CHAPTER XVI

EXPEDITION AGAINST CHINA AND DEATH OF OGOTAI

In 1234 a great Kurultai was summoned by Ogotai at Talantepe, and one at Kara Kurum, his new capital, the year following. At the second Kurultai it was decided to make three great expeditions: One against the Sung Empire; another to bring down Corea, which had shaken off Mongol rule; a third to countries north of the Caspian, the Caucasus and the Black Sea, and westward indefinitely. The Grand Khan wished to march himself with this last expedition, but at the instance of princes of his family he yielded, and appointed Batu, second son of Juchi, to chief command in those regions.

An army under Hukatu was sent to the borders of Cashmir and India. Persia had been reconquered by Chormagun. Jelal ud din had perished in 1231, there was no male descendant of the Kwaresmian Shah, and Iran was governed by Mongol officials.

The attack on Corea was of easy execution, but the expedition against China was difficult, and to it we will turn in advance of the others.

After the destruction of the Kin dynasty the Mongols disregarded their agreement with the Sung sovereign and yielded up merely a small part of Honan, a southeastern bit of that province, joining all the rest to their own immense Empire. Chao fan and Chao kwe, two Imperial princes, were indignant at this perfidy, and explained to their Emperor, that the Hoang Ho was the true northern boundary of the Empire, to which southern Shen si should be added; they urged the need of using force to win that which had been refused them, that which was theirs, both by right and agreement. They must regain their ancient capitals: Pien king, Lo yang, and Si ngan fu. Members of the council declared that this policy would bring back the Mongols, that it would be disastrous to send warriors from afar to hold ruined cities which they would have to provision, moreover the Empire lacked money, trained troops, and good generals. The Emperor Li tsong was deaf to these arguments, and gave command promptly to march on Pien king with a corps of ten thousand.

Meanwhile Tsui li, who had given Pien king to the Mongols, was made master in that capital. The three chiefs, who served under him, were so incensed at his arrogance, that they swore to destroy the vile traitor. The moment these men heard that a Sung general was advancing with an army they declared to him their submission by letter, feigning meanwhile to work in accord with Tsui li the deceiver and tyrant. To carry out their plot better Li po yuan, one of the three, had fire set to a gate of the city, Tsui li hurried to the place and when he arrived there Li po yuan, who had gone with him, plunged a dagger blade into his body so deftly that Tsui li fell from his horse and died near the feet of the animal. Soldiers posted at the gate for the purpose attacked the attendants of the dead man and finished them promptly.

Tsui li’s body was tied to the tail of a horse and dragged to the palace, where Li po yuan spoke to the people in these words: “Tsui li was a murderer, a robber, a tyrant, a debauchee, and an infamous traitor. No man so evil as he has lived in old times, or in our day. Did he merit death?” “To chop such a man into bits while alive would be very small punishment!” shouted out thousands. His head was exposed to the people and his body was made a burnt offering to the spirit of Nin kia su, the late Emperor. Tsuan tse tsai, the Sung general, occupied Pien king, and his force was strengthened soon by another of fifty thousand. From these two armies reinforcements were sent to Lo yang without waiting.

On hearing that Li tsong had invaded Honan Ogotai began action immediately. His troops surprised, near Lo yang, a second Sung corps fifteen thousand in number, which marching from Pien king to Lo yang had pitched its camp at the Ho on the bank of that river. The Mongols scattered this corps and camped near the walls of the city. The Chinese issued forth and engaged them. Neither side won, but the Sung troops were forced to abandon Lo yang through a dearth of provisions. Through lack of food also the Sung generals left Pien king and turned southward. The cities of Northern Honan were nearly deserted, and all of them suffered from hunger.

Ogotai recalled Subotai, whom he destined for Europe, and sent to the Sung court an envoy to reproach it with oath breaking. Li tsong sent his envoy to Kara Kurum to allay the coming tempest, but the journey was useless, war had been fixed at the Kurultai. Three army corps were now to attack the Sung Empire, one under command of Prince Kutan, Ogotai’s second son, aided by Tagai, a general who was to invade Su chuan, that great western province; a second, under Prince Kutchu, the third son of Ogotai, while the generals Temutai and Chauju were to march on Hu kuang and subject it. In Kiang nan a third army was to act under Chagan and Prince Khon Buga.

Kutan marched through Shen si and, while passing Chung changan, received from the governor the submission of that city, the only one in all the Kin Empire which had not yielded to the Mongols. Kutan left the governor in office, but commanded him to march with his warriors who were placed in the vanguard. Kutan passed through Han chong southwestward, took Mian chiu, whose commandant Gao kia was killed during battle. Chao yan na, the governor of Han chung, hastened to occupy Tsing yen, the key of Su chuan, and was besieged there by Mongols, but Tsao yuan, the commandant of Lu chiu, hurried forward to help him, and drove the Mongol chief northward. Next Tsao threw himself on Ta an, besieged by Wang shi hien, saved that city, at least for a season, and retired, after defeating a large Mongol force in the neighborhood.

These successes were gained over Kutan’s advance guard. When his main forces appeared the Chinese, who were greatly inferior in numbers, met them between Su chuan and Shen si, in wild mountain defiles, but had to flee near Yang ping and cease their resistance. After this victory the Mongols entered Su chuan without serious effort. In one month they took many cities, seized the best parts of the province, and massacred multitudes of people. The governor of Wen chau, unable to defend the place, poisoned his family, cremated their bodies, burned up what belonged to the treasury, burned his own property, his diploma of office, and then stabbed himself as the Mongols were bursting into the city. His lieutenant was chopped into bits by the victors, who put to the sword every soul that remained, both of troops and inhabitants.

When he had ruined Su chuan in the west Prince Kutan went back to Shen si, and the Chinese returned to their ruins. In 1237 Ching tu was reoccupied by the Chinese, but in 1239 Tagai, Kutan’s assistant, reëntered Su chuan, captured many places, took Ching tu and sacked it a second time. He wished now to enter Hu kuang, the next province, by Kwei chiu, a city on the north bank of the river Yang tse, but Meng kong, the Sung general, had put western Hu kuang into such a good state of defence, that this plan was a failure; he even took Kwei chiu from the Mongols.

Meanwhile Prince Kutchu, whose chief camp was at Teng chu in Honan, entered Hu kuang in 1236. To him the commandants of Siang yang fu surrendered the city with immense stores in it. Kutchu took Tsao yang, he took also Li ngan, but died shortly after.

Prince Kutchu was beloved greatly by Ogotai, and to him he had destined the Empire.

Temutai laid siege now to King chiu, but Meng kong, who was sent by the governor of the province, defeated him at the walls of the city and freed twenty thousand Chinese who were captives.

At the end of 1237 Khon Buga, the Mongol prince, captured three cities abandoned by their commandants, and advanced to Hoang chiu on the river Yang tse and besieged the place, but was forced later on to withdraw from it. He laid siege to another large city the year following but failed to take it.

In 1238 the Mongol general, Chagan, invested Liu chiu, a city of Kiang nan; a sudden and vigorous sortie forced his withdrawal, and he lost some part of his force while retreating. In 1239 Meng kong gained three victories over the Mongols and captured four cities. In February, 1240, Wang tsie, the Mongol envoy, appeared at the Sung court for the fifth time, with offers of peace which were rejected. Wang tsie died before his mission was ended, and the Sung governor delivered his body to the Mongols. In the beginning of 1240 also a number of Mongol army corps marched by various roads into China. No further mention, however, of fighting is made till after Ogotai’s death the year following.

While Mongol armies were attacking Corea, ravaging China, devastating Russia, Hungary, and Poland, and spreading dismay throughout Western Europe, Ogotai was passing his time in delights, enjoying the chase, and his own taste for drinking. At Kara Kurum, where he had built a magnificent palace called the Ordu Balik and by thirty-seven relays of posts connected the city with China, he passed only one month of the springtime, the rest of that season he lived a day’s journey from the capital, in a palace called Kertchagan built by Persians, who strove to outdo or to rival those architects from China who at Kara Kurum had shown what their skill was. From Kertchagan he went back to Kara Kurum for some days and then passed the summer at Ormektua where he held court in a white Chinese tent, lined with silk embroidered with gold very deftly. In this tent, known as the Sarai Ordu, or Golden Horde, there was room for one thousand persons. The Grand Khan spent forty days at Lake Kosa. From there he went to Ongki near the Great Gobi desert where he lived all the winter; that was the time of grand hunting and field sports. In this region Ogotai had an enormous corral, or inclosure of earth and stakes called chehik. It was six miles in circuit, and had many doors to it. Troops stationed at long distances on all sides had orders to advance on this central inclosure and urge forward beasts, driving them through the doors into this immense roofless prison. Game was killed first by the Grand Khan and then by his family, permission going down by degrees till common men had their chance finally.

Ogotai drank to excess, for which Jinghis had reprimanded him frequently. Jagatai, to whom he deferred very notably, charged an official to see that he drank only a given number of cups each evening. Ogotai dared not disobey his elder brother, but he eluded the order by using larger cups, and the officer was silent.

One day Ye liu chu tsai brought in an iron ring greatly rusted by wine. “If wine acts on iron in this way, how must it injure the stomach?” said Chu tsai. This example struck Ogotai greatly, but he could not shake off the habit. One day in March, 1241, he fell ill after hunting. Turakina, his wife, alarmed very seriously, turned to Chu tsai hoping that he might bring Heaven to restore the Grand Khan to her. Chu tsai counseled just deeds and benevolence. “Power has been given by the Khan,” said he, “to men who sell places, and traffic in justice. Innocent people are groaning in prison because they have revolted against the wrongs done them. Let an amnesty be issued.” Turakina wished to have the amnesty published immediately, but the minister told her that this could be done only at Ogotai’s order.

When the Khan came again to his senses all men imprisoned, or exiled, were pardoned. He regained his health that time, but a new attack came some months later. Against Chu tsai’s advice he had hunted five days in succession. On the way from the field he sat drinking till midnight. The sixth morning his body was lifeless. This Grand Khan had reigned nearly thirteen years, and was fifty-six years of age at his death hour, December 11, 1241. He was mild for a Mongol of that time, fond of luxury and generous in gift giving. He was tolerant of the various religions, and in general very amiable considering his position. He was fond of hunting and wrestling, often sending to Persia for renowned wrestlers. He was a statesman as well as conqueror, and framed laws which held the Mongol Empire together for a long period.

After Ogotai’s death all the roads to his residence were guarded immediately, so that no man might leave the place and couriers were sent off in every direction to stop travelers wherever they might find them, till the members of the Grand Khan’s family had officially received the tidings of his death.

Ogotai had appointed Kutchu, his third son, to be his successor, but this young prince died in Hu kuang five years earlier, 1236. Shiramun, son of Kutchu, had been at the court, and Ogotai destined him also to Empire. But Turakina, a self-willed and determined woman, wished Kuyuk, her own eldest son, to be chief of all Mongols. Kuyuk, born in 1206, had served against the Kin Empire; later he had gone to the west with Batu. Ogotai had ordered him back very recently, and he was on the way home when he heard of the death of his father.

Princes of the blood and chiefs of the army received invitations from Ogotai’s widow to assemble for the Kurultai; meanwhile at the instance of Jagatai and others the regency was given to Turakina. The regency began by ejecting Ching kai the grand chancellor, an Uigur. A Mohammedan, Abd ur Rahman, who had come some time earlier to Mongolia with merchandise, had won the good-will of Turakina completely; a short time before Ogotai’s death he had offered to farm all the revenues of China. Chu tsai had fixed the income of parts lying north of the Hoang Ho at five hundred thousand ounces of silver. After Honan had been conquered the receipts rose to one million one hundred thousand. Abd ur Rahman offered two million two hundred thousand; Chu tsai replied that five millions might be collected, but that sum, he said, would be grievous to tax payers. Turakina, putting aside the advice of Chu tsai, now gave Abd ur Rahman control of the finances of the Empire. It is stated that Chu tsai, foreseeing the destruction of all that he had labored for, grew despondent and died of grief. In any case this remarkable man died June, 1244, at the age of fifty-five years. By his influence over Ogotai he had saved many lives. He had also founded two colleges, one at Yan King, the other at Pin Yan in Shan si, and published a work on astronomy.

Soon after Ogotai’s death Temugu, his uncle, who was Jinghis Khan’s youngest brother, approached the Khan’s residence with his army, and made a faint move toward a seizure of the Empire. Turakina sent to ask why he came to “his daughter” so numerously attended, and sent him his son, who had been living at Ogotai’s residence. On hearing that Kuyuk had arrived from the west and had reached the Imil where his yurta was established Temugu dropped his plan, and replied that he wished to condole with his daughter on the loss of her husband; after that he withdrew to his own place.

The assembly to elect a new sovereign was to be at Talantepe, but did not meet till 1246, because of Batu’s endless loitering. Batu liked neither Kuyuk, nor the regent, his mother, and feigned to have a sore leg which prevented his traveling. As he was the eldest prince of the family the other members were loath to elect a new sovereign in his absence.

At the prayer of the regent Batu at last gave his word to be present at the Kurultai, but he came not, so the Kurultai was assembled without him, and Kuyuk was elected.

Turakina died two months after Kuyuk was made Grand Khan, thereupon the many enemies of Fatima, a Persian woman, the adviser and intimate of Turakina, conspired to destroy her. She was accused by a Samarkand Moslem, named Shira, of having brought on Prince Kutan, Kuyuk’s brother, the disease from which he was suffering at that time. Kutan sent an officer to Kuyuk to complain of Fatima, and demand that she be punished should his illness prove fatal. Kutan died, hence Kuyuk commanded the trial of Fatima. She was bastinadoed and tortured till she declared herself guilty. Every opening of her body save her nose was sewed up and closed tightly; after suffering dreadful anguish for a time she was wrapped in felt blankets firmly and thrown into a river; her friends were put to death also. The turn came soon to Shira himself who, accused of bewitching a son of Kuyuk, was put to death with his wife and whole family.

Kuyuk, suffering from gout, the result of drink and dissipation, set out in 1248, during spring, for his own domains to find a more favoring climate. Siur Kukteni, Tului’s widow, fearing lest Kuyuk might be hostile to her nephew Batu, who had not come to do homage, warned the latter to be on his guard at all seasons. There was no reason, however, for this caution, since Kuyuk died on the road, being seven days’ journey from Bish Balik, the Uigur capital.

After Kuyuk’s death, which took place in his forty-third year, the usual precautions were taken to keep back the news till the principal chiefs of the family were informed of it. All ways were stopped and information was sent to Siur Kukteni, and to Batu.

Batu had set out at last from the banks of the Volga to give the new sovereign due homage, and had come to Alaktak when news of Kuyuk’s sudden death reached him. He halted at once under pretext of resting his horses and, observing the national usage, gave his consent to the regency to Ogul Gaimish, who held the first place among Kuyuk’s consorts. She was the daughter of Kutuk, chief of the Uirats. Meanwhile Batu called a Kurultai at Alaktak. The descendants of Ogotai refused to attend, since the Kurultai should be held, as they said, in the land of the Mongols. They sent, however, Timur Noyon, governor of Kara Kurum, with full powers to act for them, and to confirm the decisions of Batu, and the majority of princes.

At this Kurultai, composed mainly of Juchi’s descendants and those of Tului, that is descendants of Jinghis Khan’s youngest and eldest sons, Ilchi Kidai of the Jelairs declared that they had engaged to choose no man as sovereign unless a descendant of Ogotai so long as that branch remained living. “Yes,” answered Kubilai, son of Tului, “but ye were the first to infringe Jinghis Khan’s laws, and disregard Ogotai’s will. Ye put Altalun, Jinghis’ daughter, to death without reference to Jinghis Khan’s statute that no descendant of his may suffer death until judged by an assembly of his or her equals. Ye put Kuyuk on the throne in defiance of Ogotai, who had appointed Shiramun to succeed him.”

These two complaints were brought up by those who had determined to take the throne from descendants of Ogotai. Batu, who was also their enemy, had agreed with Siur Kukteni, to elect her eldest son, Mangu. This widow of Tului had an all powerful support in the army. The arrangements by which Jinghis had given the greater part of his troops to Tului assured preponderance to this branch. When the throne held an Emperor the combined army was under the sovereign, but in time of interregnum each part of it recognized the authority of that prince to whom it belonged, and who was its only commander. After the death of Tului his army of one hundred and one thousand out of a total of one hundred and thirty passed to his four sons by his chief wife Siur Kukteni: Mangu, Kubilai, Arik Buga and Hulagu. During the minority of these princes their mother, sure of the commander whom she had bound to her, governed with rare judgment the numerous tribes which were subject to her children. Honored by Batu and many other princes it was easy for her to place one of her sons on the throne, since the candidates among Ogotai’s descendants were too young in years yet to be personally considered.

Mangusar, a general, was the first in the assembly to propose Prince Mangu, whose courage and wit he extolled, giving instance of his brilliant career, under Kuyuk, in China, and in western lands under Batu.

But princes offered the throne first of all to Batu, as the eldest of his family. When he refused they begged him to point out a candidate and promised in writing to choose him. Batu refused to do this, but, changing his mind in the night, he deferred the next day to their wishes, and said in the meeting, that to govern the Empire a prince of ability was needed, and one who knew Jinghis Khan’s yassa in all points. In view of this he proposed to them Mangu as his candidate.

This prince refused the great honor, and resisted the prayers of the Kurultai for many days in succession, till his brother rose, and said: “We have all promised to follow Prince Batu’s decision. If it be permitted Mangu to break his word now, other princes may follow his example in future.” Batu applauded these words, and Mangu ceased resistance. The moment he accepted, the whole assembly saluted him. A new Kurultai was appointed for the following spring to be held in Jinghis Khan’s home land near the sources of the Onon and the Kerulon when Mangu was to be recognized by all princes, and by the chiefs of the army.

Ogul Gaimish, Kuyuk’s widow, was to be regent in the meanwhile assisted by her two sons: Khodja and Nagu. The only, or at least the main care of this regency was to dispose of tribute by giving orders in advance on the provinces. Ogul Gaimish was given greatly to sorcery and spent much of her time with magicians. The Mongol Empire was thus left to many evil influences.

Khodja and Nagu disavowed the agents who in their names had voted for Mangu. They informed Batu, that they could not hold to decisions of a Kurultai assembled far from the land of Jinghis, and moreover imperfect. Batu enjoined on them to visit the coming Kurultai, and added that the princes had chosen the man whom they held the best fitted to govern the Empire, and that their choice was now made and irrevocable.

The rest of the year passed in fruitless discussions between Mangu’s

## partisans, who strove to bring the malcontents to their way of

thinking, and the competitors of Mangu who protested against the election. Batu sent his two brothers, Berkai and Togha Timur, with a strong corps of troops to escort the new Grand Khan to the Kurultai, and seat him on Jinghis Khan’s throne. The descendants of Ogotai, and the son and successor of Jagatai refused to appear there, declaring that the election of Mangu was illegal, and that the throne belonged by right to a descendant of Ogotai. Agents sent time after time by Batu and Siur Kukteni implored them not to rend the Empire through factiousness. Batu informed them that children were incompetent to manage Jinghis Khan’s great possessions.

The princes persisted, however, in refusing. Berkai, after waiting a year, asked for orders from Batu, who commanded to install Mangu without further discussion, declaring that those who made trouble would pay with their lives for so doing. The princes descended from Juchi and Tului, with the nephews of Jinghis, met at Koitun Ola, the place designated, and made a last effort to bring the heads of the houses of Ogotai and Jagatai to share in the meeting. An officer sent to Ogul Gaimish, and another to Yissu, son of Jagatai, announced that the other princes had assembled, and were waiting. Khodja and Nagu, seeing that opposition was fruitless, gave a promise to come, and fixed the date of arrival. The term passed, but they came not. An order was given to astrologers to name the day and the hour for installation. The installation took place July, 1251, with the ceremonies which were usual and proper. When the princes inside the Imperial pavilion put their girdles on their shoulders and prostrated themselves nine times before Mangu, their example was followed by ten thousand warriors ranged round the tent on the outside.

The Grand Khan commanded that no man should work on that day, that all should forget every quarrel and yield themselves up to rejoicing. He wished to make Nature participate in the festival, and enjoined that no man was to sit on a horse, or put a burden on anything living. No person was to kill an animal, hunt, fish, wound the earth by digging, or otherwise, or trouble the calm of the waters, or their purity.

On the morrow a rich feast was given by Mangu in a tent of rare stuffs and great splendor. At his right sat the princes descended from Jinghis, at his left the princesses. A similar feast was given each day for seven days in succession. Each day every guest wore a dress of new color; each day three hundred horses and bullocks with five thousand sheep were eaten, while two thousand cart loads of wine and kumis were drunk to drive away thirst and console the great company.

In the midst of this feasting and pleasure a man, known as Kishk, made his way to the Grand Khan’s pavilion with the statement that he had discovered a plot against Mangu and the princes assembled. He declared that while looking for a mule which had strayed from him he fell in with a body of men going forward with carts, which at first he had thought to be filled with supplies for the Kurultai. He came on a lad and walked for a time with him. The lad mistook Kishk for one of the party, and asked the mule owner to help him in fixing his cart which was injured. Kishk turned to assist; and seeing the cart filled with arms asked the lad why he was taking them. “I have the same as the others,” replied he. Kishk was astonished at this, and after some cautious inquiries discovered that the princes Shiramun, Nagu and Khodja were going to the Kurultai to make use of the moment when all would be drunk to finish Mangu and his followers. Kishk declared that through eagerness to tell what he knew at the earliest he had made in one day three days’ journey.

The story was received with astonishment at first, and seemed altogether unreal. Kishk was asked to repeat it, so he told all the details again and in such fashion this time that every doubt vanished. Each prince wished to go himself and look into the matter. It was decided to send Mangusar, the chief general, and the first person who in the Kurultai proposed that Mangu should be raised to the throne; with him went two or three thousand men. The princes were not more than two days from the Ordu.

Mangusar reached their camp very early in the morning and, having surrounded it, approached the tent of the princes with one hundred horsemen. He called to them that it had been reported to Mangu that they were coming with evil intentions. If that were false they could clear themselves quickly by going to the Ordu at once. If they would not go, he had orders to take them. The princes came out of their tent, and, seeing that their camp was surrounded, said that they were on the way to give homage to Mangu, and were about to continue their journey. They were forced, however, to follow Mangusar, and were permitted to take only twenty men with them as an escort.

Arriving at the Ordu they offered their presents by nines according to Mongol custom. The first two days they took part in the festival unquestioned, but on the third day the three princes were arrested when ready to enter the Grand Khan’s pavilion. Next day Mangu himself questioned them. He began by saying that, though the charges might seem improbable, he was bound to convince himself and thus destroy all suspicions against them, and punish their accusers.

The princes denied the whole story with firmness. Mangu questioned Shiramun’s governor, who was forced by the bastinado to avow the conspiracy, but it was made, he declared, by him and his officers without knowledge of the princes; after these words he drew his own sabre and killed himself. A commission of generals under Mangusar was formed to report on the confessions of the officers of the three princes from whom the avowal of a plot was at last forced.

Mangu wished to pardon these officers, but his generals and relatives declared that he should not let slip that chance to be rid of his enemies. Yielding to this advice he had the officers put in irons; still he wavered and again asked advice of his chief men. They advised him one after another, but even then he continued irresolute. At last seeing Mahmud Yelvadje, the one man who till then had kept silence, he summoned him and asked why he said nothing. Yelvadje cited Alexander, who sent a confidant to ask Aristotle how to treat a detected conspiracy. Aristotle took the man to a garden; while they were walking he ordered to pull up some well rooted trees and plant feeble saplings instead of them. No other answer was given. The man went back and told Alexander, who understood; he had all the conspirators slain, and sent their young sons to replace them.

Mangu, struck by the story, put to death seventy officers. Among them were two sons of Ilchi Kidai then in Persia. Stones were forced into the mouths of these sons who were stifled in that way; the father was arrested in Khorassan and conveyed to Batu who took life from him. The three princes were pardoned through the intercession of Mangu’s mother.

In February, 1252, Mangu lost his mother, Siur Kukteni. She was a niece of Wang Khan and a Christian; they buried her next to her husband, Tului. In August, 1252, Mangu went to Kara Kurum to judge hostile princes and princesses. With Ogul Gaimish, he was especially angry, since she, when summoned to render him homage, had answered that Mangu and the other princes had sworn not to choose a Grand Khan unless from among the descendants of Ogotai. Both hands and arms of Ogul Gaimish were sewed up in a leather bag, and she with Shiramun’s mother was taken to the residence of Siur Kukteni. Mangusar stripped her there of all clothing and then proceeded to interrogate. She reproached him indignantly with exposing her body, which had never been seen by any man save a sovereign. Both women were declared guilty of trying to kill Mangu by magic. They were rolled up in felt rugs and drowned immediately. The sons of these two women confessed that their mothers had incited them not to recognize Mangu. Kadak and Chinkai, the chief counsellors of Ogul Gaimish, were put to death also. Buri, the grandson of Jagatai, was delivered to Batu, who had him killed in revenge for words used when in liquor.

The three princes were spared by Mangu in view of their kinship: Khodja was sent to Suligai, east of Kara Kurum; Nagu and Shiramun were ordered to the army. When Kubilai was going, some time later, to China, Mangu as a favor let him take Shiramun on that journey, but when Mangu himself went to China he had Shiramun drowned, through mistrust of this young man, who had been destined to the throne by his grandfather. The greater part of Ogotai’s descendants were sent to various places and deprived of the troops which were theirs by inheritance. Mangu gave those troops to other princes devoted to his person. He spared only Kadan Melik and the sons of Prince Kutan, who had come with good grace to give homage. He not only left them their troops, but gave each man one of Ogotai’s ordus, and one of his widows.

Not content with punishing the highest, Mangu wished to strike down throughout the empire all who had signified attachment to Ogotai. He had the power to act thus, for his armies formed one immense chain from Eastern Mongolia to Otrar. Belu, a judge, was despatched to discover offenders, and punish them with death, in the countries of Jagatai, while a second inquisitor was sent to the armies in China. Two corps were sent at the same time to the Kirghis and the Kemjuts.

Strong now on his throne through destruction of enemies, Mangu dismissed all the princes and generals who had come to the Kurultai. Berkai and Togha Timur received splendid gifts for themselves, and for Batu, their brother. Kara Hulagu received the inheritance of Jagatai, his grandfather, and was charged to put to death Yissu, his uncle, placed on the throne by Kuyuk, the late sovereign. Kara Hulagu died on the way to his possessions, but Organa, his widow, carried out the sentence on Yissu, and took the inheritance.

Mangu, to reward the mule driver Kishk, made him a Terkhan, and gave him much treasure.

The fate of the Uigur sovereign shows how Mongol Khans treated their vassals. We remember Bardjuk, the Idikut, very well in connection with Jinghis, whom he followed most faithfully. As recompense Jinghis gave the Idikut his daughter Altun Bighi in marriage. This marriage was deferred by the death of the conqueror. Ogotai wished to carry out the desire of his father, but before he could do so Altun Bighi herself died, and Bardjuk died soon after. Bardjuk’s son Kishmain went to Ogotai’s court and received his father’s title of Idikut, or sovereign among the Uigurs. He too died soon after, and Turakina, the regent, appointed her brother Salendi to the Uigur dynasty.

This new Idikut, who was a Buddhist, made haste to give homage to Mangu at the time of his accession, but just after he had started a slave accused him of planning to slay all Mohammedans, not only in the capital, but throughout the whole Uigur kingdom, when assembled in their mosques on a Friday. One of Mangu’s officials received the accusation and sent a messenger straightway for the Idikut. Salendi returned without delay to Bish Balik and was confronted with the slave, who told the whole plan minutely. Salendi denied every point with great firmness. The slave demanded to take the affair to Mangu to be judged by him. Seif ud din, the official, sent him to the Grand Khan, and soon after the Idikut was summoned for trial. Questioned and put to torture, he ended by confessing that he was guilty. The Grand Khan sent him back to Bish Balik for execution. On a Friday his head was cut off by his own brother, Okendji. Two of his higher officials, condemned as accomplices, met death by having their bodies cut in four pieces crosswise. A third man, named Bela, was condemned to death also, but Mangu, wishing to win from High Heaven the cure of his mother, reprieved all who were sentenced to death upon that day. Bela was already at the place of execution and stripped of his garments when grace came, but his children and wives and his possessions were taken and he was sent on a mission to Syria and Egypt.

When Mongol princes granted life to a criminal he was either sent to the army, where he might die with some profit to his sovereign, or he was employed on a perilous mission, or was sent to some country with a death-dealing climate.

The slave who had accused Salendi got his recompense and became a Mohammedan. When he returned to Bish Balik after the death of the Idikut, he roused so much terror in the Uigurs who would be endangered by his ill-will that they hastened to pay court to him and offer rich presents.

After Mangu had rid himself of all the Uigurs who might favor Ogotai’s descendants he gave the kingdom to Okendji, who had been his own brother’s executioner.

After Ogotai’s death the Mongol forces, disposed on the southern border of what had been once the Kin Empire, made attacks from time to time on Su chuan, Kiang nan and Hu kuang; they merely ravaged, took cities, and retired then with booty. It might be said that in Mangu’s reign the only thing favorable to Mongols was the death of Meng kong, the greatest general of China, the man who had frequently stopped them, and often defeated their forces.

In 1252 Mangu gave Honan to Kubilai, his brother, as an appanage, and a part of Shen si with it also. In the same year, having previously consulted Chinese sages as to all needful and proper details, he made a great sacrifice to Heaven from a mountain top. The year following he directed that a census be taken of the people in Russia. Yun nan was made up at that time of several small kingdoms, independent for the greater part. Toward the end of 1252 Wang te chen, a commander of Mongols, made some advance in Su chuan. He pillaged Ching tu, and took Kia ting fu, thirty leagues to the south of it, thus opening Kubilai’s way to him. Kubilai in October, 1253, marched from Lin taow, where he had assembled an army. Under him was Uriang Kadai whose father, Subotai, had done most toward Mangu’s elevation. Uriang Kadai was charged by the Grand Khan with the real command of this expedition.

Kubilai traversed all Su chuan, and after a march of great trials, over mountains which seemed quite impassable for an army, he crossed on rafts the Kin sha (Golden Sand), a large river. The king of the Mussu man, the first people beyond the Kin sha, submitted. The sovereign of the next people, the Pe man, made no resistance, but his nephew defended the capital. Kubilai took the city, and put the nephew to death, but he spared the inhabitants.

Tali, the capital of Nan chao, received Mongol rule without fighting. Yao shu, his adviser, told Kubilai how Tsao pin, sent by a Sung Emperor to seize Nan shan, did the work without killing a person, and even without stopping any traffic in the city. Kubilai declared that he would show a like wonder. Shortly after this he mounted his stallion, and arriving at the walls of Tali, he unfurled silk banners, on which it was written in large characters that to kill man or woman was forbidden under penalty of death. In virtue of this statement on the flags, and possibly for some other cause also, Tali opened its gates, and this conquest cost only five lives, those of the city’s two commandants, who slew the three officers sent to ask for surrender.

Kubilai did not go beyond Tali; he returned to Mongolia and left Uriang Kadai to master those southern regions. After Nan chao, the Mongol chief attacked and subjected the Tupo or Tibetans, a war-loving people, between one and two millions in number. Many of these entered his army, which was thereby strengthened greatly. Some even served in the vanguard and acted as scouts in attacking.

Towards the end of 1254 Uriang Kadai left his armies in the field, and returned to Mongolia to report to Mangu the work done in the south beyond China. Sent back the next year, he entered through Lower Tibet, and continued his conquests. The kingdom of Ava as well as two others, was either subjected or terrified into yielding. Two years later, in 1257, the Mongol general appeared on the edge of Tung king (Gan nan) and summoned its sovereign, Chen chi kung, a vassal of the Sung Emperor, to own himself tributary to Mangu. Since his envoys did not return to him the general entered Gan nan and marched to the Tha River, which runs through the whole kingdom lengthwise. On the opposite bank he saw the enemy’s army with an immense force of elephants in order of battle. The Mongols, disposed in three parts, crossed and routed the enemy. The king hurried into a boat, sailed with the current and fled to an island; a part of his army escaped in boats also.

Uriang Kadai ordered Che she tu to lead a division to the other bank of the river, but not to give battle till the rest of the army had crossed over. Che she tu was to seize all the boats, or take a stand between them and the enemy. Instead of obeying he put the enemy to flight before the other divisions could cross and prevented thereby the capture of the army. Uriang Kadai in his rage gave a biting reproof and threatened a trial, whereupon Che she tu immediately took poison and died.

Kiao chi, the Gan nan capital, surrendered, and now Uriang Kadai found his envoys in prison. They had been bound with bamboo cords so firmly that the bonds had entered their flesh, and one of the men died the same hour in which he was liberated. Uriang Kadai was so enraged at this spectacle, that he gave up the city to be sacked by his warriors.

After his troops had taken nine days of rest, he turned northward for a time to escape the great heat of the region. In 1258 the Gan nan king, Chen chi kung, resigned in favor of his eldest son, Chen kuang ping. The latter now sent his son-in-law and many great lords on an embassy to Mangu, who at that time was marching against the Sung empire.

In 1256 Mangu had assembled a Kurultai at a place called Orbolgetu. During two months he treated the princes of his house with magnificence. All other guests summoned thither he met in the same way, and gave them rich presents. At this time came the submission of Corea, which, since 1247, had ceased to pay tribute. The success of Mongol arms in that country forced the king to render homage in person.

Kubilai’s kindness and justice made him very popular in China. Because of this, and of calumny, Mangu became jealous, thinking that his brother wished empire. Hence in 1257 Kubilai was recalled, and replaced straightway by Alemdar. Alemdar arrested a number of Kubilai’s fiscal agents and put them to death, saving two, touching whom he was waiting for the Grand Khan’s decision. Kubilai suffered keenly, his life was in danger, and he hesitated seriously in action. The sage Yao shu, his adviser, declared that since he was the first subject of his sovereign, he should give an example of obedience. This Chinese sage advised a return to Mongolia with his family as the best way to soften the suspicions of his brother and remove every danger. This advice was regarded and followed. When they met the two brothers could not restrain tears. No reference was made to Chinese matters. Alemdar was recalled, and his commission was ended.

Mongol conquests in the south encircled the Sung Empire; the one question now was to completely subdue that country. There was an old pretext for attacking the Empire: In 1241 Turakina, the regent, had sent an envoy, Yuli massa, to make peace proposals and discuss them. This envoy was arrested as soon as he touched Sung territory, and imprisoned in a fortress with his suite of seventy persons. The envoy died shortly after, but the members of his suite were detained in the fortress until 1254. That year the Mongols besieged Ho chiu, before which they were defeated by Wang kian, the city governor. The Chinese, to show how much peace was desired by them, freed the suite of the late envoy, or at least those who were still living.

In October, 1257, Mangu set out for the Sung Empire, leaving government at home to Arik Buga, his brother, with Alemdar as an assistant. In May of the following year he marched to Shen si and fixed his camp near the Liu pan mountains, made famous by the death of his grandfather. In August, three months later, he advanced to Su chuan, his first field of

## action.

Mangu had adopted an elaborate plan by which Su chuan, Hu kuang and Kiang nan would be attacked simultaneously. He would march against Su chuan with an army in three divisions; a second army, under Kubilai, would lay siege to Wu chang, where Uriang Kadai was to join him after marching directly from Gan nan (Tung king) through the provinces of Kuang si and Kwei chiu. Togachar, son of the Utchugen, was to strike King shan in the province of Kiang nan with a third army.

Niuli with a strong force, preceding the Emperor, moved on Ching tu, where Adaku, a Mongol commander, was besieged by Liu ching, a Sung general, whom Niuli defeated, thus relieving the city. After that he marched forward, but no sooner had he gone than the place was attacked by Pu ko chi, the Su chuan governor. Adaku was killed in the action which followed, and the city was taken by the governor. Niuli turned back then and thrust in his forces between Ching tu and the Sung army outside it. Through lack of provisions the city surrendered a second time, but now to the Mongols, and the Sung army then retreated. Niuli received the submission of many places in that region and the rank of general-in-chief was conferred on him as reward.

Meanwhile the Grand Khan arrived at Han chung and wished greatly to capture Ku chu yai, a fortress twenty leagues west of Pao ning and commanding the road through the mountains. Niuli left at Ching tu a strong garrison and marched to take this mountain stronghold. Chang shi, a Sung general captured recently, was sent in advance to persuade the commandant of Ku chu yai to surrender. Chang shi entered the city, but, instead of persuading the commandant to surrender, or trying to persuade him and then returning to Niuli, he remained in the stronghold.

Mangu himself now marched against the place and, overcoming all obstacles, brought his army up to it. After ten days of siege work one gate of the city was surrendered by Chao chung, a traitorous officer of the garrison. The Mongols entered in secret, but there was soon a fierce and keen struggle in the streets, during which Yang li, the commandant, was killed and the garrison scattered. The house of Chao chung, the traitor, was spared in the looting and destruction which followed; he himself was rewarded with a rich robe of honor, and the command of a city. Chang shi, the Sung general who did not, or would not persuade the city to surrender, was captured a second time, and next day the Grand Khan had him quartered, that is, his body was cut lengthwise and crosswise. After this, much of Western Su chuan was subjected. The struggle was stubborn and desperate in some parts; in others there was only indifference, or treason. On February 18, 1259, the Mongol New Year, a great feast was given by Mangu, near the mountain Chung kwe. At this feast Togan, a chief of the Jelairs, declared that South China was dangerous through its climate, and that the Grand Khan should go northward for safety. Baritchi of the Erlats called this advice cowardly, and advised the Grand Khan to remain with his army. These words pleased Mangu, who remained, wishing greatly to capture Ho chiu. Tsin ko pao was sent to the city with a summons, but Wang kian had him slain as a traitor immediately.

Now began the siege of Ho chiu, very famous for stubbornness on both sides. Yang ta yuan, the investing commander of the Mongols, began the

## action, but Mangu himself arrived soon with the bulk of his forces and

took his position in front of this city, which stood between the Kia ling and Fiu Rivers. During March and April a number of assaults were delivered. In May there was a dreadful tempest and rain poured down for three weeks without ceasing. Each side tried to cut off supplies from the other and harass it. After desperate struggles a division of the Sung forces destroyed a bridge of boats built on the Fiu by the Emperor. Over this bridge the besiegers were bearing provisions. A Sung corps, ascending the Kia ling on a thousand barges, was attacked from both banks by the Mongols, a hundred barges were sunk and the rest driven back to Chung king, whence they started.

In June assaults were very frequent, but with no profit to either side. One night in July a Mongol general scaled the ramparts with picked warriors and held his position till daybreak. Then, seeing Wang kian, the Sung commander, who was about to begin action again, he shouted: “Wang kian, life is granted to warriors, as well as to citizens; it is better to surrender in season.” Barely had he uttered the words when a stone from a catapult killed him. His men on the ramparts were now left unsupported and fled. This was the last attack made on Ho chiu by the Mongols at that time. Their assaults had been many and resolute, and they had lost thousands of men in them; dysentery was raging, Mangu himself had fallen ill of it, and he resolved now to defer all attacks and blockade the position. Leaving three thousand picked men, he led the rest of his troops to Chung king, which he intended to capture, but twelve days later he died (Aug., 1259) at Tiao yu, a mountain one league from Ho chiu, and to the east of it. The chiefs of the army decided to raise the siege and retire toward the north, taking with them the body of their sovereign. Mangu’s son Assutai conducted the corpse to Mongolia, where it was buried, near the graves of Jinghis and Tului.

Mangu was generous but stern by nature. He often distributed largess freely among his troops, but insisted that they should be held under severe discipline at all times. In the Su chuan campaign he strictly forbade his men to plunder. On learning that Assutai, while out hunting, had destroyed a wheatfield, he reproved him sternly and had several of his companions punished. He carried discipline so far that once, when a soldier disobeyed orders and forcibly took an onion from a peasant, he was put to death immediately. Though tolerant of all religions he was superstitious, and under the influence of shamans, an influence apparently baneful. A story is told of one of Mangu’s wives, who, having given birth to a son, summoned a shaman to read the boy’s horoscope. The man predicted long life, but the child died in a few days. Severely censured by the mother, the shaman for self-protection accused a nurse, recently executed for causing by sorcery the death of a princess. The mother, to avenge the death of her child, had the son and daughter of that nurse killed, the first by a man, the latter by a woman. This so angered Mangu that he imprisoned his wife for seven days, and banished her from his presence for a month. He commanded that the man who killed the boy of the nurse should be decapitated and his head hung around the neck of the woman who had killed the girl, then that she should be beaten with blazing firebrands, and put to death.

When Mangu died so unexpectedly, his brothers were far apart. Hulagu was in Syria, Arik Buga was at Kara Kurum, the Mongol capital, and Kubilai, the successor according to the Mongol system, was in China.

Wu chang fu, built along the south bank of the Yang tse directly in front of the Han, must be taken by Kubilai, such was the order which Mangu had given him. In 1258 Kubilai set out for this work from Shang tu, a city which he had founded recently, and which was famed later on as his capital in summer. He advanced slowly, and only in August, 1259, did he halt at the Ju in Honan. He moved thence toward Wu chang fu, and captured strong places near the line of his marching. It was while on this march that he heard of the death of his brother. He made no delay for that reason, however, but crossed the Yang tse in the face of a numerous and active flotilla.

He laid siege at once to Wu chang fu and sent a division of troops to Kiang si, where they captured two cities. These brilliant actions roused fear in Lin ngan (Hang chau), the Sung residence. The Emperor up to this time had not known of the Mongol invasion; for his minister had deceived him systematically, and now he received a vast number of petitions from all sides, declaring the minister a traitor and demanding that death be inflicted for his treason. The Emperor removed the man promptly and replaced him by Kia se tao. Command was given Kia se tao to advance on Wu chang at the head of an army and succor that city. Immense levies were ordered and the Emperor distributed silver and silk to those who took part in making them. The new minister, a man given only to letters, knew nothing of war, or the problem of governing. Moreover, he was desperately reckless, without conscience, and remarkably cunning. His one object was to keep power by all means which his mind could invent. The time favored him greatly, since the Emperor was weak and the court had small honor. The army had no respect for Kia se tao, but he had no thought to save the Sung Empire by fighting, hence disregarded the army. He made offers in secret to Kubilai, who was attacking Wu chang with much vigor. Kia se tao engaged that the Sung Emperor would own himself a vassal of the Grand Khan, the sovereign of the Mongols. Kubilai had received an official account of the death of Mangu, still he rejected the minister’s proposal. But when letters came from his partisans, who urged him to hasten and prevent the attempts to be made by Arik Buga, he consulted his generals, and Hao king, one of them, explained very clearly that Arik Buga, master at Kara Kurum, the home capital, and Duredji, governor of Yen king (now Pekin), the capital of China, would act as one man to exclude him, who as first prince of the blood should be regent and preside at the Kurultai; hence the urgent need that he go to Mongolia immediately. Arik Buga wished supreme rule and Kubilai knew that Alemdar and Duredji would help him to win it in every way possible. Because of all this Kubilai decided to accept the conditions just offered by Kia se tao, which, moreover, were favorable. It was agreed then that the Sung Emperor was to own himself a vassal of the Grand Khan, and give two hundred thousand ounces of silver, with two hundred thousand rolls of silk yearly as tribute. The Yang tse was to be the boundary of his lands.

These conditions concluded, Kubilai marched northward with the best of the cavalry, leaving orders with his generals to await Uriang Kadai. Uriang Kadai had been commanded by Mangu to join Kubilai’s army at Wu chang, bringing with him the thirteen thousand men furnished by subject nations on the south, beyond China. After he had defeated, on the border, armies more numerous by far than his own, he laid siege to Kwei tiu, the capital of Kiang si, defeated a second Chinese army, and reached Southern Hu kuang, where he laid siege to Chang shi. The treaty now made by Kubilai forced him to desist and cross the Yang tse with his forces.

The two southern generals in command of auxiliaries, reduced now from thirteen to five thousand, led the rear guard of the army, and were crossing the river on a bridge built of boats when Kia se tao broke this bridge by sending barges in full sail against it. One hundred and seventy men left on the southern bank were cut down by the minister.

Kia se tao kept the Sung Emperor in ignorance of the treaty, and attributed the Mongol retreat to his own splendid valor and management. The massacre of Uriang Kadai’s rear party was exhibited as a triumph and Kia se tao was summoned to the court to be honored by a brilliant reception.

Kubilai encamped outside the walls of Yen king, and complained to Arik Buga of the levies of men, beasts and money which the latter was making. Arik Buga gave quieting answers; he wished to attract Kubilai and his partisans to the Kurultai which had been summoned. Beyond doubt he either had taken means to assure a majority on his side, or he wished to get Kubilai into his clutches and kill him.

Duredji, who was then at Pekin, urged that Kubilai and the princes in his army proceed to the Kurultai. It was answered, that Kubilai must post his troops first on their cantonments. Duredji sent this answer to Arik Buga, and remained with Kubilai, who went to Shang tu, the place fixed by his adherents for a special election.

Kubilai’s party met, and since the position was so serious as to brook no delay, it was impossible for them to wait for Juchi’s and Jagatai’s descendants or for Hulagu, who was then in Persia. Kubilai was elected immediately and without opposition and placed on the throne with the usual formalities, 1260.—This election was the beginning of a contest which in the sequel destroyed the Mongol Empire.—A deputation of one hundred was now sent to inform Arik Buga of Kubilai’s election and enthronement. Duredji tried to flee, but was arrested and forced to reveal the intrigues of Arik Buga; he was then put in prison. Kubilai appointed Apishga, son of Buri, as successor to Jagatai, and sent him home with his brother, but both these princes were seized in Shen si and taken to Arik Buga, who kept them in prison.

Meanwhile at Kara Kurum Arik Buga was not idle. He sent Alemdar to levy troops among tribes in the north, and distribute silk and silver among them; he sent two other men to Shen si, and these two were able to induce certain governors and generals in China to declare for Arik Buga, who, supported in this way, did not hesitate to take the sovereign title. At the head of his party was Kutuktai, once the chief wife of Mangu. With her were associated Mangu’s sons: Assutai, Yurungtash and Shireki, also several of Jagatai’s grandsons.

The two claimants continued to send envoys to each other all that season without reaching an agreement. In the autumn Arik Buga sent out an army commanded by Karadjar, and by Chumukur, a son of Hulagu. This force was defeated by Kubilai’s vanguard. Discouraged by this check, Arik Buga’s troops scattered, and he himself sought Kirghis regions for protection after he had put to death Apishga and his brother—those two Jagatai princes friendly to Kubilai—and the deputation of one hundred sent with news of that emperor’s election.

In Shen si Arik Buga made no better progress: Straightway after his election Kubilai sent to that province and to Su chuan as governor Lien hi hien, an Uigur by birth, one among the best of his generals. This new governor hastened to Si ngan fu and made Kubilai’s authority triumphant very quickly. Arik Buga’s agents had arrived two days earlier, and were striving to win all that region for their master. The new governor seized those two men and cast them into prison. Learning meanwhile that Kubilai had issued an amnesty which would arrive very soon, he had the two put to death while in prison, and published the edict after its arrival. Three corps of troops led by Prince Kadan were now sent by the governor against Kundukai, Arik Buga’s commander, who, unable to take Si ngan fu and needing reinforcements, withdrew northward to meet Alemdar, who was bringing fresh troops from Mongolia. After these two generals had joined forces, they turned toward the south and were met by Kubilai’s army in Middle Shen si, somewhat east of Kin chau. The battle which followed was stubborn to the utmost, and for some time the issue was doubtful, but at last Arik Buga was surrounded and suffered so bloody and crushing a defeat that the campaign was ended. Kundukai and Alemdar were both killed in this battle, and China was secured to Kubilai, who now moved north and, entering Mongolia, established his camp at the river Ungki for that winter. Kara Kurum lacked supplies and, since it received them from China, Kubilai determined to stop every movement to Mongolia and had means to enforce this decision. Want soon appeared in the capital. Arik Buga was in need of arms and provisions; still he persisted, and transferring to Algu, who was with him, the inheritance of Jagatai, he directed the new Khan to send arms and supplies, and to guard the west strictly, so that no aid might reach Kubilai from Hulagu, or from Berkai. Arik Buga was still in the Kem Kemdjut region, and fearing to make an attack in his weakness, he sent a message to Kubilai saying that he repented and acknowledged him as the sovereign, that he would stand before him at once were his horses in condition to travel, though he would prefer to await the arrival of Berkai and Hulagu, whom he had asked with other princes to arrange the affairs of the Empire.

Kubilai answered that he would be glad to see Arik Buga even earlier than other princes. Then, leaving his cousin, Yessugka, in command of the capital to await the arrival of Arik Buga and escort him to the main camp, Kubilai went to Kai ping fu, and sent his army to its cantonments.

##