., 74.

[970] _Arch. Camb._, N. S., v., 23-28.

[971] "Wales and the Coming of the Normans," by Professor Lloyd, in _Cymmrodorion Transactions_, 1899.

[972] Marchegay, _Chartes du Prieurie de Monmouth_, cited by Professor Lloyd, as above.

[973] _Brut_, 1143.

[974] Not to be confounded with the castle of Clun in Shropshire.

[975] _Annales Cambriæ_ and _Annales de Margam._ See plan in _Arch. Camb._, 4th ser., vi., 251.

[976] _Annales Cambriæ._

[977] Really Ty-yn-yr Bwlch, the house in the pass. Not to be confounded with Tenby in Pembrokeshire.

[978] _Cal. of Close Rolls_, Ed. II., iii., 415, 643.

[979] See "Cardiff Castle: its Roman Origin," by John Ward, _Archæologia_, lvii., 335.

[980] See "Cardiff Castle: its Roman Origin," by John Ward, _Archæologia_, lvii., 335.

[981] Mr Clark thought the shell wall on the motte was Norman, and the tower Perp. But the wall of the shell has some undoubtedly Perp. windows. The _Gwentian Chronicle_ says that Robert of Gloucester surrounded the _town_ of Cardiff with a wall, anno 1111.

[982] See Gray's _Buried City of Kenfig_, where there are interesting photographs. The remains appear to be those of a shell.

[983] _Annales de Margam_, 1232.

[984] Gray's _Buried City of Kenfig_, pp. 59, 150.

[985] This information is confirmed by Mr Tennant, town clerk of Aberavon.

[986] See Francis' _Neath and its Abbey_, where the charter of De Granville is given. It is only preserved in an Inspeximus of 1468.

[987] _M. M. A._, i., 112.

[988] Ruperra is not quite one mile from the river Rhymney. There is another site which may possibly be that of Castle Remni: Castleton, which is nearly 2 miles from the river, but is on the main road from Cardiff to Newport. "It was formerly a place of strength and was probably built or occupied by the Normans for the purpose of retaining their conquest of Wentlwg. The only remains are a barrow in the garden of Mr Philipps, which is supposed to have been the site of the citadel, and a stone barn, once a chapel." Coxe's _Monmouthshire_, i., 63.

[989] It is right to say that Colonel Morgan in his admirable _Survey of East Gower_ (a model of what an antiquarian survey ought to be) does not connect this mound with the old castle which is mentioned, as well as the new castle, in Cromwell's Survey of Gower. But even the old castle seems to have been Edwardian (see the plan, p. 85), so it is quite possible there were three successive castles in Swansea.

[990] _Brut_, 1113.

[991] Morgan's _Survey of East Gower_, p. 24.

[992] Colonel Morgan's _Survey of East Gower_.

[993] Lewis's _Topographical Dictionary_.

[994] The passage of the river Lune in Lancashire is similarly defended by the mottes of Melling and Arkholme.

[995] The dates given are those of the _Brut_, and probably two years too early.

[996] Meyrick's _History of Cardigan_, p. 146.

[997] Meyrick's _History of Cardigan_, p. 146.

[998] Lewis's _Topographical Dictionary_.

[999] We do not include the castles which the Welsh _re_built. Thus in 1194 we are told that Rhys built the castle of Kidwelly, which he certainly only rebuilt.

[1000] Malcolm Canmore himself had passed nearly fourteen years in England. Fordun, iv., 45.

[1001] Burton remarks: "To the Lowland Scot, as well as to the Saxon, the Norman was what a clever man, highly educated and trained in the great world of politics, is to the same man who has spent his days in a village." _History of Scotland_, i., 353.

[1002] Dr Round has brought to light the significant fact that King David took his chancellor straight from the English chancery, where he had been a clerk. This first chancellor of Scotland was the founder of the great Comyn family. _The Ancestor_, 10, 108.

[1003] Fordun, _Annalia_, vol. iv.

[1004] It is tempting to connect the extraordinary preponderance of mottes, as shown by Dr Christison's map, in the shires which made up ancient Galloway (Wigton, Kirkcudbright, and Dumfries) with the savage resistance offered by Galloway, which may have made it necessary for all the Norman under-tenants to fortify themselves, each in his own motte-castle. It is wiser, however, to delay such speculations until we have the more exact information as to the number of mottes in Scotland, which it is hoped will be furnished when the Royal Commission on Historical Monuments has finished its work. But this work will not be complete unless special attention is paid to the earthworks which now form part of stone castles, and which are too often overlooked, even by antiquaries. The _New Statistical Account_ certainly raises the suspicion that there are many more mottes north of the Forth than are recognised in the map alluded to. In one district we are told that "almost every farm had its _knap_." "Forfarshire," p. 326.

[1005] Cited by Fordun, v., 43.

[1006] Benedict of Peterborough, i., 68, R. S.

[1007] Fordun, v., 26. Bower in one of his interpolations to Fordun's Annals, tells how a Highlander named Gillescop burnt certain wooden castles (_quasdam munitiones ligneas_) in Moray. Skene's Fordun, ii., 435.

[1008] That Fordun should speak of the _castra_ and _municipia_ of Macduff is not surprising, seeing that he wrote in the 14th century, when a noble without a castle was a thing unthinkable.

[1009] Burton actually thought that the Normans built no castles in Scotland in the 12th century. Messrs MacGibbon and Ross remark that there is not one example of civil or military architecture of the 12th century, while there are so many fine specimens of ecclesiastical. _Castellated Architecture of Scotland_, i., 63. It is just to add that when speaking of the castles of William the Lion, they say: "It is highly probable that these and other castles of the 13th century were of the primeval kind, consisting of palisaded earthen mounds and ditches." _Ibid._, iii. 6.

[1010] _Mote_ is the word used in Scotland, as in the north of England, Pembrokeshire, and Ireland, for the Norman _motte_. As the word is still a living word in Scotland, its original sense has been partly lost, and it seems to be now applied to some defensive works which are not mottes at all. But the true motes of Scotland entirely resemble the mottes of France and England.

[1011] _Scottish Review_, xxxii., 232.

[1012] _Scottish Review_, xxxii., 232.

[1013] _Ibid._, p. 236.

[1014] This list is mainly compiled from Chalmers' _Caledonia_, vol. i., book iv., ch. i. The letter C. refers to Dr Christison's _Early Fortifications in Scotland_; N., to Mr Neilson's paper in the _Scottish Review_, 1898; O.M., to the 25-inch Ordnance Map; G., to the _Gazetteer of Scotland_. It is a matter of great regret to the writer that she has been unable to do any personal visitation of the Scottish castles, except in the cases of Roxburgh and Jedburgh. It is therefore impossible to be absolutely certain that all the hillocks mentioned in this list are true mottes, or whether all of them still exist.

[1015] _Registrum Magni Sigilli_, quoted by Christison, p. 19.

[1016] A plan is given by Mr Coles in "the Motes, Forts, and Doons of Kirkcudbright." Soc. _Ant. Scot._, 1891-1892.

[1017] M'Ferlie, _Lands and Their Owners in Galloway_, ii., 47.

[1018] This description, taken from the _Gazetteer_, seems clear, but Mr Neilson tells me the site is more probably Woody Castle, which is styled a manor in the 15th century. The N. S. A. says: "There is the site of an ancient castle close to the town, on a mound of considerable height, called the Castle Hill, which is surrounded by a deep moat." "Dumfries," p. 383.

[1019] _Annals_, ii., 196, cited in Douglas's _History of the Border Counties_, 173.

[1020] Round, in _The Ancestor_, 10, 108.

[1021] Dr Christison distinctly marks one on his map, but Mr Coles says there is no trace of one, though the name Marl Mount is preserved. _Soc. Ant. Scot._, 1892, p. 108.

[1022] See the Aberdeen volume, p. 1092.

[1023] See Grose's picture, which is confirmed by Dr Ross.

[1024] The name Tom-a-mhoid is derived by some writers from the Gaelic _Tom_, a tumulus (Welsh Tomen) and _moid_, a meeting. Is there such a word for a meeting in Gaelic? If there is, it must be derived from Anglo-Saxon _mot_ or _gemot_. But there is no need to go to Gaelic for this word, as it is clear from the _Registrum Magni Sigilli_ that _moit_ was a common version of _mote_, and meant a castle hill, the _mota_ or _mons castri_, as it is often called.

[1025] Chalmers, _Caledonia_, iii., 864. Sir Archibald Lawrie, however, regards it as doubtful whether Arkel was the ancestor of the earls of Lennox. _Early Scottish Charters_, p. 327.

[1026] M'Ferlie, _Lands and Their Owners in Galloway_, ii., 140-141.

[1027] See plan in MacGibbon and Ross, _Castellated Architecture_, iv., 341.

[1028] The name Maccus is undoubtedly the same as Magnus, a Latin adjective much affected as a proper name by the Norwegians of the 11th and 12th centuries.

[1029] Lawrie, _Early Scottish Charters_, p. 273.

[1030] MacGibbon and Ross, i., 279.

[1031] _Proceedings of Soc. Ant. Scotland_, xxxi., and N. S. A.

[1032] See Armstrong's _History of Liddesdale_, cited by MacGibbon and Ross, i., 523.

[1033] Round, _The Ancestor_, No. 11, 130.

[1034] _Benedict of Peterborough_, i., 67. See Mr Neilson's papers in the _Dumfries Standard_, June 28, 1899. Mr Neilson remarks: "It may well be that the original castle of Dumfries was one of Malcolm IV.'s forts, and that the mote of Troqueer, at the other side of a ford of the river, was the first little strength of the series by which the Norman grip of the province was sought to be maintained."

[1035] "Mottes, Forts, and Doons of Kirkcudbright," _Soc. Ant. Scot._, xxv., 1890.

[1036] The _Annals of the Four Masters_ mention the building of three castles (caisteol) in Connaught in 1125, and the _Annals of Ulster_ say that Tirlagh O'Connor built a castle (caislen) at Athlone in 1129. What the nature of these castles was it is now impossible to say, but there are no mottes at the three places mentioned in Connaught (Dunlo, Galway, and Coloony). The _caislen_ at Athlone was not recognised by the Normans as a castle of their sort, as John built his castle on a new site, on land obtained from the church. _Sweetman's Cal._, p. 80.

[1037] The meagre entries in the various _Irish Annals_ may often come from contemporary sources, but as none of their MSS. are older than the 14th century, they do not stand on the same level as the two authorities above mentioned.

[1038] "Hibernicus enim populus castella non curat; silvis namque pro castris, paludibus utitur pro fossatis." _Top. Hib._, 182, R. S., vol. v. In the same passage he speaks of the "fossa infinita, alta nimis, rotunda quoque, et pleraque triplicia; castella etiam murata, et adhuc integra, vacua tarnen et deserta," which he ascribes to the Northmen. This passage has been gravely adduced as an argument in favour of the prehistoric existence of mottes! as though a round _ditch_ necessarily implied a round _hill_ within it! Giraldus was probably alluding to the round embankments or _raths_, of which such immense numbers are still to be found in Ireland. By the "walled castles" he probably meant the stone enclosures or _cashels_ which are also so numerous in Ireland. In the time of Giraldus the word _castellum_, though it had become the proper word for a private castle, had not quite lost its original sense of a fortified enclosure of any kind, as we know from the phrases "the castle and tower" or "the castle and motte" not infrequent in documents of the 12th century (see Round's _Geoffrey de Mandeville_, Appendix O, p. 328). We may add that Giraldus' attribution of these prehistoric remains to Thorgils, the Norwegian, only shows that their origin was unknown in his day.

[1039] See _Expug. Hib._, 383, 397, 398.

[1040] I am informed that the "Crith Gablach," which gives a minute description of one of these halls, is a very late document, and by no means to be trusted.

[1041] _Vide_ the _Irish Annals_, passim.

[1042] There is another story, preserved in _Hanmer's Chronicle_, that the Irish chief Mac Mahon levelled two castles given to him by John de Courcy, saying he had promised to hold not stones but land.

[1043] Joyce's _Irish Names of Places_, p. 290.

[1044] See J. E. Lloyd, _Cymmrodor_, xi., 24; Skeat's _English Dictionary_, "town." In the "Dindsenchas of Erin," edited by O'Beirne Crowe, _Journ. R. S. A. I._, 1872-1873, phrases occur, such as "the _dun_ was open," "she went back into the dun," which show clearly that the _dun_ was an enclosure. In several passages _dun_ and _cathair_ are interchanged.

[1045] Joyce, _Irish Names of Places_, p. 273.

[1046] _Annals of the Four Masters_, 1166.

[1047] See Orpen, "Motes and Norman Castles in Ireland," in _Journ. R. S. A. I._, xxxvii., 143-147.

[1048] Sweetman's _Calendar of Documents_ relating to Ireland, i., 412.

[1049] That a motte-castle of earth and wood seemed to Giraldus quite an adequate castle is proved by the fact that numbers of the castles which he mentions have never had any stone defences. It may be a mere coincidence, but it is worth noting, that there are no mottes now at any of the places which Giraldus mentions as _exilia municipia_, Pembroke, Dundunnolf, Down City, and Carrick.

[1050] This word must not be understood to mean that this new type of castle was Edward's invention, nor even that he was the first to introduce it into Europe from Palestine; it was used by the Hohenstauffen emperors as early as 1224. See Köhler, _Entwickelung des Kriegswesen_, iii., 475.

[1051] Newcastle, Worcester, Gloucester, and Bristol are instances.

[1052] Rhuddlan is an instance of this.

[1053] _Book of Rights_, p. 203.

[1054] It must be admitted that in the most recent and most learned edition of the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ the topographical identifications are quite on a level with O'Donovan's.

[1055] The _Annals_ have not been used, partly because in their present form they are not contemporary, and partly because the difficulties of identifying many of the castles they mention appeared insuperable.

[1056] See especially two papers on "Motes and Norman Castles in Ireland," in _English Historical Review_, vol. xxii., pp. 228, 240. Mr Orpen has further enriched this subject by a number of papers in the _Journ. R. S. A. I._, to which reference will be made subsequently.

[1057] The only castles still unidentified are Aq'i, Kilmehal, Rokerel, and Inchleder.

[1058] It should be stated that the great majority of the castles in this list have been visited for the writer by Mr Basil T. Stallybrass, who has a large acquaintance with English earthworks, as well as a competent knowledge of the history of architecture. The rest have been visited by the writer herself, except in a few cases where the information given in Lewis's _Topographical Dictionary_ or other sources was sufficient. The castles personally visited are initialled.

[1059] _Annals of Loch Cè_.

[1060] Orpen, _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 249.

[1061] Orpen, _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 450, citing from MS. _Annals of Innisfallen_.

[1062] The poetical list enumerates the places which were "of the right of Cashel in its power." The prose version, which may be assumed to be later, is entitled "Do phortaibh righ Caisil," which O'Donovan translates "of the seats of the king of Cashel." But can one small king have had sixty-one different abodes? Professor Bury says "The _Book of Rights_ still awaits a critical investigation." _Life of St Patrick_, p. 69.

[1063] _Ibid._, p. 449. See Westropp, Trans. R. I. A., xxvi. (c), p. 146. Mr Orpen informs me that the _Black Book of Limerick_ contains a charter of William de Burgo which mentions "Ecclesia de Escluana alias Kilkyde." No. cxxxv.

[1064] _Journ. R. S. A. I._, 1898, 155; and 1904, 354.

[1065] _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 452.

[1066] Butler's _Notices of the Castle of Trim_, p. 13.

[1067] _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 458.

[1068] _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 441.

[1069] "Exile municipium," _Giraldus_, 345. See _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xx., 717.

[1070] _Annals of Ulster_, 1177.

[1071] See Orpen, "Motes and Castles in County Louth," _Journ. R. S. A. I._, xxxviii., 249. The town walls are later than the castle, and were built up to it.

[1072] Cited by Westropp, _Journ. R. S. A. I._, 1904, paper on "Irish Motes and Early Norman Castles."

[1073] _Annals of Ulster_, 1186.

[1074] Round, _Cal. of Doc._ preserved in France, i., 105, 107.

[1075] "On the Ancient Forts of Ireland," _Trans. R. I. A._, 1902.

[1076] Orpen, "The Castle of Raymond le Gros at Fodredunolan," _Journ. R. S. A. I._, 1906.

[1077] _Annals of Innisfallen._

[1078] Orpen, _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 449.

[1079] "On some Caves in the Slieve na Cailliagh District," by E. C. Rotheram, _Proc. R. I. A._, 3rd ser., vol. iii. Mr Rotheram remarks that the passages in the motte of Killallon, and that of Moat near Oldcastle, seem as if they were not built by the same people as those who constructed the passages at Slieve na Cailliagh.

[1080] _Annals of Ulster_.

[1081] _Annals of Loch Cè_.

[1082] Orpen, _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 448.

[1083] _Ibid._, p. 242.

[1084] _Annals of Ulster_. See Orpen, _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 443.

[1085] _Annals of Ulster_.

[1086] _Annals of the Four Masters_, vol. iii. See Orpen, _Journ. R. S. A. I._, vol. xxxix., 1909.

[1087] Orpen, _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 448. A place called Graffan is mentioned in the _Book of Rights_, and on the strength of this mere mention it has been argued that the motte is a prehistoric work. _Trans. R. I. A._, vol. xxxi., 1902.

[1088] Mr Orpen.

[1089] Giraldus' words are: "Castrum Lechliniæ, super nobilem Beruæ fluvium, a latere Ossiriæ, trans Odronam in loco natura munito." V., 352. See _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 245.

[1090] See Orpen, _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 456, and _Journ. R. S. A. I._, xxxvii., 140.

[1091] Orpen, "Motes and Norman Castles in County Louth," _Journ. R. S. A. I._, xxxviii., 241, from which paper the notice above is largely taken.

[1092] _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 242.

[1093] The castle is casually mentioned by Giraldus, v., 100, and the date of its erection is not given.

[1094] As far as the writer's experience goes, terraces are only found on mottes which have at some time been incorporated in private gardens or grounds.

[1095] _Journ. R. S. A. I._, vol. xxxix., 1909.

[1096] Piers, _Collect. de Rebus Hib._, cited by Orpen.

[1097] Mr Orpen says: "The castle was 'constructed anew' in the sixth and seventh years of Edward I., when £700 was expended." _Irish Pipe Rolls_, 8 Edward I., cited in _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 454.

[1098] Line 3178.

[1099] The annular bailey, with the motte in the centre, is a most unusual arrangement, and certainly suggests the idea that the motte was placed in an existing Irish rath.

[1100] See Appendix M.

[1101] _Annals of Loch Cè_.

[1102] _Giraldus_, v., 313.

[1103] This keep has a square turret on each of its faces instead of at the angles. A similar plan is found at Warkworth, and Castle Rushen, Isle of Man.

[1104] Orpen, _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 248.

[1105] Figured in _The Tomb of Ollamh Fodhla_, by E. A. Conwell, 1873.

[1106] _Gir._, i., 255, 277.

[1107] _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 457.

[1108] In five cases the mottes are now destroyed.

[1109] The dates of the building of numbers of these castles are given in the _Annals of Ulster_ and the _Annals of Loch Cè_.

[1110] _Cal. of Pat. Rolls_, 1232-1247.

[1111] The tower at Malling was supposed to be an early Norman keep by Mr G. T. Clark (_M. M. A._, ii., 251), but it has recently been shown that it is purely an ecclesiastical building.

[1112] The only stone castles of early date in France which the writer has been able to visit are those of Langeais, Plessis Grimoult, Breteuil, and Le Mans. The two latter are too ruinous to furnish data.

[1113] Given in D'Achery's _Spicilegium_, iii., 232.

[1114] This can be positively stated of Baugé, Montrichard, Montboyau, St Florent-le-Vieil, Chateaufort, and Chérament. M. de Salies thinks the motte of Bazonneau, about 500 metres from the ruins of the castle of Montbazon, is the original castle of Fulk Nerra. _Histoire de Fulk Nerra_, 57. About the other castles the writer has not been able to obtain any information.

[1115] See Halphen, _Comté d'Anjou au xiième Siècle_, 153.

[1116] The building of Langeais was begun in 994. _Chron. St Florent_, and _Richerius_, 274.

[1117] It somewhat shakes one's confidence in De Caumont's accuracy that in the sketch which he gives of this keep (_Abécédaire_, ii., 409) he altogether omits this doorway.

[1118] Measurements were impossible without a ladder.

[1119] It is well known that William the Conqueror left large treasures at his death.

[1120] The keep of Colchester is immensely larger than any keep in existence. Mr Round thinks it was probably built to defend the eastern counties against Danish invasions. _Hist. of Colchester Castle_, p. 32. Its immense size seems to show that it was intended for a large garrison.

[1121] _Cours d'Antiquités Monumentales_, v., 152, and _Abécédaire_, ii., 413-431. De Caumont says of the keep of Colchester, "il me parait d'une antiquité moins certaine que celui de Guildford, et on pourrait le croire du douzième siècle" (p. 205), a remark which considerably shakes one's confidence in his architectural judgment.

[1122] As only the foundations of Pevensey are left, it gives little help in determining the character of early keeps. It had no basement entrance, and the forebuilding is evidently later than the keep.

[1123] The Tower had once a forebuilding, which is clearly shown in Hollar's etching of 1646, and other ancient drawings. Mr Harold Sands, who has made a special study of the Tower, believes it to have been a late 12th-century addition.

[1124] Tiles are not used in the Tower, but some of the older arches of the arcade on the top floor have voussoirs of rag, evidently continuing the tradition of tiles. Most of the arches at Colchester are headed with tiles.

[1125] The room supposed to be the chapel in Bamborough keep has a round apse, but with no external projection, being formed in the thickness of the wall. The keep of Pevensey has three extraordinary apse-like projections of solid masonry attached to its foundations. See Mr Harold Sands' _Report of Excavations at Pevensey_.

[1126] "In the course of the 12th century, the base of the walls was thickened into a plinth, in order better to resist the battering ram." (_Manuel d'Archæologie Française_, ii., 463.) The keep of Pevensey has a battering plinth which is clearly original, and which throws doubt either on this theory of the plinth, or on the age of the building.

[1127] It is well known that blocks of huge size are employed in Anglo-Saxon architecture, but generally only as quoins or first courses. See Baldwin Brown, _The Arts in Early England_, ii., 326.

[1128] Baldwin Brown, "Statistics of Saxon Churches," _Builder_, Sept. 1900.

[1129] Mr Round gives ground for thinking that this keep was built between 1080 and 1085. _Colchester Castle_, p. 32.

[1130] Piper's _Burgenkunde_, p. 85.

[1131] Schulz, _Das Hofische Leben zur Zeit der Minnesinger_, i., 59. Grose writes of Bamborough Castle: "The only fireplace in it was a grate in the middle of a large room, where some stones in the middle of the floor are burned red." He gives no authority. _Antiquities of England and Wales_, iv., 57.

[1132] "The type of castle created in the 10th century persisted till the Renascence." Enlart, _Manuel d'Archæologie_, ii., 516.

[1133] See Appendix N.

[1134] Enlart, _Manuel d'Archæologie_, ii., 516. "Jusqu'au milieu du xii^ième siècle, et dans les exemples les plus simples des époques qui suivent, le donjon est bien près de constituer à lui seul tout le château."

[1135] _Abriss der Burgenkunde_, 50-60.

[1136] _Entwickelung des Kriegswesen_, iii., 352 and 428. No continental writers are entirely to be trusted about English castles; they generally get their information from Clark, and it is generally wrong.

[1137] This of course explains why the castle of London is always called _The Tower_; it was originally the only tower in the fortress.

[1138] The _Close Rolls_ mention _palicia_ or stockades at the castles of Norwich, York, Devizes, Oxford, Sarum, Fotheringay, Hereford, Mountsorel, and Dover.

[1139] _Close Rolls_, i., 195a and 389.

[1140] See