Part 16

The Dudekulas are described by Mr. W. Francis [110] as "a Muhammadan caste of cotton-cleaners, and rope and tape-makers. They are either converts to Islam, or the progeny of unions between Musalmans and the women of the country. Consequently they generally speak the Dravidian languages--either Canarese or Telugu--but some of them speak Hindustani also. Their customs are a mixture of those of the Musalmans and the Hindus. Inheritance is apparently according to Muhammadan law. They pray in mosques, and circumcise their boys, and yet some of them observe the Hindu festivals. They worship their tools at Bakrid and not at the Dasara; they raise the azan or Muhammadan call to prayers at sunset, and they pray at the tombs of Musalman saints." In the Vizagapatam district, the Dudekulas are described as beating cotton, and blowing horns.

For the following note on the Dudekulas of the Ceded Districts, I am indebted to Mr. Haji Khaja Hussain. They claim Bava Faqrud-din Pir of Penukonda in the Anantapur district as their patron saint. Large numbers of Muhammadans, including Dudekulas, collect at the annual festival (mela) at his shrine, and offer their homage in the shape of a fatiha. This, meaning opener, is the name of the first chapter of the Koran, which is repeated when prayers are offered for the souls of the departed. For this ceremony a pilau, made of flesh, rice and ghi (clarified butter) is prepared, and the Khazi repeats the chapter, and offers the food to the soul of the deceased saint or relation.

The story of Faqrud-din Pir is as follows. He was born in A.H. 564 (about A.D. 1122), and was King of Seistan in Persia. One day, while he was administering justice, a merchant brought some horses before him for sale. His attention was diverted, and he became for a time absorbed in contemplation of the beauty of one of the horses. Awakening from his reverie, he blamed himself for allowing his thoughts to wander when he was engaged in the most sacred of his duties as a king. He summoned a meeting of all the learned moulvis in his kingdom, and enquired of them what was the penalty for his conduct. They unanimously decreed that he should abdicate. Accordingly he placed his brother on the throne, and, becoming a dervish, came to India, and wandered about in the jungles. Eventually he arrived at Trichinopoly, and there met the celebrated saint Tabri-Alam, whose disciple he became. After his admission into holy orders, he was told to travel about, and plant his miswak wherever he halted, and regard the place where it sprouted as his permanent residence. The miswak, or tooth-brush, is a piece of the root of the pilu tree (Salvadora persica), which is used by Muhammadans, and especially Fakirs, for cleaning the teeth. When Bava Faqrud-din arrived at Penukonda hill, he, as usual, planted the miswak, which sprouted. He accordingly decided to make this spot his permanent abode. But there was close by an important Hindu temple, and the idea of a Muhammadan settling close to it enraged the Hindus, who asked him to leave. He not only refused to do so, but allowed his disciples, of whom a number had collected, to slaughter a sacred bull belonging to the temple. The Hindus accordingly decided to kill Faqrud-din and his disciples. The Raja collected an armed force, and demanded the restoration of the bull. Faqrud-din ordered one of his disciples to bring before him the skin, head, feet and tail of the animal, which had been preserved. Striking the skin with his staff, he exclaimed "Rise, Oh! bull, at the command of God." The animal immediately rose in a complete state of restoration, and would not leave the presence of his preserver. Alarmed at this miracle, the Hindus brandished their swords and spears, and were about to fall on the Muhammadans, when a dust-storm arose and blinded them. In their confusion, they began to slay each other, and left the spot in dismay. The Raja then resolved to kill the Muhammadans by poisoning them. He prepared some cakes mixed with poison, and sent them to Faqrud-din for distribution among his disciples. The saint, though he knew that the cakes were poisoned, partook thereof of himself, as also did his disciples, without any evil effect. A few days afterwards, the Raja was attacked with colic, and his case was given up by the court physicians as hopeless. As a last resort, he was taken before Faqrud-din, who offered him one of the poisoned cakes, which cured him. Falling at his feet, the Raja begged for pardon, and offered the village of Penukonda to Faqrud-din as a jaghir (annuity). This offer was declined, and the saint asked that the temple should be converted into a mosque. The Raja granted this request, and it is said that large numbers of Hindus embraced the Muhammadan religion, and were the ancestors of the Dudekulas.

The Dudekulas, like the Hindus, like to possess some visible symbol for worship, and they enrol great personages who have died among the number of those at whose graves they worship. So essential is this grave worship that, if a place is without one, a grave is erected in the name of some saint. Such a thing has happened in recent times in Banganapalle. A Fakir, named Alla Bakhsh, died at Kurnool. A Dudekula of the Banganapalle State visited his grave, took away a lump of earth from the ground near it, and buried it in a village ten miles from Banganapalle. A shrine was erected over it in the name of the saint, and has become very famous for the miracles which are performed at it. An annual festival is held, which is attended by large numbers of Muhammadans and Dudekulas.

Some Dudekulas have names which, though at first sight they seem to be Hindu, are really Muhammadan. For example, Kambannah is a corruption of Kamal Sahib, and Sakali, which in Telugu means a washerman, seems to be an altered form of Sheik Ali. Though Dudekulas say that they are Muhammadans of the Sheik sect, the name Sheik is only occasionally used as a prefix, e.g., Sheik Hussain or Sheik Ali. Names of males are Hussain Sa, Fakir Sa, and Khasim Sa. Sa is an abbreviated form of Sahib. One old Dudekula stated that the title Sahib was intended for pucka (genuine) Muhammadans, and that the Dudekulas could not lay claim to the title in its entirety. Instead of Sa, Bhai, meaning brother, is sometimes used as a suffix to the name, e.g., Ghudu Bhai. Ghudu, meaning ash-heap, is an opprobrious name given to children of those whose offspring have died young, in the hope of securing long life to them. The child is taken, immediately after birth, to an ash-heap, where some of the ashes are sprinkled over it. Some Dudekulas adopt the Hindu termination appa (father), anna (brother), or gadu, e.g., Pullanna, Naganna, Yerkalappa, Hussaingadu, Hussainappa. Typical names of females are Roshamma, Jamalamma, and Madaramma. They have dropped the title Bibi or Bi, and adopted the Hindu title amma (mother).

The ceremony of naming a child is generally performed on the sixth day after its birth. The choice of a name is entrusted to an elderly female member of the family. In some cases, the name of a deceased ancestor who lived to an advanced age is taken. If a child dies prematurely, there is a superstitious prejudice against its name, which is avoided by the family. Very frequently a father and son, and sometimes two or three brothers, have the same name. In such a case prefixes are added to their names as a means of distinguishing them, e.g., Pedda (big), Nadpi (middle), Chinna (little). Sometimes two names are assumed by an individual, one a Hindu name for every day use, the other Muhammadan for ceremonial occasions.

The Dudekulas depend for the performance of their ceremonies largely on the Khazi, by whom even the killing of a fowl for domestic purposes has to be carried out. The Dudekula, like other Muhammadans, is averse to taking animal life without due religious rites, and the zabh, or killing of an animal for food, is an important matter. One who is about to do so should first make vazu (ablution), by cleaning his teeth and washing his mouth, hands, face, forearms, head and feet. He should then face the west, and an assistant holds the animal to be slaughtered upside down, and facing west. Water is poured into its mouth, and the words Bismilla hi Alla hu Akbar uttered. The operator then cuts the throat, taking care that the jugular veins are divided. In remote villages, where a Khazi is not available, the Dudekulas keep a sacrificial knife, which has been sanctified by the Khazi repeating over it the same words from the Koran as are used when an animal is slaughtered.

The first words which a Muhammadan child should hear are those of the azan, or call to prayer, which are uttered in its ear immediately after birth. This ceremony is observed by those Dudekulas who live in towns or big villages, or can afford the services of a Khazi. It is noted by Mr. Francis that the Dudekulas raise the azan at sunset. A few, who have been through a course of religious instruction at a Madrasa (school), may be able to do this. A Muhammadan is supposed to raise the azan five times daily, viz., before sunrise, between noon and 3 P.M., between 4 and 6 P.M., at sunset, and between 8 P.M. and midnight.

At the naming of an infant on the sixth day, the Dudekulas do not, like other Muhammadans, perform the aguiga ceremony, which consists of shaving the child's head, and sacrificing a he-goat. Children are circumcised before the tenth year. On such occasions the Muhammadans generally invite their friends, and distribute sweets and pan-supari (betel leaf and areca nuts). The Dudekulas simply send for a barber, Hindu or Muhammadan, who performs the operation in the presence of a Khazi, if one happens to be available. When a girl reaches puberty, the Dudekulas invite their friends to a feast. Other Muhammadans, on the contrary, keep the fact a secret.

At the betrothal ceremony, when sweets and pan-supari are taken by the future bridegroom and his party to the house of the girl whom he seeks in marriage, the female members of both families, and the girl herself, are present. This fact shows the absence of the Muhammadan gosha system among Dudekulas. A Muhammadan wedding lasts over five or six days, whereas the ceremonies are, among the Dudekulas, completed within twenty-four hours. On the night preceding the nikka day, a pilau is prepared, and a feast is held at the bridegroom's house. On the following morning, when it is still dark, the bridegroom, accompanied by his relations, starts on horseback in procession, with beating of drums and letting off of fireworks. The procession arrives at the bride's house before sunrise. The Khazi is sent for, and the mahr is settled. This is a nominal gift settled on the wife before marriage by the bridegroom. On the death of a husband, a widow has priority of claim on his property to the promised amount of the mahr. Two male witnesses are sent to the bride, to obtain her assent to the union, and to the amount of the mahr. The Khazi, being an orthodox Muhammadan, treats the Dudekula bride as strictly gosha for the time being, and, therefore, selects two of her near relatives as witnesses. The lutcha (marriage badge), consisting of a single or double string of beads, is brought in a cup filled with sandal paste.

The Khazi chants the marriage service, and sends the lutcha in to the bride with his blessing. It is tied round her neck by the female relations of the bridegroom, and the marriage rites are over.

The usual Muhammadan form of greeting among Muhammadans is the familiar "Peace be with you." "And with you be peace." When a Dudekula greets a Muhammadan, he simply bows, and, with members of his own community, uses a Telugu form of salutation, e.g., niku mokkutamu.

The Dudekulas, male and female, dress exactly like Hindus, but, as a rule, the men do not shave their beard.

Disputes, and social questions affecting the community, are settled by a Khazi.

With the increase in cotton mills, and the decline of the indigenous hand-weaving industry, the demand for cotton-cleaning labour has diminished, and some Dudekulas have, of necessity, taken to agriculture. Land-owners are very scarce among them, but some are abkari (liquor) contractors, village schoolmasters, and quack doctors. In the Ceded Districts, the cotton-cleaning industry is solely confined to the Dudekulas.

The synonyms of Dudekula, Ladaf and Nurbash, recorded at times of census, are corruptions of Nad-daf (a cotton dresser) and Nurbaf (weaving).

Dudi.--A title of Kurumos, who officiate as priests at the temples of village deities.

Dudi (cotton) Balija.--A name for traders in cotton in the Telugu country, and an occupational sub-division of Komati.

Durga (fort).--A gotra of Kurni.

Dutan.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, as a synonym of Ari.

Dyavana (tortoise).--An exogamous sept of Moger.

E

Eddulu (bulls).--See Yeddulu.

Ediannaya (hornet's nest).--An exogamous sept of Bant.

Egadavan.---Recorded, at times of census, as an exogamous sept of Anappans, who are Canarese cattle-grazers settled in the Tamil country. Possibly it is a corruption of Heggade, a title among Kurubas.

Ekakshara.--A sub-division of Satani. The name is derived from Ekakshara, meaning one syllable, i.e., the mystic syllable Om.

Ekari.--This caste is summed up in the Madras Census Report, 1901, under the names Ekari, Ekali, Yakari, and Yakarlu, as a sub-caste of Mutracha. Mr. H. A. Stuart writes [111] that "Ekaris or Yakarlu are a class of cultivators and village watchmen, found chiefly in the northern taluks of North Arcot, and in the adjoining district of Cuddapah. It is very doubtful whether the Ekaris and Mutrachas are identical castes. The census statistics are, I think, sufficient to throw grave doubt on this view. Neither name, for instance, appears as a sub-division of the other, although this would certainly be the case if they were synonymous. Nor is there any similarity in the sub-divisions that are given. They are said, in the Nellore Manual, to be hunters and mercenaries, and in Cuddapah, where they are known to some as Boyas and Kiratas, they are classed as a forest tribe. It is clear, however, that they enjoyed some authority, for several rose to be poligars. Thus the poligars of Kallur, Tumba, Pulicherla, Bangari and Gudipati are of this caste, and many of its members are village policemen. They do not wear the sacred thread, but employ Brahmans as their priests. Their ceremonies differ very little from those of the Kapus. They are flesh-eaters, and their titles are Naidu and Dora. The caste possesses some interest as being that which had, in 1891, the highest proportion of widowed among females between the ages of 15 and 39. Little is known of the caste history. Some assert that they were formerly Hindu cotton cleaners, and that their name is derived from the verb yekuta, to clean cotton. They returned 74 sub-divisions, of which the most important seem to be Dodda (big) and Pala."

There is neither intermarriage, nor free interdining between Ekaris and Mutrachas. By some, Kampin, and Nagiripilla kayalu, and by others Kammi and Yerrai were given as sub-divisions.

One of the recognised names of washermen in Tamil is Egali or Ekali.

Elakayan.--A sub-division of Nayar. It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that "its hereditary occupation is to get plantain leaves for the use of the Cherukunnu temple, where travellers are fed daily by the Chirakkal Raja."

Elayad.--For the following note on the Elayads or Ilayatus I am indebted to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar. Ilayatu literally means younger, and the name is employed to denote a caste, which is supposed to be the last among the numerous sub-divisions of Malabar Brahmans. The caste-men make use of two titles, Ilayatu and Nambiyatiri, the latter of which has the same origin as Nambutiri, meaning a person worthy of worship. Women are generally known as Ilayammas, and, in some parts of North Travancore, also Kunjammas. By the caste-men themselves the women are called Akattulavar, or those inside, in the same way as Nambutiri women. Children are called Kunjunnis. The Ilayatus exact from the Nayars the name of Ilayachchan, or little father.

According to the Jatinirnaya, a work ascribed to Parasurama, the Ilayatus were once Brahmans of undiminished purity, but became degraded owing to the priestly service which was performed for a Nayar servant attached to one of their households. Two members of the house of Azhvancheri Tamprakkal were brothers. The younger resolved to go to a foreign country, and could get no other Nayar servant than one who was obliged to perform his mother's anniversary ceremony on the way. He promised to act as the priest on this occasion, and is even believed to have eaten the food prepared by the Nayar. When the matter became known to his elder brother, he assembled all the Vaidik Brahmans, and the younger brother was excommunicated. This tradition, like the majority of Malabar traditions, has to be accepted with reserve. The Ilayatus assert that, until interdicted by Rama Iyen Dalawa in revenge for a supposed dishonour to him, they had the privilege of commensality with Nambutiri Brahmans; but Rama Iyen's authority, large as it was, did not extend to Cochin and British Malabar, where too the Ilayatus appear to labour under the same difficulty. Those who encouraged the higher classes of Nayars with ritualistic functions became Onnam Parisha or the first party of Ilayatus, the remainder being grouped in another class known as Randam or second party. The latter are lower in the social scale than the former. The two sections do not intermarry, and interdining is restricted to the male sex.

The Ilayatus generally have a dejected appearance, and their poverty is proverbial. Most of them earn only a scanty living by their traditional occupation, and yet it is notorious that other walks of life have absolutely no attraction for them. Not only is English education not welcomed, but even the study of Sanskrit finds only a few steadfast votaries. The Ilayatus are, however, a naturally clever, and intelligent community, and, under favourable conditions, are found to take a more prominent place in society.

The house of an Ilayatu is, like that of a Nambutiri, called illam. It is generally large, being the gift of some pious Nayar. Every Ilayatu house possesses a serpent grove, where periodical offerings are made. The dress and ornaments of the Ilayatus are exactly like those of the Nambutiris. The wedding ornament is called kettu-tali. Children wear a ring tied to a thread round the neck from the moment of the first feeding ceremony. The Ilayatus are strict vegetarians, and, though in some of their temples they have to make offerings of liquor to the deity, they are strictly forbidden by caste rules from partaking thereof.

The chief occupation of the Ilayatus is the priesthood of the Nayars. The first division perform this service only for the Ilakkar or highest class of Nayars, while the second division do not decline to be the priests of any section of that community. In performing such services, the Ilayatus recite various liturgic texts, but hardly any Vedic hymns. The Ilayatus have also been the recognised priests in several North Travancore temples, the chief of which are the Kainikkara Bhagavata shrine, the Payappara Sasta shrine, and the Parekkavu Siva temple at Kuttattukulam. Ilayatus are the priests in most of the snake groves of Malabar, that at Mannarsalay commanding the greatest popularity and respect.

Ilayatus are, in all matters of caste such as Smarta-vicharam, or enquiry into charges of adultery, etc., governed by the Nambutiris, who are assisted by Vaidiks belonging to the caste itself. It is the latter who are the regular priests of the Ilayatus, and, though ignorant of the Vedas, they seem to possess considerable knowledge of the priestly functions as carried out in Malabar. Nambutiris are sometimes invited to perform Isvaraseva, Sarpabali, and other religious rites. Purification rites are performed by the caste priests only, and no Nambutiri is called on to assist. Brahmans do not cook food in the houses of Ilayatus.

The Ilayatus are divided mostly into two septs or gotras, called Visvamitra and Bharadvaja. The marriage of girls is performed before or after puberty, between the twelfth and eighteenth years. No bride-price is paid, but a sum of not less than Rs. 140 has to be paid to the bridegroom. This is owing to the fact that, in an Ilayatu family, as among the Nambutiris, only the eldest son can lead a married life. All male members of a family, except the eldest, take to themselves some Nayar or Ambalavasi woman. Widows do not remove their tuft of hair on the death of their husband, but throw their marriage ornament on to the funeral pyre, probably as a symbol of the performance of sati. The Ilayatus resemble the Nambutiris in all questions of inheritance.

The Ilayatus do not omit any of the sixteen religious ceremonies of the Brahmans. The rules of name given are that the eldest son should be named after the paternal grandfather, the second after the maternal grandfather, and the third after the father. A parallel rule obtains in giving names to daughters.

The Ilayatus belong in the main to the white and black branches of the Yajurveda, and observe the sutras of Bodhayana and Asvalayana. They recite only twenty-four Gayatri hymns, thrice a day. Women are believed to be polluted for ninety days after childbirth.

It is noted in the Cochin Census Report, 1901, that the Elayads are "their own priests, and for this reason, and from the fact that Nayars perform sradhas (memorial service) in the houses of Elayads, the Nambudris do not cook or take meals in their houses, nor do they, Kshatriyas or Nampidis, take water from Elayads. In former times, the Elayads used to take their meals in Nayar houses during the performance of the sradha ceremony of the Nayars, as Brahmans generally do on such ceremonial occasions amongst themselves, but they now decline to do it, except in a few wealthy and influential families. Muthads and Elayads wear the sacred thread. Though in many respects the Elayads are more Brahmanical than the Muthads, the majority of the Ambalavasi castes do not take the food cooked or touched by the Elayads. There are some temples, in which they officiate as chief priests. The Muthad and Elayad females are gosha. They both practice polygamy, and perform Sarvaswadanam marriages like the Nambudris."

Ella (boundary).--An exogamous sept of Mutracha.

Elugoti (assembly).--An exogamous sept of Devanga.

Elugu (bear).--An exogamous sept of Yanadi.

Eluttacchan.--Eluttacchan or Ezhuttacchan, meaning teacher or master of learning, is the name for educated Kadupattans of Malabar employed as schoolmasters.

Eman.--A corruption of Yajamanan, lord, recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a title of Nayar.

Embrantiri.--Embrantiri or Embran is "a Malayalam name for Tulu Brahmans settled in Malabar. They speak both Tulu and Malayalam. Some of them call themselves Nambudris, but they never intermarry with that class." [112] By Wigram they are defined [113] as "a class of sacrificing Brahmans, chiefly Tulu, who officiate at Sudra ceremonies." It is a name for the Tulu Shivalli Brahmans.

Emme (buffalo).--See Yemme.

Ena Korava.--See Korava.

Enadi.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as "a name for Shanans, derived from Enadi Nayanar, a Saivite saint. It also means Ambattan, or barber." The word denotes a chief, barber, or minister.