Part 8
Concerning the caste government of the Pulayas of Travancore, Mr. Subramania Iyer writes as follows. "The Ayikkara Yajamanan, or Ayikkara Tamara (king) is the head of the Pulaya community. He lives at Vayalar in the Shertalley taluk in North Travancore, and takes natural pride in a lace cap, said to have been presented to one of his ancestors by the great Cheraman Perumal. Even the Parayas of North Travancore look upon him as their legitimate lord. Under the Tamara are two nominal headmen, known as Tatteri Achchan and Mannat Koil Vallon. It is the Ayikkara Tamara who appoints the Valluvans, or local priests, for every kara, for which they are obliged to remunerate him with a present of 336 chuckrams. The Pulayas still keep accounts in the earliest Travancorean coins (chuckrams). The Valluvan always takes care to obtain a written authority from the Tamara, before he begins his functions. For every marriage, a sum of 49 chuckrams and four mulikkas [40] have to be given to the Tamara, and eight chuckrams and one mulikka to the Valluvan. The Valluvan receives the Tamara's dues, and sends them to Vayalar once or twice a year. Beyond the power of appointing Valluvans and other office-bearers, the authority of the Tamara extends but little. The Valluvans appointed by him prefer to call themselves Head Valluvans, as opposed to the dignitaries appointed in ancient times by temple authorities and other Brahmans, and have a general supervising power over the Pulayas of the territory that falls under their jurisdiction. Every Valluvan possesses five privileges, viz., (1) the long umbrella, or an umbrella with a long bamboo handle; (2) the five-coloured umbrella; (3) the bracelet of honour; (4) a long gold ear-ring; (5) a box for keeping betel leaves. They are also permitted to sit on stools, to make use of carpets, and to employ kettle-drums at marriage ceremonials. The staff of the Valluvan consists of (1) the Kuruppan or accountant, who assists the Valluvan in the discharge of his duties; (2) the Komarattan or exorciser; (3) the Kaikkaran or village representative; (4) the Vatikkaran, constable or sergeant. The Kuruppan has diverse functions to perform, such as holding umbrellas, and cutting cocoanuts from trees, on ceremonial occasions. The Vatikkaran is of special importance at the bath that succeeds a Pulaya girl's first menses. Adultery is looked upon as the most heinous of offences, and used to be met with condign punishment in times of old. The woman was required to thrust her hand into a vessel of boiling oil, and the man was compelled to pay a fine of 336 or 64 chuckrams, according as the woman with whom he connected himself was married or not, and was cast out of society after a most cruel rite called Ariyum Pirayum Tittukka, the precise nature of which does not appear to be known. A married woman is tried by the Valluvan and other officers, when she shows disobedience to her husband."
It is noted by Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer, that, "in the Palghat taluk of South Malabar, it is said that the Cherumas in former times used to hold grand meetings for cases of theft, adultery, divorce, etc., at Kannati Kutti Vattal. These assemblies consisted of the members of their caste in localities between Valayar forests and Karimpuzha (in Valluvanad taluk), and in those between the northern and southern hills. It is also said that their deliberations used to last for several days together. In the event of anybody committing a crime, the punishment inflicted on him was a fine of a few rupees, or sometimes a sound thrashing. To prove his innocence, a man had to swear 'By Kannati Swarupam (assembly) I have not done it.' It was held so sacred that no Cheruman who had committed a crime would swear falsely by this assembly. As time went on, they found it difficult to meet, and so left off assembling together."
In connection with the amusements of the Pulayas, Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer writes that "their games appear to be connected in some way with their religious observances. Their favourite dance is the kole kali, or club dance. A party of ten or twelve men, provided with sticks, each a yard in length, stand in a circle, and move round, striking at the sticks, keeping time with their feet, and singing at the same time. The circle is alternately widened and narrowed. Vatta kali is another wild dance. This also requires a party of ten or twelve men, and sometimes young women join them. The party move in a circle, clapping their hands while they sing a kind of rude song. In thattinmel kali, four wooden poles are firmly stuck in the ground, two of which are connected by two horizontal pieces of wood, over which planks are arranged. A party of Pulayas dance on the top of this, to the music of their pipe and drum. This is generally erected in front of the Bhagavati temple, and the dancing takes place immediately after the harvest. This is intended to propitiate the goddess. Women perform a circular dance on the occasions of marriage celebrations."
The Cherumas and Pulayas are, like the Koragas of South Canara, short of stature, and dark-skinned. The most important measurements of the Cherumans whom I investigated at Calicut were as follows:--
======================================================== | Stature, cm. | Nasal index. |Cephalic index. +--------------+---------------+--------------- | Average. | Average. | Average. ---------+--------------+---------------+--------------- Males | 157.5 | 78.1 | 73.9 Females | 147.8 | 77. | 74.8 ========================================================
Cheruppu-katti (shoemaker).--Said to be a Malayalam synonym for Madiga.
Chetti.--It is noted in the Census Report, 1891, that "the name Chetti is used both to denote a distinct caste, and also a title, and people bearing this title describe themselves loosely as belonging to the Chetti caste, in the same way as a Vellala will say that he is a Mudali. This use of Chetti has caused some confusion in the returns, for the sub-divisions show that many other castes have been included as well as Chetti proper." Again, in the Census Report, 1901, it is recorded that "Chetti means trader, and is one of those titular or occupational terms, which are often loosely employed as caste names. The weavers, oil pressers, and others use it as a title, and many more tack it on to their names, to denote that trade is their occupation. Strictly employed, it is nevertheless, the name of a true caste." The Chettis are so numerous, and so widely distributed, that their many sub-divisions differ very greatly in their ways. The best known of them are the Beri Chettis, the Nagarattu Chettis, the Kasukkar Chettis, and the Nattukottai Chettis. Of these, the Beri and Nattukottai Chettis are dealt with in special articles. The following divisions of Chettis, inhabiting the Madura district, are recorded in my notes:--
(a) Men with head clean-shaved:--
Ilavagai or Karnakudi. Sundaraththan. Ariyur. Malampatti. Palayapattu. Thedakottai. Periyakottai-vellan. Puliyangudi. Vallam or Tiruvappur. Kurungalur.
(b) Men with kudumi (hair knot):--
Puvaththukudi or Mannagudi. Kiramangalam. Vallanattu. Marayakkara. Pandukudi or Manjapaththu.
Of these, the Puvaththukudi Chettis, who receive their name from a village in the Tanjore district, are mostly itinerant petty traders and money-lenders, who travel about the country. They carry on their shoulders a bag containing their personal effects, except when they are cooking and sleeping. I am informed that the Puvaththukudi women engage women, presumably with a flow of appropriate language ready for the occasion, to abuse those with whom they have a quarrel. Among the Puvaththukudi Chettis, marriages are, for reasons of economy, only celebrated at intervals of many years. Concerning this custom, a member of the community writes to me as follows. "In our village, marriages are performed only once in ten or fifteen years. My own marriage was celebrated in the year Nandana (1892-93). Then seventy or eighty marriages took place. Since that time, marriages have only taken place in the present year (1906). The god at Avadaiyar kovil (temple) is our caste god. For marriages, we must receive from that temple garlands, sandal, and palanquins. We pay to the temple thirty-five rupees for every bridegroom through our Nagaraththar (village headmen). The expenses incurred in connection with the employment of washermen, barbers, nagasaram (musical instrument) players, talayaris (watchmen), carpenters, potters, blacksmiths, gurukkals (priests), and garland-makers, are borne collectively and shared by the families in which marriages are to take place." Another Chetti writes that this system of clubbing marriages together is practised at the villages of Puvaththukudi and Mannagudi, and that the marriages of all girls of about seven years of age and upwards are celebrated. The marriages are performed in batches, and the marriage season lasts over several months.
Palayasengadam in the Trichinopoly district is the head-quarters of a section of the Chettis called the Pannirendam (twelfth) Chettis. "These are supposed to be descended from eleven youths who escaped long ago from Kaveripatnam, a ruined city in Tanjore. A Chola king, says the legend, wanted to marry a Chetti; whereupon the caste set fire to the town, and only these eleven boys escaped. They rested on the Ratnagiri hill to divide their property; but however they arranged it, it always divided itself into twelve shares instead of eleven. The god of Ratnagiri then appeared, and asked them to give him one share in exchange for a part of his car. They did so, and they now call themselves the twelfth Chettis from the number of the shares, and at their marriages they carry the bridegroom round in a car. They are said to be common in Coimbatore district." [41]
At the census, 1871, some of the less fortunate traders returned themselves as "bankrupt Chettis."
The following castes and tribes are recorded as having assumed the title Chetti, or its equivalent Setti:--
Balija. Telugu trading caste. Bant. Tulu cultivating caste. Bilimagga, Devanga, Patnulkaran, Saliyan, Sedan, Seniyan. All weaving classes. Dhobi. Oriya washermen. Ganiga. Oil pressers. Gamalla. Telugu toddy-drawers. Gauda. Canarese cultivators. Gudigar. Canarese wood-carvers. Jain. Janappan. Said to have been originally a section of the Balijas, and manufacturers of gunny-bags. Kavarai. Tamil equivalent of Balija. Komati. Telugu traders. Koracha. A nomad tribe. Kudumi. A Travancore caste, which does service in the houses of Konkani Brahmans. Mandadan Chetti. Medara. Telugu cane splitters and mat makers. Nayar. Occupational title of some Nayars of Malabar. Pattanavan. Tamil fishermen. Pattapu. Fishermen in the Telugu country. Senaikkudaiyan. Tamil betel-vine growers and traders. Shanan. The great toddy-drawing class of the Tamil country. Sonar. Goldsmiths. Toreya. Canarese fishermen. Uppiliyan. Salt-workers. Some style themselves Karpura (camphor) Chetti, because they used to manufacture camphor. Vaniyan. Tamil oil-pressers. Wynaadan Chetti.
Of proverbs relating to Chettis, [42] the following may be quoted:--
He who thinks before he acts is a Chetti, but he who acts without thinking is a fool.
When the Chetti dies, his affairs will become public.
She keeps house like a merchant caste woman, i.e., economically.
Though ruined, a Chetti is a Chetti, and, though torn, silk is still silk.
The Chetti reduced the amount of advance, and the weaver the quantity of silk in the border of the cloth.
From his birth a Chetti is at enmity with agriculture.
In a note on secret trade languages Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao writes as follows. [43] "The most interesting of these, perhaps, is that spoken by petty shopkeepers and cloth merchants of Madras, who are mostly Moodellys and Chettis by caste. Their business mostly consists in ready-money transactions, and so we find that they have a regular table of numerals. Numbers one to ten have been given definite names, and they have been so long in use that most of them do not understand the meaning of the terms they use. Thus madi (mind) stands for one, mind being always represented in the Hindu shastras as a single thing. Vene (act or deed) stands for two, for vene is of two kinds only, nalvene and thivene or good and bad acts. Konam (quality) stands for three, since three different sorts of qualities are recognised in Hindu metaphysics. These are rajasam, thamasam, and sathmikam. Shuruthi stands for four, for the Srutis or Vedas are four in numbers. Sara (arrow) stands for five, after Panchasara, the five-arrowed, a well-known name of Manmatha, the Indian Cupid. Matha represents six, after the shan mathams or six systems of Hindu philosophy. There stands for seven, after the seven oceans recognised by the Sanskrit geographers. Giri (mountain) represents eight, since it stands for ashtagiri or the eight mountains of the Hindus. Mani stands for nine, after navamani, the nine different sorts of precious stones recognised by the Hindus. Thisai represents ten, from the ten points of the compass. The common name for rupee is velle or the white thing. Thangam velle stands for half a rupee, pinji velle for a quarter of a rupee, and pu velle for an eighth of a rupee. A fanam (or 1-1/4 annas) is known as shulai. The principal objects with which those who use this language have to deal with are padi or measure, velle or rupee, and madi ana, one anna, so that madi padi means one measure, madi velle one rupee, and madi ana one anna. Similarly with the rest of the numerals. The merchants of Trichinopoly have nearly the same table of numerals, but the names for the fractions of a rupee vary considerably. Mundri ana is, with them, one anna; e ana is two annas; pu ana is four annas; pani ana is eight annas and muna ana is twelve annas. Among them also velle stands for a rupee. They have besides another table of numerals in use, which is curious as being formed by certain letters of the Tamil alphabet. Thus pina stands for one, lana for two, laina for three, yana for four, lina for five, mana for six, vana for seven, nana for eight, thina for nine, and thuna for ten. These letters have been strung into the mnemonic phrase Pillayalam Vanthathu, which literally means 'the children have come'. This table is also used in connection with measures, rupees, and annas. Dealers in coarse country-made cloths all over Madras and the Chingleput district have a table of their own. It is a very complete one from one pie to a thousand rupees. Occasionally Hindu merchants are found using a secret language based on Hindustani. This is the case in one part of Madras city. With them pav khane stands for one anna, ada khane for two annas, pavak ruppe for one rupee, and so on. Brokers have terms of their own. The Tamil phrase padiya par, when used by them, means ask less or say less, according as it is addressed to the purchaser or seller. Similarly, mudukka par means ask a higher price. When a broker says Sivan thambram, it is to be inferred that the price given out by the seller includes his own brokerage. Telugu brokers have similar terms. Among them, the phrase Malasu vakkadu and Nasi vakkadu denote respectively increase the rate, and decrease the rate stated."
Chevvula (ears).--An exogamous sept of Boya and Golla.
Cheyyakkaran.--A Malayalam form of the Canarese Servegara.
Chikala (broom).--An exogamous sept of Tottiyan.
Chikka (small).--A sub-division of Kurni.
Chikkudu (Dolichos Lablab).--An exogamous sept of Muka Dora.
Chilakala (paroquet).--An exogamous sept of Boya, Kapu and Yanadi.
Chilla (Strychnos potatorum: clearing-nut tree).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba, and sub-division of Tottiyan.
Chimala (ant).--An exogamous sept of Boya and Tsakala.
Chimpiga (tailor).--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a Lingayat sub-caste of Rangari. In the Mysore Census Report, 1901, Darjis are classified as follows:--"(1) Darji, Chippiga, or Namdev; (2) Rangare." The first three, known by the collective name of Darji, are professional tailors, while the Rangares are also dyers and calico printers.
Chimpiri (rags).--An exogamous sept of Boya.
Chinerigadu.--A class of mendicants connected with the Padma Sales. (See Devanga.)
Chinda.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a small caste of Oriya cultivators in Ganjam and Vizagapatam.
Chinese-Tamil Cross.--Halting in the course of an anthropological expedition on the western side of the Nilgiri plateau, I came across a small settlement of Chinese, who have squatted for some time on the slopes of the hills between Naduvatam and Gudalur and developed, as the result of alliances with Tamil Pariah women, into a colony, earning a modest livelihood by cultivating vegetables and coffee.
The original Chinese who arrived on the Nilgiris were convicts from the Straits Settlement, where there was no sufficient prison accommodation, who were confined in the Nilgiri jail. It is recorded [44] that, in 1868, twelve of the Chinamen "broke out during a very stormy night, and parties of armed police were sent out to scour the hills for them. They were at last arrested in Malabar a fortnight later. Some police weapons were found in their possession, and one of the parties of police had disappeared--an ominous circumstance. Search was made all over the country for the party, and at length their four bodies were found lying in the jungle at Walaghat, half way down the Sispara ghat path, neatly laid out in a row with their severed heads carefully placed on their shoulders."
The measurements of a single family are recorded in the following table:--
======================================================================== | |Cephalic|Cephalic|Cephalic| Nasal | Nasal |Nasal | |length. |breadth.| index. |height.|breadth.|index. ---------+----------+--------+--------+--------+-------+--------+------- Tamil |Mother of | 18.1 | 13.9 | 76.8 | 4.7 | 3.7 | 78.7 Paraiyan.|children. | | | | | | ---------+----------+--------+--------+--------+-------+--------+------- Chinese |Father of | 18.6 | 14.6 | 78.5 | 5.3 | 3.8 | 71.7 |children. | | | | | | ---------+----------+--------+--------+--------+-------+--------+------- Chinese- |Girl, | 17.6 | 14.1 | 80.1 | 4.7 | 3.2 | 68.1 Tamil |aged 18 | | | | | | ---------+----------+--------+--------+--------+-------+--------+------- Chinese- |Boy, | 18.1 | 14.3 | 79 | 4.6 | 3.3 | 71.7 Tamil |aged 10 | | | | | | ---------+----------+--------+--------+--------+-------+--------+------- Chinese- |Boy, | 17 | 14 | 82.4 | 4.4 | 3.3 | 72.7 Tamil |aged 9 | | | | | | ---------+----------+--------+--------+--------+-------+--------+------- Chinese- |Boy, | 17.1 | 13.7 | 80.1 | 4.1 | 2.8 | 68.3 Tamil |aged 5 | | | | | | =========+==========+========+========+========+=======+========+=======
The father was a typical Chinaman, whose only grievance was that, in the process of conversion to Christianity, he had been obliged to "cut him tail off." The mother was a typical dark-skinned Tamil Paraiyan. The colour of the children was more closely allied to the yellowish tint of the father than to that of the mother; and the semi-Mongol parentage was betrayed in the slant eyes, flat nose and (in one case) conspicuously prominent cheek-bones.
To have recorded the entire series of measurements of the children would have been useless for the purpose of comparison with those of the parents, and I selected from my repertoire the length and breadth of the head and nose, which plainly indicate the paternal influence on the external anatomy of the offspring. The figures given in the table bring out very clearly the great breadth, as compared with the length, of the heads of all the children, and the resultant high cephalic index. In other words, in one case a mesaticephalic (79), and, in the remaining three cases, a sub-brachycephalic head (80.1; 80.1; 82.4) has resulted from the union of a mesaticephalic Chinaman (78.5) with a sub-dolichocephalic Tamil Paraiyan (76.8). How great is the breadth of the head in the children may be emphasised by noting that the average head-breadth of the adult Tamil Paraiyan man is only 13.7 cm., whereas that of the three boys, aged ten, nine, and five only, was 14.3, 14, and 13.7 cm. respectively.
Quite as strongly marked is the effect of paternal influence on the character of the nose; the nasal index, in the case of each child (68.1; 71.772; 7; 68.3), bearing a much closer relation to that of the long-nosed father (71.7) than to the typical Paraiyan nasal index of the broad-nosed mother (78.7).
It will be interesting to note hereafter what is the future of the younger members of this quaint little colony, and to observe the physical characters, temperament, fecundity, and other points relating to the cross breed resulting from the blend of Chinese and Tamil.
Chinna (little).--A sub-division of Boya, Kunnuvan, Konda Dora, Pattanavan, and Pattapu, and an exogamous sept of Mala. Chinna, chinnam, and chinnada, denoting gold, occur as exogamous septs of Kuruba, Padma Sale, Toreya, and Vakkaliga.
Chintala (tamarind: Tamarindus Indica).--An exogamous sept of Ghasi, Golla, Madiga, and Mala. Chintyakula, or tamarind sept, occurs among the Komatis; chintaginjala (tamarind seeds) as an exogamous sept of Padma Sales, and of Panta Reddis, who may not touch or use the seeds; and Chintakai or Chintakayala (tamarind fruit) as an exogamous sept of Boyas and Devangas.
Chirla (woman's cloth).--An exogamous sept of Kamma.
Chitikan.--A synonym of Maran, indicating one whose occupation relates to the funeral pyre. A Chitikan, for example, performs the funeral rites for the Mussads.
Chiti Karnam.--A name of the Oriya Karnam caste. A vulgar form of Sresta Karnam (Sreshto Korono).
Chitra Ghasi.--The Chitra Ghasis, for the following note on whom I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao, are a class of artisans, whose name, meaning Ghasis who make artistic things, bears reference to their occupation. They are employed in the manufacture of brass and bell-metal jewelry, such as is largely worn by the tribes inhabiting the Jeypore Agency tracts, and are generally found attached to Kond and Savara villages. They are a polluting class, and their dwellings are consequently situated at some distance from the huts of the villagers. Their language is a corrupt form of Oriya.
Girls are usually married after puberty. A man can claim his paternal aunt's daughter in marriage. When such a marriage is contemplated, his parents take a little rice and a pot of liquor to the home of the paternal aunt. If they are accepted, it is taken as a sign that the match is agreed to, and the jholla tonka (bride-price) of twelve rupees is paid. After some time has elapsed, the bride is conducted to the home of her future husband, and the marriage is there celebrated. A younger brother may marry the widow of an elder brother, and, if such a woman contracts a marriage with some other man, her second husband has to give a cow to the younger brother who has been passed over. The dead are burnt, and death pollution is observed for three days, during which the caste occupation is not carried on. On the third day, the ashes are collected together, and a fowl is killed. The ashes are then buried, or thrown into running water.