CHAPTER XIII

.

THE LAST STAGE.

(_a_) Movements and Training.

On the 23rd of August the Battalion moved by light railway to Proven, and from thence by train to Audruicq. From there it marched to billets in Nielles-lez-Ardres--some of the finest it had ever occupied. The weather was glorious, the country delightful, and a pleasant spell of rest and training was anticipated. But great events were happening in the south. On August 8th the Fourth Army, with a French army on its right, had started a brilliant offensive south of the Somme; when the situation became more or less stationary there, the Third Army had taken up the attack further north; and now it was time for the First Army to play its part. Fresh troops were needed and the 49th Division was ordered south. Moving from Nortkerque to Wavrans by train, the Battalion went into billets at Siracourt and Beauvois. There it had its first experience of training with tanks. A few days later it bussed to Camblain L’Abbé, where it occupied a hutment camp for nearly a fortnight.

At Camblain L’Abbé Brig.-General C. G. Lewes, C.M.G., D.S.O., left the Brigade which he had commanded for almost exactly two years. He had come to it in the latter days of the Somme battle, but was now appointed to a home command. He had been a good friend to the Battalion and there were many regrets when it paraded to say farewell. The men were drawn up in a hollow square and addressed by the G.O.C., who thanked them for their loyal support in the past and wished them the best of luck in the future. He left amid ringing cheers. Brig.-General H. H. S. Morant, D.S.O., who had formerly commanded a Brigade of the 1st Division, assumed command of the 147th Infantry Brigade.

The time at Camblain L’Abbé was well and pleasantly spent. Much training in the attack was carried out under the supervision of the new Brigadier. Various divisional concert parties at the Corps Theatre provided welcome relaxation; and the excellent Officers’ Club, under the management of the Canadian E.F.C., was well patronised. Perhaps the most criticised part of the local arrangements was the exceptionally hard type of wire bed in use in the camp; all who slept there will remember these.

On September 13th the 49th Division took over the line immediately north of the River Scarpe, and the Battalion moved to Roclincourt, where it was in divisional reserve. Time still passed pleasantly. Tanks were again to the fore in training. An inter-company Rugby football competition was played, and provoked much enthusiasm. The 147th Infantry Brigade never went into the front line here. After about ten days, the 49th Division was relieved by the 51st Division, and the Battalion moved to Feuchy.

“Old timers” saw in Feuchy some resemblance to the Johnstone’s Post of Somme memory--but without the shelling. There was the same chalk soil, and similar shelters and dugouts were built on the sides of a similar valley. Accommodation was not of the best. Feuchy was in the middle of the country over which the battle of Arras had been fought in 1917, and the Battalion area was almost where the British front line had been for about five months of the summer of 1918; so good billets could hardly be expected. On the whole the weather was good, and the neighbourhood ideal for training. The River Scarpe, with its surrounding marshes, was useful, not only for swimming, but more than once for the working out of bridge-head schemes. One night all officers and platoon sergeants carried out a rather intricate compass march which will not soon be forgotten, particularly by those who, at one point, found themselves sitting on horses’ backs in a wide trench. Altogether the time at Feuchy passed very happily.

Meanwhile, things were moving so quickly that, almost daily, one looked for fresh victories. On August 26th the First Army had attacked on both sides of the Scarpe and on that, and the following days, the British line had been pushed forward some miles, particularly south of the river. On September 2nd the Canadian Corps had broken right through the famous Drocourt--Queant Line, south of the river, and had pushed on almost to the Canal du Nord. On September 27th the passage of that great obstacle was forced, and, during the next few days, the high ground to the north of Cambrai was seized and held after terrific fighting.

The time had come for the 49th Division to play its part in the final adventure. On October 6th came the orders to move. When, late in the afternoon, B Echelon, under the command of Major W. C. Fenton, M.C., marched out en route for the Divisional Reception Camp at Mont St. Eloi, the Battalion knew that at last it was for battle; and perhaps, during all its years of active service, it had never been fitter. An hour or two later the Battalion,[20] over 650 strong, moved off and, in the darkness, bussed through the historic Queant--the pivotal point of the Hindenburg Line--to the neighbourhood of Buissy, where it bivouaced. For two days it lay idle. Its exact role had not yet been definitely settled. So unlikely did a move seem on the morning of October 9th that the adjutant, and most of the company commanders, rode up to reconnoitre the forward area. They rode on and on, until they came to the point where they expected to find the front line; it was occupied by a battery of 6-inch howitzers. Then they heard the news. Cambrai had fallen that morning, and the Canadians were already well beyond it. In haste they returned, only to meet the Battalion already two miles forward on the road. Beyond the Canal du Nord was a sight to be remembered by anyone who had seen the same ground on the previous day. Then the country had been covered with transport lines, the camps of ammunition columns, and all the details to be found immediately behind the line. Now it was deserted, save for the few odd men left behind to clear up. While over the hill in front, in that rolling grass-covered country, line after line and column after column could be seen moving slowly towards the east. The whole B.E.F. seemed to be on the march.

[Illustration: Lieut.-Col. A. L. MOWAT, D.S.O., M.C.]

The night was spent in some deserted enemy shelters and dugouts, in a sunken road to the west of Sancourt. Arriving after dark, there was little opportunity to make oneself comfortable. The following morning passed quietly but, about 1-0 p.m., came the orders to move again. Early in the afternoon the Battalion started. It crossed the Canal de l’Escaut at Escaudœuvres--the bridge had been in enemy hands barely twenty-four hours before, but he had left too hurriedly to destroy it. Yet he had found time wantonly to destroy in his usual manner; the houses were full of furniture senselessly damaged--chairs broken to bits, feather beds ripped open, crockery and glass lying smashed on the floors. An occasional shell was still falling as the Battalion marched through the village.

A halt was made by the railway embankment to the east of the village. Rifles were piled, hot tea was served, and the men lay down to get what rest they could. As darkness fell the scene was one never to be forgotten--the long rows of piled arms, the hundreds of men lying around sleeping or talking in whispers, the occasional glimmer of a light. It was a scene such as one sees in pictures of old-time warfare, and perhaps nothing showed more plainly that the long wearisome days of trench warfare were past. The stars shone brightly overhead and, to complete the picture, a small group of Canadian machine gunners sang song after song in the gloom.

(_b_) October 11th and After.

About 8-0 p.m. the Commanding Officer was summoned to Brigade H.Q. He was away for about two hours and, on his return, all officers were summoned. By the light of three candles stuck in the ground, he marked upon each officer’s map the objectives and boundaries of the attack which was to be delivered the next morning, and then explained the plan of operations:--

1. The Battalion was to assemble and dig in before dawn on the line of the Iwuy--Rieux Road, on a frontage of about 500 yards. The 7th Battalion Duke of Wellington’s Regt., with its right on the Naves--Villers-en-Cauchies Road, would attack on the Battalion’s right; the 146th Infantry Brigade on its left.

2. A Company was to be on the right and D Company on the left. B and C Companies were to be in support on the right and left respectively.

3. It was believed that the enemy was too shaken to put up a vigorous resistance. Hence it had been decided to attack without any artillery support.

4. At 9-0 a.m. the attack was to begin, the first objective being the railway line midway between Avesnes-le-Sec and Villers-en-Cauchies, and the second objective the high ground east of the La Selle River.

The attack was part of a very big operation on a wide front and the task of the 49th Division was a most important one. Opposite to the Battalion’s front, with its crest line about a mile from the assembly position, lay a long ridge. This was held by the enemy. The Canadians were to make an attack on the ridge that very night. If they succeeded, the Battalion would advance through them the next morning, and the first part of its task would be easy. But if they failed, the ridge must be captured by the Battalion, on its way to the first objective. _The ridge must be taken at all costs._ This was the definite order of the Divisional Commander. It was a point of extreme tactical importance, and its possession by the enemy was holding up the whole flank of the attack. Such were the orders issued by the Commanding Officer.

An advanced party was sent forward to reconnoitre routes to the assembly positions. Tea was served out and the Battalion waited only for rations to arrive. Time passed, there was no sign of the convoy, and the Commanding Officer became very anxious. It was imperative for the men to reach their assembly positions and dig in before dawn. The Battalion was on the point of moving off rationless when the limbers were announced. The delay had been no fault of the transport. Throughout the operations they always served the Battalion well. But the roads were crowded with vehicles of all kinds, and they had had to fetch the rations from a great distance. It was simply one of the difficulties which had to be faced in the new warfare of movement.

Shortly after midnight the Battalion moved off. It passed through Naves, which was thick with mustard gas, and was met about a thousand yards beyond by Battalion scouts, who had gone forward to reconnoitre the routes. Leaving the roads, companies crossed the Erclin River at points where the bed was dry, and moved independently to their positions of assembly. These were not reached without difficulty. The night was very dark and the ground strange. Troops of the 146th Infantry Brigade were using the same route, and there was some confusion. To make matters worse, the enemy put down a fairly heavy counter-preparation on the field which the companies were crossing, and about ten men were wounded. But, by 4-0 a.m., all were up and digging in. Everything was quiet when daylight came, and the hours dragged slowly on.

From the road on which the Battalion was assembled, the ground sloped gently upwards to the ridge, already mentioned. The land between was mostly under cultivation and afforded no cover to attacking troops. Near the top of the ridge was a stack of bean straw which formed a very useful landmark, as it was almost on the boundary between the two companies. The night attack of the Canadians had been unsuccessful and the enemy still held the all-important position. It was therefore decided that the first hour of the attack should be supported by a thick barrage. For half-an-hour this was to fall on the crest of the ridge; after that, it would move forward at the rate of 100 yards in three minutes for a further half hour. This information did not arrive at Battalion H.Q. until about 8-20 a.m., and there was barely time to inform the attacking troops before zero hour.

At 9-0 a.m., prompt to the second, the British artillery opened fire and the Battalion went “over the top.” The advance was magnificent. Never, either in action or at training, had it been done better. In artillery formation, with sections in file and keeping perfect intervals, the men went quietly and steadily forward. If there were a fault, it was that of over-eagerness. The leading troops advanced rather faster than had been expected, and they were on the top of the ridge before their barrage had lifted.

Almost immediately the enemy barrage came down, consisting mainly of high explosive. Fortunately, the bulk of it fell just behind the assembly position and did little harm. Then the enemy machine guns opened, and these caused more trouble than the artillery. Sections were forced to extend in order to minimise casualties, but the rate of advance was scarcely affected. Near the straw stack on the hill, Sergt. A. Loosemore, V.C., D.C.M., of A Company, went down, shot through both legs; and the Battalion thus lost a magnificent leader who was liked by every one and almost worshipped by the men of his platoon. By 9-45 a.m. all four companies had disappeared from view over the crest line. The enemy’s artillery fire had weakened considerably, many prisoners were coming in, in charge of lightly wounded men, and everything seemed to be going well. Battalion H.Q. moved up from the position it had occupied in the dried-up bed of the River Erclin, and temporarily established itself on the road where the Battalion had assembled. The Commanding Officer immediately went forward to the crest of the ridge to see for himself how the attack was progressing.

The Battalion was now meeting with much stiffer resistance and the advance had become slower. The British barrage had ceased and the enemy was better able to get his machine guns into action. Ground could now only be gained by infiltration, and by manœuvring sections round the flanks of enemy posts. Casualties were becoming heavier. At one point the attacking infantry came up against field guns, firing point blank at them. The 7th Battalion on the right was also meeting with strong opposition from the enemy in the village of Villers-en-Cauchies. But the advance still went on. The field guns were captured. It seemed as if the resistance would gradually be worn down.

Then, about 10-45 a.m., came the great enemy counter-attack. Appearing from the low ground to the south of Avesnes-le-Sec enemy tanks, eight in number, advanced against the attacking troops. All men of the Battalion agree that these tanks were of German pattern, and not captured British ones. The main force of their first attack fell upon the 146th Infantry Brigade on the left, which gave way before them and began to retire. Capt. R. B. Broster of C Company and Sec.-Lieut. H. Rosendale of D Company were shot down by machine gun fire from a tank, whilst trying to rally the left flank. Sec.-Lieut. T. E. Jessop of A Company, with the greatest gallantry, collected several Lewis guns and, by a concentration of their fire, actually forced one tank to withdraw. He was seriously wounded a little later and was carried to safety by the men of his platoon. An unknown man of C Company was seen running behind another tank, bomb in hand, trying to find an opening into which to throw it; he too was shot down. Capt. W. Grantham of B Company was so seriously wounded that he died a few weeks later--a prisoner in enemy hands. But all was of no avail. With its left flank “in the air,” heavily pressed by the tanks in front, with no artillery--almost the only weapon which would have been effective--to support it, the Battalion began to withdraw. The withdrawal was slow and there was no panic. But all the hard-won ground, with its killed and wounded, its field guns and other trophies, was lost.

The Battalion halted a little in front of the road from which it had started little more than two hours before. All companies had become hopelessly mixed; the 6th Battalion, which had advanced in rear of the attacking troops, had become engaged, and its men were mingled with the men of the 4th Battalion. Furthermore, men from the battalions on the flanks had also wandered into the area in the confusion. The enemy, following hard on the rear of his tanks, had reoccupied the ridge, and was getting his machine guns again into action. His tanks, however, did not appear over the crest of the ridge; perhaps they were satisfied with the success gained, and feared to come into view of the British artillery. There was intense disappointment and not a little confusion everywhere.

Into the midst of this confusion the Commanding Officer threw himself. By his presence, personal energy, and utter disregard for danger, he quickly restored order. Time did not allow of separating the men into their proper companies, but officers and N.C.O’s, assuming command of whatever men were near them, including men of other battalions, resolved confusion into order, disappointment into hope; and the Battalion was a fighting force again. Then it advanced to the attack once more.

This second advance was not so orderly as the first had been, but, in some ways it was, perhaps, finer. Without a gun to support it, through a hail of machine gun bullets, with men falling in scores, the line went forward. The Colonel led, his Battalion followed. “_The ridge must be taken at all costs._” Those had been the words of the Divisional Commander the night before. And Lieut.-Col. Mowat and his men meant to take that ridge. Slowly, at first by section rushes and later, when casualties became heavier and heavier, by infiltration, they pressed on towards the crest. Conditions were much worse, in every way, than they had been earlier in the day. Losses were appalling. Sec.-Lieuts. J. E. Bentley and H. M. Marsden, both of A Company, with many N.C.O’s and men, went down. But the advance never stopped. For a time the enemy maintained his position well, but, as the attack came nearer and nearer, his resistance began to weaken, and at length he gave way and retired. For the second time that day, about 1-0 p.m., the ridge was won. But at what a cost! Of the Battalion, over 650 strong, which had bivouaced by the railway at Escaudœuvres on the previous evening, little more than 250 remained.

The rest of the day passed comparatively quietly. The enemy made no further attempt to restore the situation, but any movement on the ridge was promptly shelled. There was much work to be done. During the afternoon the 6th Battalion was withdrawn to reorganise as Brigade Reserve. Companies were reorganised, their own men returning to them, and rectifications were made in the line. For a time there was some anxiety about the left flank, the next Brigade not being so far forward as the Battalion; this was, to some extent, met by sending up two H.Q. Lewis gun teams to strengthen that flank. In all this reorganisation Capt. A. Kirk, M.C., of A Company, was the right-hand man of the Commanding Officer. He established his Company H.Q. by the, now famous, straw stack, and exercised a general supervision over the whole of the front line.

When darkness fell the new line had been firmly established. Rain had fallen during the afternoon, all were thoroughly weary, and a deep sense of disappointment oppressed everyone. No one yet understood how great a success had really been gained; this it remained for the morning to show.

During the night active preparations were in progress for the advance to be continued the next day. The 6th Battalion relieved the 7th Battalion on the right, the latter becoming Brigade Reserve. Guns were pushed forward in the most daring fashion--some actually into No Man’s Land--ready to deal with hostile tanks should they again appear. The advance was to start at 12-0 noon, under cover of a heavy barrage. In the early hours of the morning the enemy heavily shelled the neighbourhood of Battalion H.Q. with “whizz-bangs,” but the meaning of this was not realised until the next morning. Actually, he was shooting away the ammunition before withdrawing his guns to the east of the La Selle River.

Next morning everyone was about early, though there was plenty of time before zero hour. The damp and cold of the night, and the discomfort of the narrow slits, which were the only cover available, were no inducement to late rising. The sun rose bright, but a thin mist hung about the ground. Preparations for the attack were leisurely made and the quietness of the enemy was commented on. But it was not until an officer’s patrol had pushed far out in front of the line, and the Brigadier himself had ridden nearly to Villers-en-Cauchies, that the situation was realised. The capture of the ridge on the previous day had made the enemy’s position untenable; he had withdrawn during the night, and all touch with him had been lost. Fresh orders were immediately issued--the Brigade was to advance at once, without any barrage, and make good the line of the railway which had been its first objective the day before. On the right the 24th Division had already started, and was well forward.

By 10-15 a.m. the Battalion was on the move. Covered by an advanced guard, consisting of the H.Q. scouts and the remnants of a platoon of B Company, it moved forward in artillery formation, two companies in front and two in support. The 6th Battalion maintained the alignment on the right, but some difficulty and delay were caused by the 146th Infantry Brigade, which did not move on the left until some time later. At first the advance led over the ground that had been won and lost on the previous day. Everywhere was evidence of the stern fight that had been made. The tracks of the tanks were clear in the grass, and the ground was strewn with the bodies of those who had fought and died. Only then was it realised how far the advance had, at one time, reached. The fate of many a man was cleared up. At one point a German machine gunner was found sitting behind his gun, dead; by his side lay the man who had killed him, also dead, with his bayonet right through the German’s body. The inevitable “booby trap” was also in evidence--a brand new German machine gun, with a wire running from it to a spot a few yards away; but there was no time to examine the appliance.

On went the Battalion, across valleys and over ridges--and never a shell nor a bullet from the enemy. By noon the advanced guard was almost on the railway, but here the advance was again delayed for about half-an-hour. During the night the 51st Division had relieved the Canadians on the left, and was to have taken part in the attack timed for noon. Unlike the 49th Division its orders were not cancelled, and down came its barrage, promptly to time, a number of 4.5 inch howitzer shells falling about the area which the Battalion advanced guard had reached. However, about 12-30 p.m., the advance was resumed. The Battalion reached its objective, the line of the Avesnes-le-Sec--Villers-en-Cauchies Railway, without further incident about 1-30 p.m. Orders were issued for three companies to dig in on that line, with the fourth in reserve in a sunken road west of the railway.

Meanwhile, the advanced guard had pushed forward more than a thousand yards beyond the railway and had, at length, gained touch with the enemy. On approaching Vordon Wood, near the La Selle River, it was met by rifle and machine gun fire, not only from the wood in front but also from a small copse on the left flank. Numbers of the enemy were seen on the high ground south-west of Haspres. It was obvious from the volume of fire that the enemy was present in some strength, and that, without support, further progress by the advanced guard was impossible.

[Illustration: _Oct. 11th. 1918._]

About 4 p.m. orders to advance and capture Vordon Wood were received. Half-an-hour later the Battalion, preceded by an advanced guard as before, moved forward. As the leading troops approached the wood they were again held up by hostile fire, and had to halt until two companies of the Battalion came up. The 146th Infantry Brigade had occupied Avesnes-le-Sec, but had not pushed far beyond it. As a result the small copse on the left was still held by the enemy, and seriously menaced the attack on Vordon Wood. To counteract this the reserve company, C Company, was moved up to form a defensive flank, facing north.

By this time darkness had fallen. The right of the wood was attacked, and was taken without much difficulty. The enemy rearguard did not put up much of a fight, but withdrew as soon as the situation looked serious, leaving two prisoners in the Battalion’s hands. The wood, though narrow, was very thick with undergrowth, and provided excellent cover. Had they been willing to put up a better fight, the Germans might have caused far more trouble there than they did. The left, or northern, end of the wood lay outside the Battalion boundary, and no attempt was made to enter it until the next day. Dispositions for the night were taken up as follows:--

B and D Companies dug in on the eastern edge of the wood.

A Company was in support on the western edge.

C Company formed a defensive flank, facing north, from the wood to the railway.

Battalion H.Q. dug in on the railway.

During the night a strong fighting patrol reached the La Selle River and reconnoitred its banks for more than half a mile, without gaining touch with the enemy.

Early the next morning it was found that the enemy had been occupying the northern end of the wood during the night. A small party was seen to leave it in the morning and retire towards Haspres. About 7-0 a.m. another party of Germans approached D Company’s posts, but was driven off by rifle and Lewis gun fire.

October 13th was, more or less, an “off” day for the Battalion. At 9-0 a.m. the 19th Battalion Lancashire Fusiliers, with the 6th Battalion Duke of Wellington’s Regt. on its right and the 148th Infantry Brigade on its left, attacked through the Battalion. The attack was unsuccessful. It came under heavy artillery and machine gun fire from the high ground east of the river, which was strongly held by the enemy, and was unable to make any progress. Throughout the day the Battalion maintained the positions it had won on the previous night. Several casualties were suffered from the defensive barrage put down by the enemy, among them being Capt. F. C. Harrison, the popular and cheery little Medical Officer. His slit in the railway cutting was hit by a shell, and he was so severely wounded that he died before he could be got to the advanced dressing station. Apart from this the day was uneventful, though there was one false alarm of tanks.

That night the ration convoy met with serious misfortune. Coming into the village of Villers-en-Cauchies, it was heavily shelled. Company Quartermaster Sergts. E. Walsh and B. Little, of A and B Companies respectively, were killed. Two horses were also killed, and the rations were scattered. Lieut. F. Irish, the Transport Officer, though himself wounded in two places, acted with great gallantry and coolness, and succeeded in collecting the rations and delivering them at his destination.

The next day was warm and sunny. Not long after dawn Sec.-Lieut. E. Maley, of C Company, was killed by a chance shell, in the rear of the wood, while he was taking round rum to his men. Since the 148th Infantry Brigade had come into the line it had pushed forward and secured the Battalion’s left flank; but a gap still existed between the two Brigades, the north end of the wood being held by no one. As C Company was no longer necessary to form a defensive flank, it was moved up at dusk to occupy that part of the wood and fill the gap. The wood was very thick and tangled and bore evident signs of recent enemy occupation; among other things, a tank had been hidden there not many days before.

During the day, Major-General Lipsett, G.O.C. 4th Division, came up to make a personal reconnaissance of the front, as it was expected his division would soon relieve the 49th Division. He went right out in front of Vordon Wood, in full view of the German posts south-west of Haspres, was shot through the mouth by the enemy and instantly killed. His body was brought into the British lines by Lieut. J. Spencer, Intelligence Officer of the 147th Infantry Brigade, assisted by men of the Battalion.

On the night of October 14/15th the Battalion was relieved by the 1/7th Battalion West Yorkshire Regt. While waiting for the completion of the relief, Battalion H.Q. was surprised by the arrival of numbers of French civilians on the railway. They had escaped from the village of Saulzoir, had found their way through the lines, and were only too pleased to be at liberty again. What to do with them was the difficulty, and, in the midst of the excitement, the enemy opened up on the railway with mustard gas shells. This caused much anxiety for a time, but eventually they were got to the rear, apparently unharmed. When the line had finally been taken over the Battalion withdrew into divisional reserve, in the fields south-west of Avesnes-le-Sec, where there were some old enemy shelters and dugouts.

For two days the Battalion rested. Accommodation was very poor, but at such a time no one was particularly fanciful. What all wanted was rest--the chance of lying down without the probability of being awakened in a few minutes to stand to. For five days and nights there had been little rest for anyone, and all were thoroughly done up. There were no parades and no working parties. Sometimes the enemy shelled the locality, and a few casualties were suffered.

On the night of October 16/17th the Battalion went back into the line, taking over the front which it had previously held, with the addition of some three or four hundred yards on the right. Three companies were needed to hold this line, and even then it was very thinly held. Battalion H.Q. lived in the cellars of some houses at the east end of Villers-en-Cauchies. These were far more comfortable than the slits in the railway cutting had been, but they had disadvantages too, as the next night was to show.

Compared with the strenuous activity of the past week, the two-day tour which followed was quiet. Both the wood and the village were frequently shelled, and there were several casualties. But worst of all was the gas shelling. The night after the relief Villers-en-Cauchies was deluged with mustard gas. All the 6th Battalion H.Q. officers and details were gassed, and Major Clarkson, M.C., had to be summoned from the Divisional Reception Camp to take command. Over forty of the 4th Battalion H.Q. details were also so seriously gassed that they had to be sent down. The cellars occupied by the officers and the Aid Post were saved only by the lighting of great fires of straw at the entrance. Box respirators had to be worn for a great part of the night.

Nightly, the enemy was expected to fall back to a fresh rearguard position. Everyone was very much on the alert for signs of a withdrawal, in order that the operation might be harassed by a rapid British advance. The early morning of October 17th was very misty, the enemy was exceptionally quiet, and the Commanding Officer, who was up in the line at the time, began to fear that a withdrawal actually had taken place. About four hundred yards in front of Vordon Wood, and lying roughly parallel to it, was a sunken road, from which the ground sloped gently to the river. This Lieut.-Col. Mowat determined to reconnoitre in person, with the object of locating the enemy if possible. Setting out from the right flank of the Battalion with four others, he reached the road and proceeded along it. The mist had lifted considerably by this time, and, as the patrol came round a slight bend, it almost ran into an enemy post. Not more than fifty yards away was a German sentry. With rifle slung over his shoulder, and wearing greatcoat and soft cap, he was pacing up and down the road like a sentry in front of the guard-room. Fortunately, when first seen, he had his back turned, which gave the patrol a moment’s grace. Withdrawing a few yards down the road, the men climbed the bank and made off towards the wood. The Germans, who proved to be about twelve strong with a light machine gun, opened fire, but their shooting was very bad. Retiring by bounds and covered by the fire of individual men, the patrol reached the wood without loss. Machine and Lewis guns were immediately brought to bear on the German post, its garrison was driven from its position and retired towards the river. The encounter had established the fact that the enemy had not yet withdrawn.

Next day the Battalion was visited by Major-General N. J. G. Cameron. Usually sparing of words, he was, on this occasion, profuse in his congratulations on the success which had been gained. Particularly was he anxious that the men should realise how much they had done on October 11th--that their fearful losses had not been in vain, but had made possible a great British success. His views cannot be better expressed than by quoting his own words when he forwarded to battalions the congratulations of the Corps Commander, on October 13th:--

“It is with feelings of great pride and pleasure that I forward to you the attached copy of a message received from the XXII. Corps Commander. Evidence accumulates to show that your attack on the 11th October was a very real success. It cost the enemy heavily and dealt him a severe and much needed blow. It entirely turned the enemy’s position at Iwuy, the possession of which was necessary to the further advance of the right wing of the First Army in the required direction. My heartiest congratulations to you all.

N. G. Cameron, Major-General, Commanding 49th (W.R.) Division.”

The Divisional Commander had only just left when the Battalion suffered another serious loss. The experience of the previous night had shown the danger of cellar accommodation, and it had been decided to return to the open. The few available men at Battalion H.Q. set to work digging slits in an enclosure not far from the building. Foremost among them was R.S.M. W. Lee, M.C., whose gallantry, tireless energy and exceptional strength had been conspicuous during the operations. While at work he was seriously wounded by a chance shell which burst near.

That night the Battalion was relieved by the 1st Battalion Royal Warwickshire Regt. (4th Division), and withdrew to billets at Naves. The relief was not carried out without loss. One party of D Company, while on its way out of the line, was caught by enemy gas shelling. Both Sec.-Lieut. J. W. Lumb and Sec.-Lieut. A. H. W. Mallalieu were hit by fragments, the former so badly that he died in hospital about ten days later, while the latter lost a leg.

During the night the enemy carried out his long-expected withdrawal, so that the next day the 4th Division was able to push forward almost to the River Ecaillon. From one point of view this was very disappointing to the Battalion. After the hard work of the last week, and the gradual wearing down of the enemy’s power of resistance, the men would have liked to reap the benefits themselves. Yet, by that time, all were so fatigued that probably they could not have taken such full advantage of the enemy’s retirement as a fresh division was able to do.

While the Battalion had been in the neighbourhood of Villers-en-Cauchies the transport lines had been established near Rieux. Capt. H. N. Taylor who, though left out of the battle, had not gone to the Divisional Reception Camp, organised a party of men, consisting mainly of the Battalion Band, to search the battlefield of October 11th. The ground was gone over systematically, the dead were collected and were properly buried in a cemetery by the cross roads near Rieux. The cemetery is called the “Wellington Cemetery,” and there lie the remains of most of those who perished in this series of

## actions. Their graves are well tended. French women of the neighbouring

village have taken upon themselves the duty of paying this tribute to the men who sleep in their midst.

(_c_) Reorganisation.

For three days the Battalion lived in fairly comfortable billets at Naves. The village had not suffered very severely in the recent fighting and, since the enemy had fallen back to the River Ecaillon, was out of range of anything but long distance artillery fire. While the Battalion was resting there it was never shelled. The urgent business was reorganisation, for it was probable that the 49th Division would soon be back in the fighting line. Casualties could not be replaced, so each company was reorganised on a two-platoon basis. The loss of the many specialists, who had been gassed in Villers-en-Cauchies, was very serious. To a certain extent these could be replaced by the men who were at the Divisional Reception Camp, but even then the deficiency was great. However, what could be done was done.

[Illustration: WELLINGTON CEMETERY, Near ROEUX.

In the background is the ridge which the Battalion captured on Oct. 11th, 1918.]

On the 21st of October the Battalion marched to Le Bassin Rond, a small village at the junction of the Canal de l’Escaut with the Canal de la Sensée. Its appearance was not at first inviting. No one had lived there since the Germans had left it a few days before. The houses were all filthy and full of debris. However, a few hours’ work made a wonderful improvement. The material structure of most of the houses had not been injured, and many wire beds and stoves had been left behind by the previous occupants. Before long the Battalion was comfortably settled, and a very pleasant week was spent there. The canals were full of fish, and one of the most popular forms of amusement was “fishing.” The Germans had been good enough to leave behind them a large dump of hand grenades, and many of their “potato-mashers” came in very useful for this purpose. All the sportsman had to do was to drop a bomb into the canal and then select what he desired in the way of fish from those which came to the surface, stunned by the explosion. A fleet of small boats was collected, and, in the delightful autumn weather which lasted the whole time, many hours were spent on the water. A ferry was rigged up across the canal between Battalion H.Q. and the companies, and it became customary, when company commanders were due to attend at Orderly Room, for the adjutant and his understudy to defend the crossing. It was seldom that one arrived without a splashing. The Germans had also left behind them a plentiful supply of fuel, and “colliers” regularly plied on the deep, between the local “Newcastle” and the consumers on the other side of the water.

At the same time, much solid work was done. Everyone knew that, at any moment, the Battalion might be ordered to take its place in the fighting line. Already the 51st and the 4th Divisions had forced the passage of the River Ecaillon, and they were now facing the enemy near the left bank of the La Rhonelle River. Further north the Canadians, on both banks of the Canal de l’Escaut, had pushed forward nearly to the western outskirts of Valenciennes, where they were held up temporarily by the extensive floods. These floods made a direct attack on the town from the west extremely difficult, and it was therefore decided to outflank it on the south. To assist in this the 49th Division was ordered forward.

(_d_) November 1st–2nd.

On October 27th the 147th Infantry Brigade marched to Douchy, where it was billeted for the night. The next day it moved on, marching straight across the open country, to take over the line which had been established by part of the 51st Division. Here it was disposed very much in depth. The 6th Battalion held the front line to the south-east of the village of Famers, about a thousand yards west of the La Rhonelle River. The 7th Battalion was in support among the sunken roads to the south of Maing. The 4th Battalion was in reserve, occupying slits in the sunken road between Thiant and Monchaux-sur-Ecaillon, just east of the river. There was only one house on this road between the villages, but it had quite a good cellar. Of course this was allotted to Battalion H.Q., and, with the help of two large trusses of straw, it was soon made very comfortable. Round about were the wagon lines of several batteries, all camping in the open. During the first evening Major W. C. Fenton, M.C., who was commanding the Battalion in the absence of Lieut.-Col. A. L. Mowat on leave, had an unusual number of callers from the gunners. Each would drop in in the ordinary way, and, after a few minutes’ general conversation of the usual type, would casually ask when the Battalion was going. Before long it dawned on the occupants that it was not so much their company that was sought after as their cellar. There were so many applicants for the first refusal that the Battalion decided, when the next move did come, to slip quietly away and leave them to fight it out among themselves. As events turned out, most of them moved before the Battalion.

The next attack, which was in preparation, was delayed for some days. Originally planned for October 28th, it was three times postponed for a period of twenty-four hours, and eventually came off on November 1st. The main plan of attack was as follows:--

1. The 49th Division, with a Canadian division on its left and the 4th Division on its right, was to attack in the direction of Saultain, force the passage of the La Rhonelle River, and outflank the defences of Valenciennes on the south.

2. On the 147th Infantry Brigade front, the 6th Battalion was to attack from a position south of Famers straight towards Saultain, with the 7th Battalion in support. The final objective for the first day was the line of the Marly--Préseau Road, south-west of Saultain.

For a time the role of the 4th Battalion was uncertain. At first it was feared the men would have to dump all arms and act as stretcher-bearers. But in the end, it was decided to keep them in Brigade Reserve, ready to exploit the situation should the attack go well. Preparations for this operation, and reconnaissance of the forward area, kept everyone fully occupied for the next few days. Only an occasional shell fell near, and no casualties were suffered.

Zero hour for the attack was 5-15 a.m. on November 1st. The evening before, as soon as it was dark, the Battalion moved up into the area south of Maing, where it occupied slits in the sunken roads. These had just been vacated by the 7th Battalion, which had gone forward to the neighbourhood of Caumont Farm, in support to the attack. Here the night was spent, the Battalion having orders not to move without direct word from 147th Infantry Brigade H.Q.

At zero hour the men of the 6th Battalion went forward under a splendid barrage. They crossed the river, partly on fallen trees, and partly over light bridges, which were carried forward with the assaulting troops by parties from the 19th Battalion Lancashire Fusiliers. They captured and held the Aulnoy--Préseau Road, which was their intermediate objective, and some of them even reached their final objective. But the 4th Division on their right had not been so successful; after getting into the village of Préseau, it was heavily counter-attacked by two regiments of a fresh enemy division from reserve, and was driven out again. Thus, with its right flank uncovered, and having suffered heavy casualties, the 6th Battalion could not hold its final objective. Instead, it dug in on a line in front of the intermediate objective.

But the success gained was very great. Several hundreds of prisoners had been taken by the 6th Battalion; indeed, the number of prisoners captured was almost double the total number of assaulting troops, on that part of the front. The first party to arrive at Battalion H.Q. was about 200 strong, and its size caused some uneasiness to the corporal and five men of the 4th Battalion, who were the only escort available. Really they had no cause to worry, for the prisoners were only too glad to be out of it, and all they wanted at the moment was to get well away from the fighting. As soon as they were marched off they started running at such a rate that the escort had hard work to keep up with them. These prisoners were a very mixed lot. Some were fine-looking men, but the majority were of poor physique, and the proportion of quite young boys was considerable. Perhaps nothing showed more clearly the straits to which German man-power had been reduced than the poor specimens who were captured from the 6th (German) Division--one of the

## active divisions which had invaded Belgium at the beginning of August,

1914, and which had been, throughout the war, one of the enemy’s most famous assault divisions.

The 4th Battalion did not take any real part in the fighting on November 1st. Soon after 8-0 a.m. it moved up to positions of readiness near Caumont Farm, which then became Battalion H.Q. About the middle of the afternoon, when an enemy counter-attack was expected, two companies were moved further forward. But none ever came into action. A weak counter-attack did develop in the afternoon, but it was easily repulsed by the front line troops, who actually advanced their line some hundreds of yards as a result of it. The enemy indulged in some scattered shelling, mainly about the river, but no casualties were suffered by the Battalion.

[Illustration: CAMBRAI--VALENCIENNES.]

It was expected that the Brigade would be relieved that night by the 148th Infantry Brigade. In fact, not only had all preparations been made for the relief, but practically the whole of the relieving troops had come up, and some details of the Battalion were on their way out. Then a sudden alteration was made, and a fresh attack was arranged for the next morning. During the night the 7th Battalion relieved the 6th Battalion in the front line, and the 4th Battalion moved up into support. A and C Companies occupied the intermediate objective; B and D Companies were on the road just east of the river. The 148th Infantry Brigade relieved the 146th Infantry Brigade on the left. The objective was the final objective of the previous day.

At 5-30 a.m. on November 2nd the 7th Battalion attacked and easily gained its objective, which was not a distant one. Nevertheless, nearly one hundred prisoners were captured during the operation. As soon as news of the success arrived, D Company was pushed forward into some old rifle pits behind the intermediate objective, to be ready to assist should the enemy counter-attack. About 1-30 p.m. an urgent warning arrived--the R.A.F. had reported that the Mons-Valenciennes Road was packed with transport and guns moving west, and that masses of troops could be seen in the neighbourhood of Saultain; a heavy counter-attack was expected. But nothing happened. The Mons-Valenciennes Road was crowded with columns; but the R.A.F. had mistaken their direction. They were moving eastward, not westward. The enemy was in full retreat.

That night the Brigade was relieved by units of the 56th Division. As these intended to attack at daybreak, exact dispositions were not taken over, but troops were considered to be relieved as soon as others had arrived. For the second time within a fortnight the Brigade had just missed reaping the full reward of its efforts. That night the enemy retired well behind Saultain, and the “attack” of the 56th Division the next morning was little more than a promenade.

Perhaps, as the Battalion marched slowly through the night towards Haulchin, where comfortable billets awaited it, no one realised that he had seen his last fight--that so far as he was concerned the war was finished.

##