CHAPTER XIV

VICTORY OF KUTUZ, SULTAN OF EGYPT

Hulagu received news now of the death of Mangu, the Grand Khan, and deciding at once to return to Mongolia, he made Kita Buga commander of the armies in Syria, and when departing ordered him to level the walls of Aleppo and its citadel. A deputation of Crusaders came at this time to Kita Buga.

It is said by historians, that Hulagu had resolved to take Palestine from the Moslems, and give it to Christians, and that he was about to do this when news came of Mangu’s demise in Mongolia. He turned homeward immediately, intending to strive for his own elevation, but he learned in Tebriz that his brother, Kubilai, was elected, and this stopped his journey.

From El Arish Nassir had hastened on toward Kathia, but Kutuz, now in Salahiyet, not desiring an Eyubite prince as a ruler for Egypt, wished to render him harmless. He wrote to the chiefs under Nassir’s command, among others the false Sheherzurians, and requested them to enter his service, offering high places, and money as he did so. Seduced by these offers the Turks and Kurds deserted Nassir. There remained with the prince, but his brother and a very few other men. On reaching Kathia he dared not go farther toward Egypt, so changing his road he went on by the desert toward Shubek; when he arrived there, he and the men with him had naught but their horses and two or three servants. He held on farther toward Karak; the sovereign of that place sent horses, tents, and all needed articles to Nassir with the statement that he might stay with him or go to Shubek. Nassir would do neither; he continued his journey to Balka, but, betrayed by two Kurd attendants who informed Kita Buga of his whereabouts, he was seized near Lake Ziza by Mongols and taken to their general, who was laying siege then to Ajalon. The general forced Nassir to order the commandant to surrender that fortress to the Mongols. The commandant obeyed after certain resistance and Ajalon, that stronghold built by Iziz ud din, one of Saladin’s emirs, was leveled to the ground. The Mongols had a short time before taken possession of Baalbek and ruined that city and its citadel. Kita Buga now sent Nassir to Tebriz with his brother and Salih, son of the Hims prince. Mogith, Prince of Karak, sent his son Aziz, a boy six years of age, with him. When they passed through Damascus Nassir was greatly affected and when he saw the ruins of Aleppo he wept, unable to restrain his grief.

Hulagu received Nassir well and promised to reinstate him in Syria when he should subdue Egypt.

Egypt, up to that time a refuge for those who were fleeing from Mongols, now felt the terror of a threatened invasion. The Mongols had conquered all lands invaded by them thus far, hence most men felt certain that they would take Egypt. The Africans living in Cairo returned to their distant homes because of this conviction. Soon after Hulagu’s departure for Persia envoys announced themselves in Cairo, and summoned the Sultan to obedience; war was threatened in case of refusal. Kutuz called a great council immediately to decide upon final

## action. Nassir ud din Kaimeri, a Kwaresmian general who had just left

the service of Nassir, favored war and declared for it. “No one,” he said, “could believe Hulagu who has broken faith with the Alamut chief, with the Kalif, with Aké, commandant of Daritang, and with the Prince of Erbil.” Beibars, the emir from Damascus, called for war also. After some debate every chief present agreed with the Sultan. “It is well,” said Kutuz. “We take the field. Victors or vanquished we shall do our whole duty, and Moslems hereafter will never make mention of us as of cowards.”

It was then decided that Hulagu’s envoys must die, hence they were thrown into prison to await execution. The Sultan made immense efforts; he levied tribute, illegal in Islam; he taxed revenues, he taxed heads, but that was still insufficient; then he seized the goods of all who had deserted Nassir for his sake. Nassir’s wife had to yield up a part of her jewels; other women were forced to make similar sacrifices. Those who did not part with their jewels willingly were ill-treated. When ready for marching Kutuz took an oath of fidelity from his generals, and set out from his castle called the Castle of the Mountain July 26, 1260. His forces of a hundred and twenty thousand strong were composed of the army of Egypt, of Syrians who had passed to his service, of Arabs, and also of Turkmans. On the day of departure he had the chief Mongol envoy and the three next in dignity beheaded, one in each quarter of Cairo. The four heads were exposed at the gate of Zavila; of the twenty-six envoys remaining he spared only one, a young man whom he placed in a company of Mameluks. A summons was issued throughout Egypt for every warrior to march in that struggle for Islam. All had to go, if any man tried to hide himself the bastinado was used on him without mercy.

Kutuz sent an envoy to demand aid of Ashraf of Hims, the chief governor of Syria under Hulagu’s orders, and Saïd, who had been liberated from prison in El Biret and had received Sebaibet and Banias as his portion. Saïd abused the envoy, but Ashraf received him, and in private prostrated himself in his presence through respect for Kutuz, who had sent him, and added in answer to the message: “I kiss the earth before the Sultan, and say to him, that I am his servant, and subject to his orders. I am thankful that God has raised up Kutuz, for the succor of Islam. If he combats the Mongols our triumph is certain.”

At Salahiyet Kutuz held a council; the greater part of the leaders refused to go farther; they wished to wait at Salahiyet. “O chiefs of Islam,” said the Sultan, “I march to this holy war, the man who is willing to fight in it will follow me; he who is unwilling may return, but God will not take his eye off that recreant. On his head will be counted the dishonor of our women and the ruin of our country.” From every leader who liked him he took an oath then to follow and next morning he sounded the signal to march against the Mongols. The chiefs who had wished not to go were borne away now by the example of others; the whole army moved forward and entered the desert. Beibars, who commanded the vanguard, had, with other Bahriyan chiefs, quitted Nassir and joined Kutuz, who gave him the district of Kaliub as an income. Beibars found the Mongols at Gaza, but they left the place straightway, and he entered it unopposed. The Sultan made only a brief halt at Gaza, and moved along near the coast line. Kita Buga, who heard at Baalbek of this hostile advance, sent his family and baggage to Damascus, collected his troops, and set out to encounter the forces of Egypt.

The two armies saw each other first on the plain of Ain Jalut (Fountain of Goliah), between Baissan and Nablus. Before the battle Kutuz spoke with great feeling to his generals, and strengthened them for the conflict. He mentioned the peoples whom the Mongols had ruined, and he threatened his hearers with the same lot unless they won victory. He roused them to liberate Syria, and vindicate Islam; if not they would earn Heaven’s wrath and dire punishment. Moved by his words they shed tears, and swore to do all that was in them to hurl back the enemy.

The two armies met September 3, 1260. The Egyptians entered the battle without confidence. At first they were timid and confusion appeared in the left wing which turned to flee; at that moment the Sultan cried out: “O God, give Thou victory to thy servant Kutuz.” He charged then in person, cut into the thick of the enemy, and performed miracles of valor. He charged again and again, encouraging others to meet death, and fear nothing.

Meanwhile the left wing had rallied, re-formed, and reappeared on the battlefield. These warriors fought now with invincible fury, and stopped not till they had broken the ranks of the Mongols, who fled after having lost most of their officers. Kita Buga was killed in the

## action. A Mongol division entrenched on a neighboring height was

attacked, and cut to pieces. The emir, Beibars, surrounded the fugitives, of whom only a very small number escaped. Some hid among reeds near the battle-ground; Kutuz set fire to the reeds and all those men perished. When the great battle was over the Sultan came down from his horse, and returned thanks to God in a prayer of two verses. Prince Saïd, who had fought on the side of the Mongols, came now to surrender. On dismounting he went to the Sultan to kiss his hand, but Kutuz kicked his mouth, and commanded an equerry to cut his head off immediately.

In the rage of that terrible battle the young Mongol placed by Kutuz among Mameluks found a chance, as he thought, to avenge his father; but one of those near him seized his hand in time to turn aside the missile which, missing Kutuz, killed the horse on which he was riding.

The camp of the Mongols, their women, and children, and baggage fell into the hands of the conquerors. Hulagu’s commandants were slaughtered wherever the Moslems could seize them. Those in Damascus were able to save themselves. News of the Mongol defeat arrived there September 8 in the night between Saturday and Sunday. The commandants rushed off immediately. Seven months and ten days had they occupied Damascus. September 9 the Sultan sent from Tiberias a rescript to Damascus, announcing the victory which God had given Islam. This news caused a joy all the greater since Moslems had despaired of deliverance from the Mongols, deemed until that day invincible. Their delight was unbounded, hence they rushed straightway to the houses of Christians where they pillaged and slew all unhindered. The churches of Saint James and Saint Mary were burned. Jew shops were plundered most thoroughly, and the houses of that people with their synagogues were saved only by armed forces. Next the turn came to Moslems who had been partisans and agents of the Mongols; these too were massacred without pity.

Kutuz arrived at Damascus with his army, and entered the city two days later. He hanged a number of Moslems, who had favored the Mongols, among others the Kurd who had betrayed Nassir; he hanged also thirty Christians and forced the remainder to contribute one hundred and fifty thousand drachmas.

Beibars, who was sent to pursue the fleeing Mongols, hurried forward to Hamath. The fugitives, when almost overtaken, abandoned their baggage, let their prisoners go free, and rushed toward the seacoast, where they were captured, or slain by the Moslem inhabitants. Noyon, who was powerless to resist the Egyptians, withdrew to Rūm with the remnant of his warriors.

Kutuz, who had saved Egypt and become master of Syria as far as the Euphrates, was the only man of that period who could have turned back the tide of Mongol conquest. He now gave fiefs and rewards to whomever his good-will selected. He gave the government of Damascus to Sindjar; and of Aleppo to Mozaffer, a son of Bedr ud din Lulu; Prince Mansur was confirmed in possession of Hamat; Ashraf, Prince of Hims, Hulagu’s chief lieutenant in Syria, asked grace of the Sultan and got it. When he had named all his lieutenants in Syria Kutuz left Damascus for Egypt Oct. 5th. Beibars, who had shown immense valor in battle, asked for the government of Aleppo, and failing to get it, conceived such resentment that with six other malcontents he formed a plot to assassinate the Sultan.

Between Koissem and Salahiyet the Sultan left his road for a short hunting trip; the conspirators followed till they found him unattended. Beibars then approached Kutuz and begged for a favor which was granted; he took the Sultan’s hand to kiss it; that moment one of the six struck Kutuz on the back of the neck with a sabre, a second man pushed him down from the horse, a third pierced his body with an arrow, and Beibars with a last blow took life from the Sultan, October 25, 1260, The assassins left the body of Kutuz where he died and hastened on to his camp at Salahiyet. They entered the Sultan’s pavilion and immediately set about enthroning Bilban, an emir, the most considerable person among them. Fari ud din Aktai, the Atabeg, ran in and asked what they were doing. “Taking this man for Sultan,” said they as they pointed at Bilban. “What is the Turk usage in cases of this kind?” inquired Aktai. “The slayer succeeds,” was the answer. “Who slew the Sultan?” “That man,” said they pointing to Beibars. The Atabeg took Beibars by the hand and led him to the throne of the Sultan. “I seat myself here in the name of the Highest,” said Beibars, “now give your oath to me.” “It is for thee to swear first,” said the Atabeg, “to treat them with loyalty and give them advancement.” The new Sultan made promises in that sense and swore to them, the others then gave their oath of allegiance.

After this unexpected enthronement Beibars started for Cairo where he arrived just at midnight. The city had been adorned at all points for Kutuz, the deliverer of Islam. The people were waiting and expecting to see their famed ruler, and rejoice at the victory of the faithful. What was their wonder and amazement when heralds at daybreak passed through all Cairo and shouted: “O people, implore divine favor for the soul of El Mozaffer Kutuz, and pray for Ez Zahir Beibars your new Sultan.”

All were in great consternation for they feared the Bahriyans and their tyranny. Beibars, a man of the Kipchak, or Polovtsi Turks, had been sold at Damascus for eight hundred drachmas, but the purchaser found a white spot on his eye and broke the bargain. He was bought then by Emir Eidikin Bundukdar; following Mameluk usage he called himself Beibars el Bundukdari. In 1246 the Eyubite Sultan, Salih, disgraced Eidikin, took his Mameluk, and advanced Beibars until he became one among the highest Bahriyans.

Beibars now made his old owner a general, and gave him the government of Damascus. Hulagu had given Damascus and its province to Prince Nassir, and had sent him from Hamadan, with an escort of three hundred Syrians, on the eve of the day when news came that the Mongols were crushed at Ain Jalut. It was suggested to Hulagu then by a Syrian that Nassir on getting Damascus would join Kutuz surely. Thereupon Hulagu sent three hundred Mongols on horseback to follow Nassir. They came up with the prince in the mountains of Salmas where they killed him, and spared no man of his suite except the astrologer, who gave the historian Bar Hebraeus the details of this slaughter. Hulagu was impatient to avenge the defeat of Ain Jalut, but, occupied greatly by the death of Mangu, he could not begin an expedition at that time.

As we have stated, Mayafarkin had been summoned to surrender and then besieged by Yshmut while his father, Hulagu, was advancing on Aleppo. Prince Kamil of Mayafarkin gave this answer to the summons: “I have learned from the fate of other sovereigns to put no trust whatever in Mongols and will fight to the utmost.” Inflaming the courage of his people, he opened all his supplies and every treasure, not wishing, as he said, to act like the Kalif of Bagdad who lost life and an Empire through avarice. He began by a sortie, in which he slew many besiegers. He had in his service a man of rare skill in hurling great stones with catapults. This man did immense harm to the assailants; they too had a man of much art in this matter whom they got from Bedr ud din Lulu, late prince of Mosul. It is said that once the two men discharged their engines at the very same instant and the two stones from their catapults met in the air and shivered each other to fragments. Two champions of wonderful strength came out of Mayafarkin each time with a sortie, and never retired till they had left on the plain many Mongols. The siege turned in time to a blockade, and with the blockade appeared famine. The besieged were forced to eat dogs, cats, shoes, and at last they ate people. After the blockade had continued a full year and resistance was exhausted, the inhabitants sent to Yshmut declaring that there were no more defenders in Mayafarkin. He sent Oroktu Noyon, who found only seventy half famished people. The Mongols rushed in to pillage. The two champions went to a house top whence they killed men as they passed them; surrounded at last they refused to surrender and died fighting desperately. In the spring of 1260 the famous old town of Mayafarkin was in the possession of Mongols. Prince Kamil and nine Mameluks were captured, taken to Telbashir, and led into the presence of Hulagu, who put Kamil to death in a horrible manner: bits of flesh were torn from his body and thrust down his throat until life left him. His head, cut off and fixed on a lance, was borne from Aleppo to Hamath, and taken finally to Damascus. There it was carried through the streets and tambourines and singers moved before it. At last it was tied to the wall next the gate El Feradis (Paradise) where it hung till Kutuz made his entry after the victory of Ain Jalut. The Sultan had this head placed in the mausoleum of Hussein, son of Ali.

Of the nine Mameluks in Mayafarkin eight were put to death. The last man was spared because he had been chief hunter for the Prince of Mayafarkin, and Hulagu took him into his service.

Yshmut now attacked Mardin at command of his father. Hulagu had invited Saïd of Mardin to come to him, but Saïd was distrustful, and sent his son Mozaffer, to render homage at Aleppo; Hulagu sent him back to Mardin and said: “Tell thy father to come; prevent his revolt and thus save him.” The father would not listen and imprisoned Mozaffer; then Hulagu sent troops against Mardin. The place was on a height beyond reach of projectiles, and the attackers were forced to blockade it. At the end of eight months an epidemic and famine had produced fearful ravages; Prince Saïd died of the malady or, as some historians state, of poison administered by his son. Mozaffer was set free then and surrendered; Hulagu gave him Mardin which he kept till his death in 1296.

After the capture of Bagdad and the destruction of the Kalifat Abul Kassin Ahmed, an uncle of the Kalif Mostassim, had succeeded in escaping and had found a refuge among Beduins in Irak till 1261, when he went to Damascus attended by Arabs. Beibars sent orders at once to treat this descendant of Abbas with distinction, and conduct him to Egypt. When Kassin Ahmed approached Cairo, June 19, 1261, the Sultan went out to meet him with a great suite of military leaders, also cadis, ulema and an immense throng of people, followed by Jewish Rabbis bearing their Scriptures, and Christian priests bearing with them the Gospels.

Four days later the chief functionaries and the ulema assembled in the palace, and Ahmed’s genealogy was established. Taj ud din the chief justice gave him the oath of allegiance, next the Sultan pledged his homage and faith in case the new Kalif acted always according to the Divine law of Islam, and all traditions of the Prophet, commanded what the law commands, forbade what the law forbids, and walked in the ways of the Almighty. Also that he received legally in the name of God the contributions of the faithful and gave them to those who had the right to receive them. The Kalif then invested Beibars with the sovereignty of countries submitted to Islam, and those which God might permit him to free from unbelievers. This act of investiture was fixed in a diploma, which was given to the Sultan. Then every man present pledged faith to the Kalif, now called Al Mostansir Billahi, and gave him homage. The Sultan sent an order to every prefect in the provinces to have the new Kalif recognized, his name mentioned in public prayers and stamped on new coinage. The Kalif gave the Sultan a mantle of the House of Abbas. Some days later this successor of Mohammed rode forth in public on a white steed with black trappings. He wore a black turban, a violet mantle, a collar of gold, and the sabre of a Beduin. On the day of installation the Kalif invested the Sultan with robes of office, and put a gold chain on his neck. After that the vizir read the diploma conferring sovereign power upon Beibars. The Sultan now mounted and rode through the city with great pomp and the utmost solemnity, preceded by the vizir and the grand marshal, who carried alternately above their heads the diploma given by the Kalif. All houses were decorated, and the Sultan’s horse walked on the richest of stuffs which had been spread on the streets of his passage.

The following Friday the Kalif preached in the mosque of the citadel; the Sultan, uncertain of the effect which he might produce, and to be sure of results in every case, so arranged as to shower gold and silver coins from above on his person, and thus interrupt the discourse which he was giving.

Beibars now formed for the Kalif a household with all the officers, horsemen and servants which were requisite. He added one hundred Mameluks, each having three dromedaries and three horses; he gave also two thousand mounted warriors, and a body of Beduins.

The Sultan and the Kalif left Cairo for Damascus September 4th, 1262. On the 10th of October the Kalif took the road for Bagdad, attended by the generals Seïf ud din Bilban and Sonkor of Rūm who had been deputed to go with him to the Euphrates, and to hold themselves ready to follow into Irak at the first signal from the Kalif.

The three sons of Bedr ud din Lulu, then princes of Mosul, Jeziret and Sindjar, set out with the Kalif, but halted at Rahbah despite his entreaties, leaving with him, however, sixty Mameluks. Mostansir was joined at that place by Yezid, an emir who was chief of the Al Fazl, and had with him four hundred Beduins, and by Eidikin, an emir who brought with him thirty horsemen from Hamath.

Advancing by the western bank of the Euphrates they met at Ana the Abbasid Iman, Al Hakim, attended by seven hundred Turkmen; Al Burunli, the Mameluk chief who had seized command of Aleppo in spite of the Sultan, had made Al Hakim set out with these horsemen. The Kalif overtook Hakim and his party at the river where the seven hundred Turkmen deserted.

Thereupon Hakim adhered to Mostansir, and was ready to assist in installing him at Bagdad. The people of Ana had refused to receive Hakim. The Sultan of Egypt, they said, had recognized a Kalif who was coming; to him alone would they open the gates of their city.

When Mostansir appeared he was met with due homage. Haditse acted like Ana, but Hitt refused sternly to open its gates and was taken by violence. The Kalif entered the city November 24 with his warriors, who plundered both Christians and Jews without mercy.

Kara Buga, the commander of those Mongols who guarded Arabian Irak, hearing of Mostansir’s approach marched against Anbar with five thousand cavalry. Anbar was friendly to the Kalif and might give him aid. Kara Buga entered the city on a sudden and cut down the people on all sides. Bahadur Ali, governor of Bagdad, went hither also with the troops in his garrison. These two commanders after joining their forces near Anbar encountered the new Kalif who, ranging the Turkmans on his right, the Arabs on his left, charged himself in the center. Bahadur’s troops took to flight and the greater part threw themselves into the river. Kara Buga put some of his forces in ambush and waited. When the Turkmen and Arabs met the Mongols they fought very little, and rushed off in panic. The center, now left unsupported, was surrounded and overpowered, crushed into disorder and cut to pieces. The Kalif was lost in that chaos, and was never seen again. According to some he was killed, others said that he escaped to Arabs and died of his wounds while among them.

Mostansir was, as is said, a man of great strength and good courage, with a loftiness of bearing very different indeed from Mostassim, the last Kalif of the Kalifat, who was trampled to death under horsehoofs at Hulagu’s camp ground. But whatever his merits this adventure reached the acme of folly. It is difficult to explain how the Sultan of Egypt with all his shrewd management could have spent so much treasure on a journey foredoomed beyond doubt to disaster, unless he had a sinister motive in the enterprise, and wished it to end in the destruction of that Kalif whom he had perhaps inaugurated through diplomacy and for his own aggrandizement. One historian declares that Beibars was sending ten thousand warriors to set up the Kalif in Bagdad, and giving him as aids the Prince of Mosul and his brothers, when one of these warned the Sultan that the Kalif if settled in Bagdad might take Egypt from him. We may well suppose that Beibars wished simply to establish his own power with firmness, and give himself freedom in Islam, and that he wished to be rid of the new Kalif so as to put in his place a man who could not be strong, and who would be obedient. Hakim, who met the late Kalif at Anbar, claimed to be fourth in descent from Mostershed who was slain in 1135 by the Assassins. This Hakim now fled to Egypt, where Beibars received him with distinction and gave him a residence in the palace called Munasir al Kebesh. His duties were simply to legitimize with the holiness of Islam the Sultan of Egypt, and ward off all Fatimid pretensions. His power beyond that was as nothing. He was styled “Shadow of God upon Earth, Ruler by command of God.” He lived this life for forty years and was first in that line of Egyptian Kalifs who were puppets of the Mameluke sovereigns. An end was put to that line only when Egypt was conquered by Selim I. and the Turkish Sultans took to themselves the Kalifat, and became the successors of Mohammed.

Salih, the eldest son of Bedr ud din of Mosul, met a worse fate by far than the Kalif. Soon after the accession of Beibars Salih’s brother Saïd, who had been driven from Aleppo by the Mamelukes, went to Egypt, whence he wrote to his brother advising a visit to Beibars, who when he had conquered the Mongols could make Salih ruler not of some petty place in the West but of great Eastern regions. This letter was kept very carefully by Salih, who took it to bed with him. Ibn Yunus, an official who had been a great personage in Bedr ud din’s day, stole it from under the coverlet while Salih was sleeping. He set out immediately for Baashika his birthplace in the province of Nineveh.

On missing the letter Salih sent two slaves to Baashika. Ibn Yunus, fearing dire punishment if caught, turned toward Erbil and at Bakteli, on the way, he advised one Abad Ullah to flee with all his people without waiting, for Salih would destroy every Christian and escape straightway to Egypt. He fled then to Erbil.

Meanwhile Salih, fearing lest Ibn Yunus might give the letter to the Mongols, withdrew with his son, Alai ul Mulk, toward Syria. Turkan Khatun, his wife, would not go with him. She remained in Mosul with Yasan, the Mongol prefect. She and Yasan shut the gates and prepared a defence for the city. One of Salih’s officers, Alam ud din Sanjar, left him while journeying and returned to occupy Mosul. He found the gates closed and began to attack them. This attack lasted several days unsuccessfully. At last a number of citizens threw the gates open and he entered. The prefect and Salih’s wife fled to the citadel.

Sanjar killed all the Christians who would not accept Islam, hence many renounced their religion to save themselves.

Meanwhile the Kurds attacked places in the surrounding country, and slew a great number of Christians. They took the Kudida convent by storm and put to death many of its inmates. The monastery of Mar Matthew they besieged during four months with warriors on foot and one thousand on horseback. They attempted to storm it, but the monks repelled every effort, and burned all scaling ladders with naphtha. The Kurds now let down two immense rocks from a neighboring mountain top. One of these remained fast in the wall and was fixed there like a stone in its setting; the other passed through and left a wide breach behind it. When the Kurds tried to rush through the opening the monks met them with a desperate valor, using stones, darts, and every weapon in the monastery. They kept the Kurds out and filled up the great breach. The Abbot, Abunser, fought with the foremost and lost one eye in that venomous struggle. But in time the defenders were failing and would have been forced to surrender had the attacks been continued. But the Kurds too had their weakness. They greatly feared an attack from the Mongols, though this they concealed very cleverly, and even extorted a ransom. The monks gave the silver and gold of the churches, and all the treasure which they could get from the people, after which the Kurds left them.

At Erbil the Mongol emir, Kutleg Beg, cut down men and women without mercy. Salih’s officer, Sanjar, having heard that the Mongols were moving on Mosul, marched out and engaged them; he was killed and his forces defeated. Salih, the Melik of Mosul, and his son had gone meanwhile to Beibars who was then at Damascus with the new Kalif. He was received with great pomp by the Sultan, as were also his brothers. Horses and banners and robes of honor were presented to them, also diplomas confirming their titles. These diplomas were strengthened further by the Kalif. The three brothers then escorted the Kalif to Rahbah, as has been already stated, where they left him, each going back to his own place.

Salih returned to Mosul which was at that time invested by Mongols. Samdagu, the commander, having learned from a spy that Salih was coming, withdrew to a point not remote from the city where he waited. When Salih had passed the gate, Samdagu reinvested it with two tumans of warriors and twenty-five catapults. He then began siege work which lasted from December till summer.

Salih gave good gifts to his garrison, and promised that the Sultan would send reinforcements. The defence was a brave one and effective. One day eighty Mongols succeeded in scaling the bulwarks, but were killed every man of them and their heads shot out from catapults to their comrades.

Samdagu felt need of reinforcements which came to him promptly from Hulagu. At last the Sultan commanded Akkush, who was governing Aleppo, to march on Mosul and relieve it. He set out, and sent a pigeon with news of his coming. This bird settled down, by a wonderful chance, on a catapult in Samdagu’s army, was caught, and through the letter attached to it gave notice not to the Prince of Mosul but to Samdagu.

Samdagu sent straightway a strong corps of warriors to beat Akkush back and destroy him if possible. The Mongols were placed in three ambushes where they waited. The Egyptians suffered partly from these ambushes and partly from a fierce wind which blew in their faces, and hurled clouds of sand at them. The Sultan’s army was slaughtered except a mere remnant. The Mongols attacked then the people of Sinjar, killed nearly all the men and seized captive the women and children. Next they put on the clothing of Akkush’s dead warriors and moved toward Mosul. When nearing that city they were seen from the watch-towers by the people, who mistook them for forces sent by the Sultan, and went out in large numbers to meet them. These citizens were surrounded immediately by the Mongols and slain to the very last person.

When the siege had continued six months the fierce heat of summer was raging and each side ceased its action. The Mongol commander made a promise to spare all and send Salih to Hulagu with a request for full pardon. Thereupon Salih yielded and sent to Samdagu a letter containing the terms of surrender.

He went to the Mongol camp from the city June 25, 1262, with presents and dainties, preceded by dancers, musicians and harlequins. The Mongol commander, forgetting all promises, would not receive Salih, or look at him, nay more, he put the prince under a strong guard immediately.

But Samdagu reassured the people; they were to be of good cheer he declared and fear nothing. Meanwhile they must tear down the walls and remove them. They did this work straightway, and when all was cleared, and the whole place was laid open, a massacre began in that woebegone city. Nine days did that terrible slaughter continue, till the sword had finished every one. Mosul was deserted, not a soul now remained there. It was only when the Mongols had moved far away that eight or ten hundred people who had hidden in the hills and in caverns crept out and came back to inhabit the city.

The first governor of this spectral and death-stricken Mosul was that Ibn Yunus who had stolen the letter from Salih and betrayed him.

Salih was sent to Hulagu for a judgment. The sentence was revolting and hideous. The late Prince of Mosul was deprived of his clothing and wrapped in a sheepskin just stripped from the animal. This skin was fastened firmly round Salih who, exposed to the sun of July in that climate, suffered terribly. The skin was soon covered with a life most repulsive and the all conquering worm now lived with Salih. The Prince had passed a whole month in that horrible sheepskin when death came to him.

His son, Alai ud din, a boy of three years, was sent back to Mosul and put to death there. They made the child drunk, tied cords around his middle very tightly in such fashion as to force upward his entrails; they then cut his body across into two pieces and hung one on each bank of the Tigris, on a gibbet. Mohai, son of Zeblak, who with others had opened the gates to Salih, was beheaded.

Samdagu after his triumph at Mosul marched on to Jeziret to which he laid siege all the following winter and spring and a part of the summer of 1263. This place was saved from destruction by the bishop, Hanan Yeshua (Grace of Jesus), a Nestorian, who through his knowledge of alchemy was a favorite of Hulagu, to whom he went straightway and obtained a yarlyk, or decree securing their lives to the people. The gates were thrown open to Samdagu, who had the walls leveled at once. Gulbeg, an officer of the Jeziret prince, was made governor, but Samdagu on learning soon after that Gulbeg had given the late prince’s messenger gold which that prince himself had secreted, put Gulbeg to death promptly.

About this time Salar of Bagdad, a deserting emir, went from Irak to Egypt. This man was a native of Kipchak and had once been a Mameluk of Dhahir, the Kalif, and from him received rule over Vassit, Kufat and Hillet; this he retained under Mostassim and Mostansir. After the ruin of Bagdad by Hulagu, Salar joined his forces with others in resisting the Mongols, but finding that they had not strength to do anything effective he went to the desert of Hidjaz and was six months in it when a message from Hulagu bestowed former rule on him. He went and took it. When Beibars became Sultan he wrote to Salar repeatedly inviting him to Cairo. Salar was inclined to the visit but deferred it; he wished to secure all his treasures.

Meanwhile the Sultan said one day to Kilidj of Bagdad: “Salar thy friend is coming to see me.” “I do not think he will come,” said the other, “he is ruling in Irak, why leave what he has which is certain for something in Egypt?” “Very well,” said the Sultan, “unless he comes of himself I will force him.” Beibars then sent a messenger to Salar with letters, as it were in reply to some others; he sent a second man also to kill the first as soon as he crossed Salar’s boundary, and leave the man where he fell with the letters upon him. All this was done as Beibars had commanded. Mongol outposts discovered the body and searched it. The letters were sent to the court for perusal. In Hulagu’s service there were sons of former Mameluks of the Kalif. These men told Salar directly what had happened and he knew straightway that Beibars had tricked him. He received soon an order to appear at the Mongol court, but fearing death there from Hulagu he fled to the Sultan of Egypt, leaving behind both his family and property.

Beibars received him with distinction and bestowed on the fugitive a military command with a fief of good value.

Hulagu was stopped now very seriously in his plans against Syria and Egypt by the Golden Horde Khan, Berkai, his cousin, son of Juchi. The death of Batu, 1255, was followed quickly by that of Sartak his son and successor. Next after Sartak came Sartak’s infant son, Ulakchi, under the care of his mother. The child died some months later and Berkai, the third son of Juchi, was put on the throne in 1256. Berkai had been converted to Islam and was spreading its doctrines effectively. Strong through support of Mangu, the Grand Khan, whom he had helped to the Empire, Berkai now reproached Hulagu with needless cruelties, with slaughter of both friends and enemies; with the ruin of many cities; with the death of the Kalif, brought about without sanction of the Jinghis Khan family. There were still other causes of complaint. Three descendants of Juchi had marched into Persia with Hulagu: Balakan and Tumar, a grandson and great grandson of Juchi. These two at the head of Batu’s contingent, and Kuli, also a grandson of Juchi. Kuli led the contingent of Urda’s, his father. Tumar was accused before Hulagu of attempting to harm him, through witchcraft. He confessed guilt when examined while in torture. Hulagu out of respect for Berkai sent Tumar to him attended by Sugundjak, a commander. Berkai, thinking that Tumar’s offence had been proven, sent him back to Hulagu, who had the prince put to death without waiting. Balakan died soon after as did also Kuli. Berkai supposed these deaths caused by poison and was enraged. The families of those princes escaped then from Persia. Policy may have played a large part in these murders, for Berkai and the descendants of Juchi desired the election of Arik Buga, while Hulagu favored Kubilai in the contest for Grand Khanship. Hulagu, tired of excessive reproaches from Berkai, was ready for warfare. On hearing this, Berkai declared his intention of avenging the blood of his relatives and many thousands of others. He sent southward an army of thirty thousand commanded by Nogai, a cousin of Tumar, who marched on and camped near Shirvan beyond the Caucasus. When the troops of the princes descended from Juchi saw war breaking out between their own sovereign and Hulagu they left Persia quickly. One part went home through Derbend, another, pursued by Hulagu’s warriors, passed through Khorassan to seize upon Gazni and lands touching India.

Hulagu left Alatag, his summer camp ground, and marched at the head of an army gathered in from all Persia. On November 11, 1262, his vanguard commanded by Shiramun was thoroughly defeated near Shemaki, but some days later Abatai repaired this reverse by a victory near Shirvan.

Hulagu advanced to continue this victory and met the enemy north of Derbend near the Caspian. Nogai was put to flight and pursued by a large force of warriors who seized a camp left by him north of the Terek in which were vast numbers of cattle and of women and children. Hulagu’s army remained at that camp and for three days continued to drink, and to yield themselves up to every indulgence accessible.

All on a sudden Nogai reappeared with his army. Hulagu’s men were surprised near the river and thoroughly defeated (January 13, 1263). The only escape for survivors was to cross the frozen river. They tried this, the ice broke and immense numbers sank in the Terek. Hulagu returned to Tebriz greatly grieved and cast down by the overthrow, but he summoned at once a new army and avenged his wrath on those merchants of Kipchak whom he found in Tebriz at his coming. He put them to death, and then seized their property. Berkai answered straightway by killing all traders within his reach who were subjects of Hulagu, and living in Kipchak. Hulagu next killed Bokhara people. Population had grown in that city, though not greatly, since its ruin. It reached seventeen thousand according to a census. Of these five thousand were subjects of Kipchak, three thousand belonged to Siurkukteni, the mother of Hulagu, and the rest to the Grand Khan. Hulagu commanded that those five thousand subjects of Berkai be driven to the plains near the city; there the men were slaughtered with swords; the women and children were reduced to captivity.

In 1264, the year following, report ran that Nogai was to lead an attack on lands south of the Caucasus. While Hulagu was preparing to meet this, Jelal ud din, son of the second chancellor to the late Kalif, told Hulagu that there were thousands of Kipchaks then living in Persia who would serve in the vanguard with readiness. They knew northern methods of warfare, and would be, as he said, of use beyond others in the campaign against Berkai. Hulagu sent this man to summon those warriors, and commanded that supplies, arms, and money be given him in sufficiency, and that no one should thwart him.

When Jelal had assembled those people of Kipchak he declared that Hulagu would put them in the vanguard to be slain there. “I do not wish this,” said he. “Follow me and we will free ourselves from Mongols.” He gave the men money and arms from the treasury and arsenals of Bagdad; then, he told the commandant of the city that to gather provisions he was making a raid against Kafadje Arabs, at war with Hulagu; that done, he would march toward Shirvan. He crossed the Euphrates, all his men following, taking with them their families and baggage. Then he declared to them that he was going to Syria and Egypt. Hulagu was beside himself with anger when he learned of Jelal’s treachery.

Beibars, the shrewd Sultan of Egypt, noting Hulagu’s alertness, and the movements of Berkai, which might mean, as he thought, an invasion of Syria, sent mounted men toward the boundary of Persia to reconnoitre. Later on he commanded the people of Damascus to move to Egypt with their families for safety, and thus leave more food for his warriors. He instructed the governor of Aleppo to burn all the grass in the regions toward Amid. This was done to the width of ten days’ journey. Information came next to the Sultan that a Kipchak detachment had appeared in his territory. These men, people told him, were subjects of Berkai and were from the contingent given Hulagu on his coming to Persia. Berkai had recalled them, if stopped they were to take refuge in Egypt.

The Sultan commanded his officials to treat these men well, to give them provisions and clothing. They came to Cairo about two hundred strong and under four captains. Each captain received the land given to commanders of a hundred. Beibars gave also clothing, horses and money. All became Moslems. This generous treatment induced others to seek an asylum in Egypt.

When he had talked with these strangers concerning their sovereign and country the Sultan resolved to send envoys to Berkai. He chose for this office Seïf ud din Keshrik, a man who had once served Jelal ud din the Kwaresmian Sultan; he knew the country to which he was sent and its language. Madjd ud din, a juris-consult, went with him. Two men of the Kipchaks who had received hospitality from Beibars were attached to the party. The envoys bore a letter from Beibars assuring Berkai of the Sultan’s good feeling and urging him to act against Hulagu.

The Sultan’s troops made up of many nations were lauded; his vassals, Mohammedan and Christian, were mentioned; the letter ended by stating that a body of warriors had visited Cairo and declaring themselves subjects of Berkai, had been received gladly because of him. To this letter the pedigree of the new Kalif, Hakim, was added.

The envoy and his associates set out for the Volga, but were stopped in Greek regions by the Emperor Michael [17] who had complaints against Berkai whose troops had been raiding his possessions. Michael had sent some time before a Greek document in which he had sworn peace and amity to the Sultan.

Beibars summoned straightway the Patriarch and bishop to get their decision on oath breaking. They declared that by breaking an oath a sovereign abjures his religion. Beibars sent to the Emperor this document signed by the Patriarch and bishops; he sent also a letter to Berkai, in which he implored him to stop all attacks on the Empire.

Michael now freed the envoys, who sailed over the Black Sea and landed at Sudak whence they crossed the Crimea and went to Sarai situated somewhat east of the Volga. They were twenty days making that journey. Berkai’s vizir, Al Furussi, went out to meet them. When instructed in Sarai ceremonial they were taken to Berkai, who was in a tent large enough for five hundred persons. They left behind every weapon and were careful not to touch the threshold while entering. Presented on the left of the throne they were taken with the suite to the right of it, after the letter from Beibars had been read before Berkai. At the right of the Khan sat his principal wife. Fifty or sixty high officers occupied stools near him.

The Khan addressed several questions to the envoys. He did not detain them at Sarai without need and sent with them envoys to the Sultan at Cairo where Seïf ud din arrived after an absence of two years.

About six months after the Sultan’s men had started from Cairo two envoys from Berkai arrived in that city; both men were Mussulmans and had passed through the Byzantine capital. One was an officer, Jelal ud din el Kadi, the other a Sheik, Nur ud din Ali. Beibars, who had just come from Syria after the taking of Karak, gave them an audience in the Castle of the Mountain in presence of his commanders and a numerous assembly.

Berkai announced in a letter that he with his four brothers had received Islam. He proposed an alliance against Hulagu, asking to send a corps of Egyptians toward the Euphrates. He expressed also interest in one of the Rūm Sultans, Yzz ud din, and asked Beibars to aid him.

The Sultan gave these envoys from Berkai many proofs of munificence, and when they were going he added his envoys to the company. These envoys took with them an answer on seventy pages half margin. Rich presents went also to Berkai, a copy of the Koran, made, as was stated, by Osman the Kalif, with Osman’s pulpit and prayer carpet; tunics, candelabras and torches from Barbary; all kinds of linen from Egypt; cotton stuffs, morocco, tapestry, sabres, bows, arms, helmets, breast pieces, saddles, bridles, boxes filled with arrow heads, vases of dried grapes, gilded lamps, black eunuchs, women who could prepare delicate dishes, Arab horses, dromedaries, white camels, wild asses, a giraffe, and some balsam. A turban which had been in Mecca was added also, for Beibars had sent an officer in Berkai’s name on a pilgrimage to the holy city, and messengers to Medina and Mecca to put the Khan’s name next his own in the public prayer of each Friday; this was done also in Jerusalem and Cairo. He sent to Berkai the first Friday sermon of the new Kalif.

Beibars sent back with the Berkai envoys the two hundred warriors from Kipchak.

Three months after the envoys had gone thirteen hundred Kipchaks set out for Cairo. Beibars commanded to treat them well on the way, and he went out to meet them. They dismounted and bowed to the earth when they saw him. Soon after a second and a third party came. Among these were ten officers of distinction with the title of Aga. All were treated most liberally. Beibars asked them to accept Islam. This they did, accepting the faith in his presence.

The Sultan received also in Cairo a number of high officers from Fars, chiefs of the Arab tribe, Kafadje, and the emir of Arabian Irak. These came to seek an asylum in Egypt, and he gave them fiefs. The next year he sent Shuja ud din, one of his chamberlains, to Berkai, begging him to stop his people from raiding the lands of the Byzantine Emperor, who had asked his good offices. He sent at the same time three turbans to Berkai which he had worn while making the pilgrimage to Mecca, two marble vases and other presents.

While Hulagu was defending his northern frontier against Berkai’s armies Hayton, the King of Cilicia, attacked Egyptian regions. Hayton when returning from Hulagu’s court saw at Heraclea Rokn ud din, the Rūm Sultan, with whom he formed a close friendship. On reaching home he summoned troops and marched against Aintab.

Beibars, informed always with accuracy of what was happening near his borders, had already commanded troops in Hamat and Hims to march on Aleppo. Egyptian troops followed quickly. The Armenians were surprised, and put to flight with some loss. Hayton summoned in seven hundred Mongols, who were in Rūm at that juncture, and advancing, was joined by one hundred and fifty from Antioch. This little army encamped on the steppes of Harem where it suffered from rain, snow and scant food and was at last forced to retreat, losing meanwhile many warriors.

Hayton had a thousand Mongol coats and caps which he put on his men to make it seem that Mongol troops had come to him. This trick merely brought more Egyptians against him. They attacked Hayton in force and dispersed his small army; after that the Sultan’s men rushed into Antioch lands, and committed great havoc.

Beibars was informed now by secret servants in Irak that Hulagu had sent two agents to corrupt leading officers of Egypt, and that these men would visit Siss as they traveled. This news was confirmed by his agents in that capital of Armenia. The Sultan learned afterward from Acre that those two agents had gone to Damascus; he commanded to arrest them directly. Brought to Cairo they could not deny the accusation, so Beibars hanged them promptly.

The Egyptians intercepted this same year a letter from Hulagu to Mogith, Prince of Karak; this seemed an answer to some communication, from which it might be inferred that the prince had been asking the Mongols to take Egypt, and also Syria to Gaza. Beibars set out straightway for Gaza, and feigning great friendship for Mogith invited him to Gaza. Mogith made the visit, but the moment he entered the camp he was seized.

Beibars next summoned the chief judge of Damascus, the princes, feudatories, commanders and notable persons, also European ambassadors, and had Hulagu’s letters to Mogith read in their presence. He declared thereupon that this letter was the cause of the prince’s detention. After that he seized Karak and returned to Cairo where he took Mogith’s life without waiting.

Hulagu was interested greatly during the last year of his rule in building a palace at Alatag, and in finishing the observatory at Meraga. Though not a scholar himself he liked to converse with learned men, especially astronomers and alchemists, but beyond all the latter, who had known how to captivate his fancy, and on whom he expended large sums of money.

Administration had now, (1264), become greatly important. Hulagu’s rule extended from the Oxus to Syria and the Byzantine Empire. He gave his eldest son, Abaka, Mazanderan, Irak and Khorassan; to Yshmut his third son, Azerbaidjan and Arran; to Tudan, one of his commanders, Diarbekr and Diarrabiat up to the Euphrates; Rūm he gave to Moyin ud din Pervane; to the Melik Sadr ud din, the province of Tebriz, and Fars to an emir, Ikiatu. According to Rashid he gave Kerman to Turkan Khatun, but this is questioned by some historians. In 1263 he had put to death his vizir Seïf ud din Bitikdji while on the march from Shemaki to Derbend, and put in his place Shems ud din Juveini, whose brother, Alai ud din, Ata ul Mulk, was made governor of Bagdad. This same year Hulagu condemned to death Zein ud din Muyyed Suleiman, son of the emir El Akarbani, better known as El Hafizzi, a name which he had taken from his former master, Prince Hafizzi. He was accused of having turned to his own profit a part of the income from the province of Damascus. Hulagu reproached him for his perfidy. “Thou hast betrayed me,” said he, “thou didst betray also Prince Nassir, and before him Prince Hafizzi, and earlier than all the Baalbek prince.”

The death sentence which struck down El Hafizzi included his family, his brothers, his relatives and clients, fifty persons in all. Only two escaped, one was his son, and the other his nephew.

The troubles in Fars at this time roused Hulagu’s attention very keenly. The princes of that region were subject to Mongol dominion from the first. After the death, in 1231, of the Atabeg of Fars, Saïd Abu Bekr, his son and successor, sent his brother Tehemten with his homage to Ogotai and also rich presents. The Grand Khan gave a patent of investiture with the title Kutlug Khan. Fars had been saved by prompt submission from every Mongol hostility. Its sovereign paid the Grand Khan each year thirty thousand gold dinars, a small sum if the wealth of that region be considered; presents also were given.

When Hulagu came to the Transoxiana Abu Bekr’s nephew, Seljuk Shah, came with rich presents to greet him. Seljuk Shah was befittingly received at the Oxus by Hulagu; but was afterward imprisoned.

Abu Bekr died in 1260, after a reign of thirty years. His son Saïd succeeded him but died twelve days after reaching the throne, leaving a son of tender years in the care of his mother, Turkan Khatun. This child, named Mohammed, died in 1262, and the Fars throne fell to Mohammed Shah, one of his uncles, a son of Salgar Shah and grandson of Saïd, son of Zengwi. This prince had commanded the contingent of Fars in Hulagu’s great campaign against Bagdad. Brave, but unsparing and dissolute, his tyranny had roused great complaints upon all sides. Called to the camp by Hulagu, who feigned a desire to consult him concerning Fars matters, the prince delayed him under various excuses till Turkan Khatun, now his wife, who was displeased with his conduct, but especially with his treatment of herself, had the man seized as he was passing the harem and taken to Hulagu, whom she informed that Mohammed Shah was unfitted to govern. This decision of the princess found favor with Hulagu, so she had her husband’s brother, Seljuk Shah, freed from prison, and though his temper was untamed and fiery, she married him soon after.

One night when flushed with wine at a banquet Seljuk Shah was taunted with having risen through the favor of his wife, and not through any other cause, and when besides her conduct was described, a fit of fury seized the man. He commanded a eunuch to cut her head off immediately and bring it to him. When the black man brought the head of the princess, Seljuk Shah tore two splendid pearls from the ears, and threw them to musicians who were playing at the banquet.

When this raging man heard that Hulagu’s prefects in Shiraz, Ogul Beg and Kutluk Bitikdji, disapproved of this horrible action, instead of trying to appease them he killed one with his own hand, and cut down the other through his servants; he murdered also the people attached to them. At news of these horrors Hulagu commanded to execute Mohammed Shah, to whom he had just given permission to return to his country, and ordered his generals, Altadju and Timur, to march against Seljuk Shah. Their two divisions were to be strengthened by troops from Ispahan, Yezd, Itch and Kerman.

Altadju sent Seljuk a message from Ispahan, stating that if he repented he might yet obtain pardon, and that he would act in his favor. The raging prince maltreated the messenger cruelly. Altadju marched after that into Fars with the forces of the sovereign of Kerman, the Atabeg of Yezd, Seljuk’s brother-in-law, and other forces. Seljuk Shah retired to the Persian Gulf border. The magistrates and notables bearing flags, food and copies of the Koran went forth to meet Altadju. He reassured them, and commanded his troops, who were eager for pillage, not to harm them in any way. He marched with speed after Seljuk, who met him at Kazerun and displayed wondrous valor, but yielded to necessity at last and fled to the tomb of the holy Sheik Morshed, which the Mongols surrounded.

At bay and in his last refuge Seljuk rushed to the sepulchre of the saint and broke with one blow of his club the flat covering of stone which was over the body. “O Sheik, give thy aid!” cried the fugitive. It was known in that region that the saint had declared, “When peril threatens, give notice on my tomb and I will save you.”

The Mongols burst in the door and killed many of Seljuk’s people who had sought refuge there also. They then seized the fleeing Seljuk whom they killed at the tomb. No Salgarid was left save two daughters of the Atabeg Saïd, son of Abu Bekr. One of these, Uns Khatun, whose mother Seljuk Shah had beheaded, was placed on the Fars throne by Hulagu (1264).

When Seljuk Shah’s life was ended Timur wished to put all Shiraz men to death, and thus give a warning to people such as Seljuk and his

## partisans, but Altadju insisted that the citizens were innocent, and

that punishment like that might be given only at Hulagu’s order. The army was dismissed, and Altadju taking the most notable people of Fars went to Hulagu’s court with them.

In 1265 another storm made its appearance in Fars: Sherif ud din, the Grand Kadi, a chief man among the descendants of the Prophet, who had lived many years in Khorassan and won signal fame by his piety, tried now to use this reputation to further his ambition. He had the people show him homage, and many joined him in each town and village which he visited. Multitudes believed him to be that Madhi expected in the fulness of time by the Shiites, and thought that he had the power to work wonders. Assuming the insignia of royalty he advanced from Shebankiare towards Shiraz with his followers who already formed a small army.

The Mongol commander at Shiraz and Uns Kahtun’s chief minister took proper measures and marched against this descendant of Mohammed. They met near Guvar. Many thought that the “Madhi” was assisted by spirits, and that whoso attacked him would be paralyzed. For some time no man in the army of Shiraz would raise a hand against Sherif. At last two warriors ventured to discharge arrows at him, others followed this example. The Mongols then charged the insurgents, who fled; Sherif was killed in the mêlée with most of his followers.

At the first news of this uprising Hulagu commanded to bastinado Altadju for sparing the people of Shiraz, and he ordered a tuman of warriors to punish them. When he learned, however, that Sherif ud din had been slain, and that the people of Shiraz were innocent, for the greater part, he recalled his first order.

When Uns Khatun had ruled for one year she was sent to the Ordu to marry Mangu Timur, son of Hulagu, to whom she brought a rich dowry. Fars was managed thenceforth by the Divan, though in the name of Uns, who died during 1287 in Tebriz. With her died the Salgarid dynasty.

At the end of 1264 the Mongols laid siege to El Biret. This place was considered the master stronghold of Syria. Akkush commanded for the Sultan of Egypt. The Mongols filled up the fosse of the fortress with wood. The besieged made a tunnel to that fosse and burned all the wood which then filled it. The Mongols worked with seventeen catapults, but they met firm and active resistance, women showing more courage than men in that struggle.

News had reached Beibars earlier that Franks were advising the Mongols, by letter, to march into Syria during spring when the troops were at home, and their horses were out grazing. As soon as he heard that the Mongols were attacking El Biret, the Sultan sent a corps of four thousand to oppose them. He sent four days later another four thousand, who were to reach El Biret by forced marches. The Sultan himself set out January 27, 1265, and by February 3 was at Gaza, where he learned that the enemy had raised the siege and retreated.

The Mongols at approach of their opponents had removed all their catapults, sunk their boats, and fled quickly. Beibars gave command to bring in arms and supplies for a siege that might last a whole decade. Three hundred robes of honor and a hundred thousand drachmas in money were sent out by him to reward those who had fought in El Biret.

Hulagu died suddenly February 8, 1265, at the age of forty-eight. He was buried on the summit of that mountainous island called Tala in the lake of Urumia where a fortress had been built to contain his chief treasures. According to the custom of Mongols much gold and many gems were placed in the grave with him. Youthful maidens of rare beauty, richly dressed and adorned to the utmost, were buried alive to go with him. Four months and eleven days later died Dokuz Khatun, his chief wife, who was a Christian. She was the granddaughter of Wang Khan and so wise a woman that Mangu had in 1253 enjoined on Hulagu to take no step without consulting her. Rashid ud din states that through her influence Hulagu had favored the Christians and permitted them to build churches in many parts of the Empire.

The death of Hulagu and his consort was deplored by the Christians, to whom both had shown great respect. Near the entrance of Dokuz Khatun’s palace was a church with its bell which tolled at all seasons. Hulagu had five wives; from these, not counting other women, he had thirteen sons and seven daughters.

Accounts have come down to us of interesting judgments connected with Hulagu. On a time certain people came to him for justice; a file-maker had killed a near relative of theirs, and they asked that the criminal be given them for punishment. “Are file-makers numerous in the country?” asked Hulagu. “They are few,” was the answer. Hulagu thought a moment and answered: “I will give you a maker of pack saddles; since there are many of these we can spare one more easily than a file-maker.” The friends of the dead man declared that they wanted the murderer. Hulagu would not yield, and gave them a cow as an equivalent.

A man lost his eye in a quarrel with a weaver, and came to get justice: The prince put out the eye of a maker of arrows in satisfaction. Some one asked why he did this. “A weaver,” said he, “needs both his eyes, while one is enough for the arrowsmith; he always closes the other when he tests the straightness of an arrow.”

A letter without signature or date was sent to Hulagu from a Pope, supposed to be Alexander IV, though assigned to 1261. In this letter the Pope declared his delight on hearing that Hulagu wished to be a Catholic. “Think,” continued he, “how your power to subjugate Saracens will be increased if Christian warriors assist you openly and with force, as with God’s grace they would, sustained by Divine power under the shield of Christianity. In shaping your actions by Catholic teaching you will heighten your power and acquire endless glory.” Hulagu is credited not only with favoring Christians, but learned men of all creeds.

In the spring of 1266 Berkai began a second campaign in lands south of the Caucasus. Abaka, who was Hulagu’s eldest son and successor, held the right bank of the Kur with his forces. Abaka sent forward Yshmut, his brother, who met Berkai’s first army commanded by Nogai. A stubborn engagement took place near the Aksu. Nogai’s army was forced to retreat on Shirvan in disorder, Nogai himself being wounded. Abaka now crossed the Kur, but hearing of Berkai’s advance with a numerous army, he recrossed and destroyed all the bridges.

Berkai came up with his forces and the two armies camped on opposite sides of the river. They remained fifteen days in their places discharging arrows at each other, and sending words of defiance and ridicule. Neither could cross, hence no battle was possible. At last Berkai marched up the river intending to cross at some point east of Tiflis, but he died on the road, and that ended hostilities. His body was taken to Sarai, and there it was buried, 1266. His army disbanded.

We must now return to the Kin Empire.

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