CHAPTER XVIII

KUBILAI’S ACTIVITY IN CHINA AND WAR WITH KAIDU

The struggle of Kubilai Khan against Arik Buga, his brother, has been described in some detail already, as well as the downfall and death of the latter. Next came Kaidu, a more dangerous opponent, who claimed Mongol sovereignty through descent from his grandfather Ogotai. Ogotai had been designated by Jinghis to the khanship of the Mongols, and when this choice was confirmed at the first Kurultai of election the dignity was fixed among Ogotai’s descendants. By the election of Mangu, a son of Tului, this pact was rejected and broken. Long and stubborn struggles and ruin were entailed on the Mongols by that change.

The war with Kaidu lasted from the death of Arik Buga to the end of Kubilai’s life and somewhat beyond it. Before touching on this bloody conflict it will be perhaps better to show what Kubilai Khan did after conquering China (January 31, 1279).

No sooner had the Grand Khan ended the Sung dynasty than he turned to Japan, which had paid tribute formerly to China. In 1270 he had invited the Japanese monarch, through an envoy, to acknowledge as his suzerain the master of the earth, who was also the son of Heaven, but the envoy was given no audience. Other envoys, sent later, were put to death promptly by the Japanese. Kubilai resolved now to conquer those eastern islands, though his best counsellors tried to dissuade him. They saw the perils of the enterprise and did not believe that success would in any case pay for the outlay, but Kubilai was inflexible, and the order was given to send an army one hundred thousand strong to conquer the islands. The troops embarked at Lin ngan and Tsuen chiu fu toward the end of 1280; the fleet bearing them sailed for Corea to be joined by a contingent of that country composed of nine hundred ships, which carried ten thousand warriors. This immense fleet with its forces was struck near the Japanese coast by a tempest; the ships went ashore for the greater part, and the men were taken prisoners. Sixty thousand Chinese were seized and of Mongols thirty thousand were slain by the Japanese. In the autumn of 1281 a feeble remnant and wreck of this great army made its way back to China.

When the Sung family had fallen the King of Cochin China rendered homage to Kubilai and sent him tribute. Not content with the tribute thus brought him, Kubilai sent to that country a ruling council composed of his own officers. After two years the heir of Cochin China, indignant at the sight of foreign men ruling his country, moved his father to arrest them. To punish this rebellion, as he called it, Kubilai sent a fleet from South China with an army under General Sutu, who landed in 1281 at the capital, which he captured. The king’s son retired toward the mountains, and occupied Sutu with phrases of submission. Meanwhile he was preparing to defeat him if possible. Sutu learned shortly after that men were advancing from many directions to cut him off from his vessels. He found it well for this reason to return to Canton.

Western Yun nan was formed of two princedoms, Laï liu and Yung chang, which must be brought to obedience, such was the order of the Emperor. The King of Mien tien, the Burma of our day, to whom, as it seems, the two princedoms paid tribute, set out in 1277 to drive back the Mongols. He advanced with a force sixty thousand in number formed of horsemen and infantry. His first line was of elephants bearing towers which held archers.

At approach of this Burmese army, the Mongols, whose flank was protected by a forest, rode out from behind their intrenchments to charge on the enemy then advancing, but their horses ran in terror from the elephants, and for some minutes no man could check the beast under him. When the panic was over Nassir ud din commanded his men to dismount, put their beasts in the forest, and, advancing on foot, attack the first line of elephants with arrows. The elephants, unprotected by armor of any kind, were covered with wounds very quickly. Maddened by pain, they turned and rushed through the ranks just behind them. Many fled to the forest, where they broke the towers on their backs and hurled down the men who were in them.

Free of the elephants, the Mongols remounted, attacked the Burmese with arrows, and next with their swords at close quarters. The unarmored Burmese were put to flight promptly. Two hundred elephants were seized by the Mongols, who pursued the enemy until intense heat drove them back. After this brief and striking campaign Kubilai retained elephants in his army. In 1283 Kubilai sent a large army under command of Sian kur to force the king of Mien tien to submission, that is to become tributary and permit Mongol officials to reside in the country. After a short siege Tai Kung, the capital, was taken and the whole kingdom agreed to pay tribute to Kubilai. The Kin shi, a people of Yun nan, who till that time had been kept by the king from submission to the Mongols, declared obedience.

The great Emperor planned now a second attack on the Japanese islands, to repair the disaster which happened to the first one. Atagai was named chief of the expedition. The Corean king was to give five hundred ships to it. In Kiang nan, Che kiang and Fu kien, ships were built, and new levies made, to the great harm of commerce in those places. Workmen in the docks, and also sailors, forcibly levied, deserted in crowds, and robbed on the highway, or became pirates along the coast regions. The army was dissatisfied and most men in the Emperor’s own council opposed the expedition, but Kubilai’s attention was soon drawn elsewhere. The King of Cochin China after the withdrawal of Sutu in 1281 had sent ambassadors to appease Kubilai, but the Emperor refused them an audience, and commanded Togan, his son, then governing Yun nan of the East, to march through Tung king, and attack Cochin China; Sutu was to aid in planning this action. Tung king had submitted to Kubilai on his advent to power, and Ching koan ping, its ruler, had engaged to pay once in three years a given quantity of gold, silver, precious stones, and drugs useful in medicine, also horns of rhinoceros, and ivory. At the same time an agent from Kubilai came to reside at the capital. Ching koan ping had for successor in 1277 his son, Chin ge suan, who hated the Mongols and was waiting to attack them. When Togan on his way to Cochin China demanded provisions, Chin ge suan raised false objections, and Togan, seeing his active hostility, knew that he must first of all bring Tung king down to obedience. He entered the country in 1285 during January and on rafts crossed the Fu liang River. At the other bank stood the enemy in order of battle, but they fled, and their hostile King vanished. Togan thought the war ended, but the enemy rallied and harassed his marches. The great heat of summer and the rains brought disease to his northern warriors. The army was forced to fall back on Yun nan and was harassed continually while retreating. Li heng, who commanded under Togan’s direction, was wounded with an arrow, and died very soon, for the arrow had been poisoned.

Sutu, who was twenty leagues distant from this army and had no account of its trouble, was cut off by Tung king men, and perished in a battle at the Kien moan River. Kubilai grieved much for the loss of so gifted a general. To this loss was added the death of Chingkin, that son whom he had declared his successor, a man of great wisdom, instructed in all Chinese learning, esteemed for his probity and his love of justice. Chingkin was forty-three years of age when he died. He left three sons: Kamala, Dharma Bala, and Timur of whom we shall hear much hereafter.

In 1286 the Japanese expedition was still pending. All forces were ready, however, and the ships were to meet in September at Hupu, the great rendezvous. Meanwhile the president of the tribunal of mandarins dissuaded the Emperor from so hazardous a project. He left Japan in peace, but a new expedition was sent to Cochin China. Alihaiya was to take troops from South China garrisons, and fall on Tung king with the uttermost vigor. Prince Togan, who had command of this army, entered Tung king in 1287 during February; he had under him the generals Ching pong fei and Fan tsie. Meanwhile a fleet from Kuang tung bore a second good army under Situr, a great Kipchak leader who brought with him officers and warriors of his people.

Kubilai’s forces beat the Tung king men in seventeen engagements, ravaged a part of the country, pillaged the capital, seized immense wealth, and retired on Yun nan with rejoicing. The King, Chin ge suan, had sailed away, no one knew whither, but now, when the Mongols had gone, he appeared with large forces a second time.

Togan reëntered the country in 1288, and found the inhabitants armed and ready for action. The campaign was continued till summer, which brought much disease, and forced Togan to fallback on Kuang si for a period. Chin ge suan now attacked him and strove to stop his retreat altogether. Togan lost many men in various battles, among others the generals Fan tsie and Apatchi, and was saved only by the valor of Situr, who put himself at the head of the vanguard and opened a way for the army.

Notwithstanding his victory the king thought it wise now to offer submission; he begged Kubilai to forget past events and with his prayers sent a gold statue. Kubilai, in punishment for defeat, took Yun nan rule from Prince Togan, forbade him the palace, and assigned him Yang chiu as a residence.

In 1285 Kubilai had charged Yang ting pie to visit the islands south of China and inform himself secretly of the forces and the wealth on them. The mission was successful, for in October of 1286 the ships of ten kingdoms sailed into Tsuen chiu, a port of the Fu kien province, bearing tribute, as was stated. It is quite likely, however, that these ships brought simply presents.

The chief and perhaps the one reason why Kubilai dropped his campaign against the Japanese islands was the menacing action of Kaidu, who had struggled two decades to win headship in the Empire. Kaidu, the grandson of Ogotai, claimed the Mongol throne as a right which no man might question, or venture to take from him, since it came from the will of Jinghis, and also from the solemn decision of the first Mongol Kurultai. For many years, and under varying pretexts, Kaidu had avoided appearing at Kubilai’s court and now he declared himself openly hostile. The Emperor reckoned on the support of Borak, whom he had made Khan of Jagatai, and whose dominions touched those of Kaidu on the western border.

These two rulers did, in fact, begin war by a battle on the Syr Darya or Yaxartes. Borak gained the victory through an ambush. He made many prisoners, and took rich booty. Later on Kaidu got assistance from Mangu Timur of the Golden Horde, a descendant of Juchi, who sent an army commanded by Bergatchar, his uncle. With his own and these forces Kaidu met Borak and defeated him in a murderous battle. The defeated man then withdrew to Transoxiana and recruited his army, which he welded together again through treasures obtained from Bokhara and Samarkand, those famous old cities between the two rivers. He was preparing for a second struggle when peace proposals were brought him from Kaidu by Kipchak Ogul, a grandson of Ogotai, and friendly to both these opponents. The proposals were agreeable to Borak, who immediately accepted them. He formed an alliance then with Kaidu and each man became to the other a sworn friend or “anda.”

This union gave control to Kaidu of the Jagatai country made up of Turkistan and Transoxiana. Borak died in 1270, and his successor, Nikbey, son of Sarban, and grandson of Jagatai, having taken arms against Kaidu was attacked in 1272, and killed in a battle. Next came Toga Timur; after his death Kaidu put on the throne Dua, son of Borak, his own “anda.” In 1275 Kaidu and Dua invaded the country of the Uigurs with an army a hundred thousand in number and laid siege to the capital. These allies wished to force the Idikut to join in the war against Kubilai, but at this juncture the Idikut received aid from the Emperor’s troops, which appeared in that region.

That same year Kubilai sent westward a numerous army commanded by his son Numugan, who had under him as general Hantum, a minister of State, and a descendant of Mukuli, Jinghis Khan’s most beloved and perhaps his most gifted commander. Guekji, Numugan’s brother, and Shireki, son of Mangu, went also with his army, as well as Tok Timur and other princes with their warriors. Numugan was appointed chief governor of Almalik at the outset.

In 1277 Tok Timur, dissatisfied with Kubilai, proposed to put Shireki, son of Mangu, on the throne of the Mongols. Shireki accepted the offer; Kubilai’s two sons and the general, Hantum, were seized in the night time. Both princes were delivered to Mangu Timur, the sovereign of Kipchak; Hantum was given to Kaidu. Sarban, son of Jagatai, was won for the cause somewhat later, and other princes of this branch as well as that of Ogotai. At this juncture Kubilai summoned Bayan from South China and put him at the head of an army to crush the above combination. Bayan found his foes well entrenched on the Orgun. He cut off their supplies and they, dreading hunger, accepted the wager of battle. The conflict on which such great interests depended was stubborn to the utmost. For hours it raged with equal chances, till Bayan’s skill turned the scale finally. Shireki was defeated and withdrew toward the Irtish. Tok Timur fled to the land of the Kirghis, where Kubilai’s forces surprised him and seized all his camp goods. He sent to Shireki for succor, but Shireki failed to give it. Tok Timur took revenge for this by offering the throne of the Mongols to Sarban. Shireki tried to conciliate him, but Tok Timur gave answer as follows: “Thou hast not the courage for this dignity, Sarban is more worthy.” Shireki was forced to give way, and had even to send his own envoys with those of other princes to Mangu Timur and to Kaidu to declare that Sarban had been chosen.

Tok Timur now wished to force Yubukur to acknowledge the sovereign just created. Yubukur assembled his forces to oppose, but before he had a chance to begin battle Tok Timur’s warriors deserted to his enemy. Tok Timur, thus abandoned, took to flight, but was seized and given to Shireki, who had him killed at Yubukur’s order. Tok Timur was renowned for splendid bravery and for skill as a bowman; he always rode a white horse during battle, and said that men choose dark horses lest blood from wounds might be apparent on their bodies, but to his mind the blood of the horse and the rider ornamented the latter, as rouge does the cheeks of a woman.

Sarban, who was now without effective aid, went to Shireki, and begged to be forgiven for letting Tok Timur wheedle him. Shireki took Sarban’s troops and soon after sent the man under an escort of fifty warriors to Kotchi Ogul, a grandson of Juchi, but while passing the district of Jend and Ozkend he was rescued by his own men, who were quartered just then in those places. Putting himself at the head of them, he advanced on Shireki. When the two forces met Shireki’s men deserted to Sarban, who captured him. Yubukur, who had come to give aid to Shireki, was also abandoned by his own troops and captured by Sarban, who, giving each of these princes to a guard of five hundred, set out on a visit to Kubilai. Yubukur, while passing near the Utchugen’s land, sent gifts of silver and jewels to the prince who was ruling at that time and begged for deliverance. Sarban was attacked on a sudden by the Utchugen’s descendants and his force taken captive. He himself escaped unattended, and made his way to the Emperor, who gave him both lands and warriors in sufficience, but Shireki, when taken to Kubilai, was sent to an island where the climate was pestiferous and he died in due season. Yubukur, after serving a time with Kaidu, made his peace with the Emperor and later on Kubilai’s son, Numugan, who had been seized by Shireki was set free.

Ten years after these struggles Kaidu formed a new league against the Emperor. This time he drew to his side men descended from Jinghis Khan’s brothers, namely: Nayan, fifth in descent from the Utchugen, youngest brother of Jinghis Khan; Singtur, descended from Juchi Kassar; and Kadan, who was fourth in descent from Kadjiun, also a brother of Jinghis. These princes were all in the present Manchuria. Nayan had forty thousand men under him and was waiting for Kaidu, who had promised to bring one hundred thousand picked warriors. To prevent the meeting of these forces the Emperor sent Bayan to the west, where he was to hold Kaidu in check while Kubilai himself was crushing Nayan and the others.

Kubilai, who had sent forward provisions by sea to the mouth of the river Liao, moved on Nayan by forced marches, and found him near that same river, at some distance south of Mukden in Manchuria. The Emperor had sent scouts far ahead of his forces so that no knowledge of his movements might reach the man against whom he was marching. Kubilai divided his army into two parts, one composed of Chinese, under Li ting, a Manchu, the other of Mongols, under Yissu Timur, a grandson of Boörchu, one of Jinghis Khan’s four great heroes.

After consulting his astrologers, who promised a victory, the Emperor gave the signal for action. He had thirty regiments of cavalry, in three divisions. Before each regiment were five hundred infantry with pikes and sabres. These foot-soldiers were trained to mount behind horsemen and thus advance swiftly; when near the enemy they slipped down, used their pikes and next their sabres. If the cavalry retreated, or moved to another part those footmen sprang up behind them. Kubilai’s place was in a wooden tower borne by four elephants; these beasts were covered with cloth of gold put on above strong leather armor. The Imperial standard with the sun and the moon on it waved over this tower, which was manned and surrounded by crossbowmen and archers.

When the two armies were drawn up in order of battle the whole space which they occupied, and a broad belt around it, was filled with a great blare of trumpets and the music of many wind-instruments. This was followed by songs from the warriors on both sides, and then the great kettledrum sounded the onset. The air was filled with clouds of arrows; when the opponents drew nearer spears were used deftly, and they closed finally with sabres and hand to hand weapons. Nayan’s army showed great resolution, fighting from dawn until midday, but at last numbers triumphed. Nayan, when almost surrounded, strove to escape, but was captured. Kubilai had him killed on the field without waiting; he was wrapped in a pair of felt blankets and beaten to death without bloodshed. It is said that he was a Christian and bore on his standard a cross in contrast to the sun and moon of the standards of Kubilai.

The Emperor returned to Shang tu after this great encounter and triumph. The princes Singtur and Kadan were still in arms, hence Kubilai sent his grandson, Timur, against both with the generals Polo khwan, Tutuka, Yissu Timur and Li ting shi. After a toilsome campaign, which took place in the following summer, Timur defeated Singtur and Kadan, and received the submission of Southern Manchuria.

The chief enemy who had raised the whole conflict remained in the West, and against him the Emperor now turned his efforts. To guard western frontiers most surely, Kubilai gave Kara Kurum to Bayan as headquarters. This great commander received power without limit, since he was to watch all home regions and hold them securely. Before Bayan had arrived at the army Kamala, a son of Chingkin, led a corps in advance and tried to stop Kaidu from crossing the mountains of Kang kai. Kamala, Kubilai’s favorite grandson, was defeated and surrounded near the river Selinga. He was barely rescued by Tutuka and his Kipchak warriors.

Affairs now seemed so serious that the Emperor, despite advanced age, thought it best to march forward in person. He sent for Tutuka to act with him, and praised the recent exploit of that general. Kubilai left Shang tu for the West July, 1289, but returned without meeting Kaidu, or coming near him.

For four years now Bayan held Kaidu in check, till at length being accused of inaction, and even of connivance with the Emperor’s rival, Kubilai recalled the great general, and gave command to Timur, his own grandson. But before Timur came to take over the office Bayan had gone forth to meet Kaidu and had defeated his army. On returning to headquarters he yielded command and gave Timur a banquet at which he made him rich presents. Bayan then departed for Tai tung fu, assigned him already as a residence. On arriving he found there an order to stand before Kubilai. The Emperor, who had shaken off all his prejudice in the meanwhile, received the famed leader with every distinction, praised him in public, exalted his zeal and his services, made him first minister and commander of the guards and other troops in both capitals (Shang tu and Ta tu).

Kubilai liked to send envoys to various countries south of China whence ships came in large numbers bearing rare objects as presents. He sent once a Chinese minister to visit the sovereign of a land called Kuava (Java). This ruler for some unknown reason had the minister branded on the face, and sent him home with great insult. Kubilai felt the outrage, and all his officers demanded sharp vengeance. In 1293 a thousand ships with thirty thousand men on them and provisions for a twelvemonth set sail for Kuava. Chepi, a Chinese, who knew the language of Java, commanded this squadron. The King of Kuava gave pretended submission and persuaded Chepi to conquer Kolang, a near kingdom at war then with Kuava. Chepi won a great victory over the King of Kolang whom he seized and killed straightway. The King of Kuava tried now to get rid of the Chinese, and strove to cut them off from their vessels. Chepi reached the fleet, thirty leagues distant, with difficulty, after some serious encounters in which he lost three thousand warriors, though he brought away much gold and many jewels. On arriving at court he gave these to the Emperor, but Kubilai, enraged because Chepi had not conquered the kingdom of Kuava, condemned him to seventy blows of a stick, and took one third of his property.

On coming to the throne Kubilai had confided his finances to Seyid Edjell, a Bukhariote, and an adherent of Islam, a man who had a great reputation for probity. This minister died in 1270. Next came Ahmed, a native of Fenaket, a city on the Syr Darya. Ahmed’s good fortune came from his intimacy with Jambui Khatun, the first and favorite wife of the Emperor; this intimacy began when Jumbui was still in the house of her father, Iltchi Noyon, a chief of the Kunkurats. Ahmed became attached to the court of the Empress, and adroit, insinuating, rich in expedients, he had the chance of winning favor from Kubilai, who after the death of Seyid Edjell put the wealth of the Empire into his keeping.

Kubilai needed money at all times, he needed much of it, and Ahmed found means to get money. Invincible through the Emperor’s favor, he exercised power without limit; at his will he disposed of the highest offices in the Empire. He brought down to death whomsoever he accounted an enemy, and no man, whatever his rank or position, had the courage to brave Ahmed’s hatred. He amassed boundless wealth by abuses of all sorts; no man obtained any office without giving great presents to this minister. He had twenty-five sons, all holding high places. No woman of beauty was safe from his passion; he left no means unused to satisfy his greed and ambition and lust.

For twelve years this man proved invincible, though his secret enemies were an army in number, and he was hated by the people for his endless abuses. Those learned Chinese who were intimate with the Emperor strove in vain to open his eyes to the real character of Ahmed. At last they were able to expose him to Chingkin well and clearly and Chingkin became Ahmed’s most resolute enemy. This son of Kubilai was so angry one day at the minister, that he struck him on the face with his bow, and laid his cheek open. Kubilai, seeing the minister wounded, inquired what the cause was. “I have been kicked by a horse,” replied Ahmed. “Art thou ashamed to tell who struck thee?” asked Chingkin, who was present. Another time Chingkin pummeled him with his fists before the eyes of the Emperor.

At last, in 1282, appeared Wang chu, a Chinese, a man of high office in the ministry. Wang chu resolved to deliver the Empire from this greatest of miscreants. To carry out his plan he chose the time when Kubilai and Chingkin were at Shang tu, their residence in summer. As Ahmed had remained in the capital for business of his ministry Wang chu brought in one day the false news that Chingkin was coming. All the great functionaries hastened to the palace to greet him. Ahmed went at the head of the mandarins; just as he was passing the gate Wang chu struck him down with a club and thus killed him. At news of this deed Kubilai was terribly enraged. He had Wang chu and his associates seized, judged, and executed. A large sum of money was assigned for a funeral of great splendor, and Kubilai commanded all his most distinguished officers to be present. But grief at the tragic death of his favorite was followed soon by furious anger. Seeking to find a large diamond for his own use, as an ornament, he discovered that some time before two merchants had brought him a stone of rare size and quality which they had left for delivery with Ahmed. This same stone was now found in possession of the principal wife of the late minister. The Emperor’s wrath was so excited by this and by other disclosures, and intensified by Chingkin’s strong speeches, that he ordered that Ahmed’s body be dug up immediately, and the head cut from it and exposed as a spectacle. When all this was done the body was hurled to the dogs to be eaten. That one of Ahmed’s widows who had worn the diamond was put to death with her two sons; his forty other wives and four hundred concubines were distributed as gifts to various people. Ahmed’s property was confiscated, and his clients to the number of seven hundred suffered variously in proportion as they had shared in his abuses, and assisted him in deceiving the Emperor.

The ministry of finance was given now to an Uigur named Sanga, whose brother was the principal Lama. Sanga had occupied his dignity eight years, following closely the example of Ahmed, when one of Kubilai’s officers undertook to expose the evil deeds of the minister. In time of a hunt he spoke with the Emperor about Sanga. Kubilai thought him a vilifier and had the man beaten. Later on the Emperor tried to force from this officer a confession that he was serving the hatred of men who were envious of Sanga. The officer declared that he was in no way opposed to the minister and was only trying to render service to his sovereign, and benefit the country. Kubilai found on inquiry that the officer had spoken the truth, and if no one before him had reported the evil doings of Sanga, it was because people dreaded the merciless revenge of that minister. At last Sanga was destroyed in the mind of the Emperor.

One day Kubilai asked pearls of the minister; the latter declared that he had none. A Persian who was favored by Kubilai, and who detested the minister, made haste to declare that he had seen a great quantity of pearls and precious stones in possession of Sanga, and if the Emperor would deign to occupy Sanga some moments he would bring those same pearls from that minister’s mansion. The Emperor agreed, and in a short time the Persian returned, bringing with him two caskets filled with pearls of great value. “How is this?” cried the Emperor to Sanga; “thou hast all these pearls and art unwilling to give me even a few of them? Where didst thou find such great riches?” The minister answered that he got them from various Mohammedans who were governors of provinces in China. “Why have these men brought me nothing?” asked Kubilai. “Thou bringest me trifles and for thyself keepest all that is most precious.” “They were given me,” said the minister. “If it is thy wish I will return them to the donors.”

Kubilai in his rage had Sanga’s mouth filled with excrement and condemned him to death without waiting for further inquiry. His immense fortune was seized and the Emperor, incensed at those functionaries whose duty it had been to expose the excesses of the minister, demanded of the censors of the Empire what punishment they had merited. By decision of the censors they were stripped of office. Two Mohammedan governors lost their lives, as did many others involved in the recent abuses.

Thus after the death of Seyid Edjell, for about one fifth of a century the chiefs of finance in China were men from other countries, as were most of their agents. These persons kept themselves in power by revolting exactions. Kubilai, ever greedy of money since he needed endless sums of it, chose as agents in finance men who were ready to increase the state income if physically possible, and gave power to persons who stopped before nothing. Extortion, false witness, confiscation, and even murder were means used by them frequently. Oldjai followed Sanga as minister.

Kubilai died in 1294 during February, in Ta tu, the Pekin of the present day. He was eighty years old at the time of his death and sovereign over the largest domain ever ruled by one person.

Besides building his beautiful city Kubilai did much to improve the general condition of China. Among other great public works which he carried out was the building of the Grand Canal which joined his capital with the more fertile districts of the country. He also extended an excellent post system. According to Marco Polo all the principal roads met at Ta tu. Along those roads at intervals of twenty-five or thirty miles were well equipped post houses, at some of which four hundred horses were kept, two hundred for immediate use and two hundred at pasture. Three hundred thousand horses were engaged in this service, and there were ten thousand post stations.

Two systems of carriers were maintained by the government. The foot messengers wore belts with bells attached and were stationed at intervals of three miles apart. When the bells announced the approach of a runner a fresh man prepared to take his place at once. Each man ran at his greatest speed. The mounted couriers by a similar system of relief could travel four hundred miles in twenty-four hours, the distance covered at night being much less than that during day, for at night footmen with torches accompanied the mounted courier.

Kubilai built his capital near the ancient capital of the Kin Emperors. Marco Polo states that it was twenty-four miles in circuit. Its ramparts were fifty feet in width and fifty feet high; at each corner was an immense bastion and on each side were three gates, each gate garrisoned by one thousand men. The palace itself was surrounded by two walls, the outer one being a mile square and ornamented with battle scenes painted in bright colors. Between the two walls were parks and pleasure grounds through which were paved roads raised two cubits above the level of the ground. In the center of the enclosure rose the magnificent palace.

His summer palace was at Shang tu and was similar to the one in Ta tu. In a grove not far from the palace was a beautiful bamboo dwelling supported by gilt and lacquered columns, a resort for the Emperor during the warmer days. This bamboo palace was stayed by two hundred silk ropes and could very easily be put up and taken down.

Kubilai enjoyed hunting. In March of each year a great hunt was organized. Marco Polo says that there were two masters of the hunt, each having under him ten thousand men, five thousand dressed in red and five thousand in blue. These men surrounded an immense space and drove in the animals. When everything was ready the Khan set out with his ten thousand falconers. He traveled in a palanquin carried by four elephants. This palanquin was lined with gold and covered with lion skins. Ten thousand tents were erected near the hunting ground. The Emperor’s great tent where receptions were held accommodated one thousand persons. Near by was his private tent and the tent in which he slept. Each one of these Imperial tents was covered with lion skins and lined with ermine and sable. There were many ropes to these tents and all were of silk.

The magnificence and luxury of the Mongol court would be remarkable even in our time. On his name-day Kubilai held a reception and received many presents. On New Year’s Day also was held a festival when gifts were presented to the Grand Khan. If possible a multiple of nine, the sacred number, was chosen for the number of the articles given. On one of these great feast days Kubilai was presented with a hundred thousand horses with rich coverings. During the day his five thousand elephants were exhibited in their housings of bright colored cloth on which birds and beasts were represented. These elephants bore caskets containing the Imperial plate and furniture and were followed by camels laden with things needful for the feast.

Only the princes and higher officers assembled in the hall, other people remained outside. When every one was seated an official rose and cried: “Bow and pay homage!” All then touched the ground with their foreheads. This was repeated four times. A similar obeisance was made before an altar on which was a tablet bearing the great Khan’s name.

At the banquet the table of the Khan was raised above the others and so placed that he sat facing the south. At his left hand sat his chief wife and on his right princes of the Imperial family, but lower down, so that their heads would not be above the level of the Emperor’s feet. Lower still sat the chief officers. Ordinary guests and warriors seated themselves on the carpet. Two large men stood at the entrance of the hall to punish those who were so unfortunate as to step on the threshold, such offenders were immediately stripped and beaten severely with rods. Various household officials moved about to see that the guests were properly served. Near the Khan’s table was a magnificently carved stand in which was inserted a golden vessel holding an enormous quantity of spiced wine. Besides this there were many golden vessels, each holding wine for ten persons. There were large wine bowls on the tables with handled cups from which to drink. One of these bowls was placed between every two persons. The men who served the Khan had their mouths and noses covered with delicate napkins of silk and gold, that their breath might not offend him. Whenever he raised the wine cup to his lips the musicians began to play, and princes and officials went down on one knee.

Kubilai had five principal wives the chief of whom was Jambui Khatun. Each wife had her own court and was attended by not fewer than three hundred damsels as well as by many pages and eunuchs. The Kunkurats were celebrated for the beauty of their women and supplied most of the wives and concubines of the Khan. Officials were often sent to select several hundred girls and pay their parents for them, estimating their value according to their beauty. The girls were sent to the court and examined by a number of matrons. Polo states: “These women make the girls sleep with them in turn to ascertain that they have a sweet breath and are strong of limb.” The few who passed this examination attended the Khan, the rejected married officers or became palace employees.

It is stated by chroniclers of that time that Kubilai became, through the influence of Jambui Khatun, a Lamaist. Still, to secure good fortune, he prayed to Christ, Mohammed, Moses and Buddha, whom he revered as the four great prophets of the world.

Kubilai was a man of medium stature. He had a fair complexion and keen black eyes, and was of a kindly disposition. He had designated as heir his fourth son, Numugan, but while that prince was a prisoner in the war with Kaidu he chose Chingkin, his second son, as successor. Some time after this Numugan was set free, and as he criticized the appointment of his brother he incurred Kubilai’s wrath, and was banished. He died soon after. Chingkin died also before his father.

In 1293, eight years after the death of Chingkin, his widow, Guekjin, urged the great general, Bayan, to remark to the Emperor that he had not named a successor. Thereupon Kubilai appointed his grandson, Timur, whom he had sent to Kara Kurum as its governor, and charged Bayan to announce to that prince his appointment, and install him as heir with due festivals and ceremonies.

After Kubilai’s death, February, 1294, a Kurultai of election was held at Shang tu, the summer capital. Timur went to that city from his army and, though he was formally heir, his elder brother, Kamala, aspired to the Empire. The princes of the family wavered for a time, but the generals and the Chinese officials gave Timur their adherence. At last Bayan, who by character and office had the greatest influence in that meeting, took his sabre and declared that he would suffer no man on the throne save him whom Kubilai had selected. This ended debate, and Kamala knelt to his brother; the other princes followed his example, and Timur was proclaimed then Grand Khan of the Mongols.

The first work of Timur was to give Imperial rank to his parents, and next to rear a monument to Kubilai, Jambui, the late Empress, and Chingkin, his own father. Kamala was made the chief governor of Mongolia with Kara Kurum as his residence. Guekdju and Kurguez, Timur’s brothers-in-law, received command over troops opposed to Kaidu and Dua on the northwestern border. Timur’s cousin, Prince Ananda, was made governor of Tangut, that region west of the Yellow River. Bayan Fentchan kept the ministry.

Bayan, the chief commander and greatest general of Kubilai’s reign, died early in 1295, at the age of fifty-nine years. He and Ye liu chu tsai, Ogotai’s faithful adviser, were renowned for lofty character and justice beyond all men in the history of Mongols. Both tried to spare human blood, and both were endowed with rare modesty.

Only two events of note came to pass in Timur’s time: a war in the regions which lie between China and India, and a war in the west against Kaidu.

Once on the throne, Timur made peace with the King of Ngan nan and opened communication with India, which had been stopped by the war and operations against Java. For several years Titiya, King of Mien tien (Burma), had failed to send tribute, and Timur was preparing large forces against him when Titiya’s son, Sinhobati, came with both homage and tribute in the name of his father. Through a patent Timur then declared Titiya king, with his son Sinhobati as successor, and gave to the prince a square seal with the figure of a tiger. Mongol generals on the borders of Burma received the command to respect that vassal State and protect commerce between it and the Empire.

Three years later on Titiya was dethroned, and then killed by Asankoye, his brother. His son went to beg the assistance of China. Timur sent this command to Seitchaur, then governing in Yun nan for the Empire: “March into Mien tien; seize and bring me Asankoye.” Seitchaur met many checks and returned to Yun nan, spreading meanwhile the statement that he had quelled all rebellion, but a number of his officers were punished with death because they had been bribed by the rebels; this had been proven. The Emperor degraded Seitchaur and seized all his property.

While the war in Mien tien was progressing Timur learned that Pape si fu, which lies west of Yun nan, had refused China’s calendar, and would not obey that great Empire. He took the advice of Li yu chin, whom he sent with a force of thirty thousand to bring all to obedience. This army was reduced very soon to one third of its numbers by difficult marches and the tropical climate. Demands in Yun nan for provisions and horses roused revolt among hill tribes, whom the Chinese called barbarous. Song long tsi, a chief among these people, put himself at the head of their forces, surrounded Li yu chin, the Imperial commander, and would have cut his whole army to pieces had not the viceroy Hugatchi, Timur’s uncle, marched very quickly from Yun nan and saved him.

The Emperor at this juncture commanded his generals Liu kwe kie and Yang sai yu pwa to assemble all troops available in Su chuan, Yun nan and Hu kuang and advance to support Li yu chin, who, pressed by Song long tsi most unsparingly, was retreating, or rather, fleeing to a place of protection. He had abandoned his baggage and lost many warriors.

The revolt spread now on all sides, and many new tribes joined it. Detached bands plundered towns, and ravaged loyal places. Liu kwe kie held his own till fresh men came by swift marches to strengthen him; with these new forces and his own he pushed into the country of the rebels, and defeated them. Large numbers were captured, and among them Che tsi we, a woman who had led mountain men from the first in that struggle. She was killed without hesitation or pity.

In the North the long war continued. The Imperial troops led by Chohaugur, who in 1297 succeeded his father Tutuka, won advantages over Kaidu and Dua, who in their turn gained a victory, thanks to neglect on the other side. A division of Dua’s army attacked the cordon which stood against him and his ally. This cordon was of cavalry placed on a line from southwest stretching northeastward; contact between the groups was kept up by couriers. When an enemy was sighted mounted men dashed away to notify the next group. One night the commanders of three posts met for a drinking feast. News came at midnight that the enemy was approaching, but they were too drunk to mount, rush away, and give notice. Kurguez, the general in charge, did not know of this and marshalled his warriors, six thousand in number. The attack was a fierce one, Kurguez fought as best he was able, but waited in vain for assistance; he fled at last, was pursued and taken captive. “I am the Emperor’s brother-in-law,” said he. With these words he saved his life, for they spared him. Timur had the three men, who had failed through their drinking, put in irons, but the loss caused by their feasting soon found a recompense. Wishing, as they said, to serve the Emperor, two princes, Yubukur and Ulus Buga, with one general, Durduka, taking twelve hundred men with them, abandoned Dua. These same three had deserted the Empire in Kubilai’s day, hence Timur, distrusting such persons, sent troops, who arrested them.

Ulus Buga from Kara Kurum sent his men out to pillage and was seized for such action. Friends saved him, however, from punishment, but Timur would not give him employment. Yubukur, on the contrary, was treated with kindness by the Emperor. Durduka, who had deserted twice before, received this time a death sentence. He wept while defending his

## action, and declared in reply to this sentence, that fear had forced

him to go from the service of Kubilai, that he had never raised arms against that sovereign, that seeing Timur on the throne he had persuaded the two others who were with him to rally to the Emperor, that he had brought back more troops than he had taken, and had brought them to march against Timur’s opponents.

Timur pardoned Durduka and sent him with an army against Dua. Yubukur was permitted to go with him. These two men, who knew Dua’s strength well, wished to win distinction by crushing it. After his recent triumph Dua was marching home by slow stages. He intended to fall on the troops of Ananda, Achiki and Chobai when he came to them, disposed as they were along Tangut on the border as far as Kara Kodja toward Uigur regions. But while Dua’s troops were preparing to pass a certain river, Durduka, coming up on a sudden, defeated them and slew or drowned a great number.

In 1301 Kaidu was leading the largest army that he had ever assembled. With him went Dua and forty princes descended from his grandfather and from his grand-uncle Jagatai. Khaishan, Timur’s nephew, who had come a short time before to learn war under Yuetchar and Chohaugur, summoned promptly the five army corps stationed in that region and gave battle between Kara Kurum and the Tamir River. The historian Vassaf describes the battle as resulting in victory for Kaidu, who died while his troops were marching homeward, but this westward march seems to prove that the victory, if there was one, could not have been on his side decisively.

Kaidu had assumed the title Grand Khan, thus claiming the headship of the Mongols, which belonged to him by the will of Jinghis, and the solemn oath of the earliest Kurultai. Could he have lived some years longer he might have obtained the great primacy, since after Timur the Mongol sovereigns of China deteriorated and became not merely paltry but pitiful and wretched, while Kaidu was a genius and also a hero. He was loved in the West very greatly, and his veterans were renowned even among Mongols. Kaidu was exalted by his people for magnanimity and kindness. His boundless bravery and strength of body roused admiration and wonder. He had forty sons and one daughter, named Aiyaruk (Shining Moon), whom Marco Polo states was famous for beauty and still more famous for the strength of her body; she surpassed every warrior of that day, not only among Mongols, but all surrounding nations. This young princess declared that she would marry no man save him who could conquer her in wrestling. When the time came notice was given to every one that Kaidu’s only daughter would marry the man who could throw her in wrestling, but if he were thrown by the princess he would lose a hundred horses. Man after man came till the princess had thrown a hundred suitors and won ten thousand horses. After this hundred came the best man of all, a young hero from a rich remote kingdom, a man who had never met an equal in any land. He felt sure of victory, and brought with him a forfeit of not one hundred, but one thousand horses. Kaidu and the young lady’s mother were charmed with this suitor when they saw him, and, being the son of a great and famous sovereign, begged their daughter to yield in case she were winning in the struggle, but she answered: “I will not yield unless he can throw me. If he throws me, I will marry him.” A day was appointed for the meeting, and an immense audience came to witness the trial. When all the great company was ready the strong maid and the young man came into the courtyard and closed in the struggle. They wrestled with great skill and energy and it seemed for a long time that neither could conquer the other, but at last the damsel threw the young hero. Immense was the suitor’s confusion as he lay in the courtyard, but he rose and hurried off with all his attendants, leaving the one thousand horses behind him as forfeit.

Kaidu’s warriors mourned the death of their ruler with loud intense wailing. Dua, to whom he had told his last wishes, proposed to the princes who stood round the bier of the sovereign to choose as successor the eldest among the dead man’s forty sons, namely, Chabar, who was then absent. Dua on his part owed much to Chabar. When, after the death of Borak, the members of his family repaired to the court of Kaidu, as custom commanded, Dua, though not the eldest of Jagatai’s descendants, obtained his succession through the influence of Chabar. All present agreed with Dua, and each of the princes sent officers to attend Kaidu’s body to its resting-place.

Chabar arrived very soon, and the princes, with Dua at the head of them, rendered him homage as Kaidu’s successor. When Chabar was installed in Ogotai’s dominion, Dua proposed to acknowledge overlordship of Timur, grandson of Kubilai, and thus end the strife which had raged for three decades in Jinghis Khan’s family. This advice was accepted by Chabar and all other princes, and they sent envoys immediately to offer submission. This pledge of peace was received with great gladness by Timur, who now saw his authority recognized by every member of his family.

But this agreement was short-lived. In the year following, disputes burst forth between Chabar and Dua which involved the two sides of Jinghis Khan’s family. In 1306, at Dua’s persuasion, Timur, who was watchful, of course, and suspicious, attacked Chabar, the son of Kaidu his recent opponent. Chabar was deserted immediately by most of his adherents. He turned in distress then to Dua to support him. Dua treated his guest with distinction, but took that guest’s states from him, and joined Turkistan to Transoxiana. He thus reëstablished well-nigh in completeness the dominions of Jagatai, which Kaidu had dismembered.

So Chabar, the successor of Kaidu of Kuyuk and of Ogotai, was the last real sovereign descended from Ogotai, son of Jinghis; that Ogotai to whom the great conqueror had given supreme rule in the world of the Mongols; Ogotai, whose descendants, despoiled by Batu, son of Juchi, had won for themselves immense regions through the fruitful activity and genius of Kaidu.

Dua, son of Borak, died in 1306; his son, Gundjuk, who succeeded him, held power one year and a half only. After Gundjuk’s death supreme power was next captured by Taliku, who through Moatagan was descended from Jagatai. Taliku had grown old in combats; a Mohammedan by religion, he strove to spread his belief among Mongols.

Meanwhile two princes, descended from Jagatai, insisted, weapons in hand, that the throne belonged by right to a son of Dua; these two were vanquished. Many others were preparing to avenge the defeat which these men had suffered when Taliku was killed at a banquet by officers who wished to raise a son of their former sovereign, Dua, to dominion. The conspirators then proclaimed Dua’s youngest son, Gebek (1308). This prince was barely installed when Chabar, leagued with other princes descended from Kaidu, attacked him. Chabar being vanquished in this struggle, crossed the Ili. Only a few followers went with him, and he and they found a refuge in the lands of the Emperor. After this victory over Chabar, which destroyed every hope among Ogotai’s descendants, the Jagatai branch held a Kurultai at which they chose Issen Buga, a brother of Gebek, as their ruler. This prince, who was then in the territory of the Grand Khan, came for the sovereignty, which Gebek gave him with willingness. After Issen Buga’s death,—we know not when it happened,—Gebek received power and used it.

Bloody quarrels of this kind brought ruin to Turkistan regions and to Transoxiana. Prosperity could not exist long with such sovereigns. When the fruit of any labor grew evident it was pounced upon straightway. The whole life of that land was passed in confusion, bloodshed and anarchy.

Timur, the Grand Khan at Ta tu, was forty-two years of age when he died in 1307, after a reign of thirteen years. During his last illness a decree was issued forbidding the killing of any animal for forty-two days; still he died. He was a sovereign well liked by the Chinese, who praised his humanity and prudence. Humane he seems to have been to some extent. Princes and princesses of the Jinghis Khan line had held boundless power over vassals and people who served them till Timur declared that no prince whatever should put to death any one without his confirmation. He founded an Imperial College at Ta tu and built a magnificent palace in honor of Confucius.

Before he mounted the throne Timur, like so many men of his family and race, had been an unrestrained, boundless drinker; his grandfather, Kubilai, reprimanded him frequently and bastinadoed him thrice for his conduct. At last physicians were sent to see that he ate and drank within reason, but an alchemist, whose duty it was to attend him in the bathing house, filled his bath tub with wine or other liquor instead of water. Kubilai heard of this trick, and when Timur clung to his favorite, Kubilai had the man exiled and then killed on the journey. But Timur, when made Emperor, forsook his intemperance and became as abstemious as he had been irrestrainable aforetime.

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