part v

of volume iii of Raccolta di documenti e studi pubblicati dalla R. Commissione Colombiana pel quarto centenario dalla scoperta dell’America, appearing under the auspices of the Minister of Public Instruction; and from Stanley, from his First voyage round the world, by Magellan (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1874), which was translated by Lord Stanley in part from the longer French MS. in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, and in part from the Amoretti publication (Milan, 1800) made from the Italian MS. in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana.]

[1] The greater part of the life of Antonio Pigafetta is shrouded in darkness. The Pigafetta family, who resided at Venice, and was formerly of Tuscan origin, dates back before him for several centuries. The Pigafetta escutcheon was white above and black below with a white transverse bar running from left to right. On the lower part were three red roses, one of them on the bar. The old family house is still standing and shows the motto Il nest rose sans espine, i.e., “No rose without a thorn,” which was probably carved in 1481, when the house was repaired, and not by Antonio Pigafetta after his return from his voyage as some assert. Antonio Pigafetta was born toward the close of the fifteenth century, but the date cannot be positively fixed, some declaring it to be 1491; but Harrisse who follows Marzari, gives the date as 1480. It is unknown who his parents were and some have asserted that he was a natural child, although this is evidently unfounded, as he was received into the military order of St. John. At an early age he probably became familiar with the sea and developed his taste for traveling. He went to Spain with the Roman ambassador Chieregato, in 1519, but in what capacity is unknown. Hearing details of Magalhães’s intended voyage he contrived to accompany him. Navarrete surmises that he is the Antonio Lombardo mentioned in the list of the captain’s servants and volunteers who sailed on the expedition, so called as his country was Lombardy. After the return of the “Victoria,” he journeyed in Spain, Portugal, and France, and returned to Italy probably in January, 1523. The relation presented by him to Cárlos I was probably a draft of his notes taken daily throughout the voyage. His Relation as we know it was undertaken at the request of the marchioness of Mantova, but its composition was arrested by an order from Clement VII to come to Rome, whither he went in December, 1523, or January, 1524, meeting Villiers l’Isle-Adam on his journey thither. He remained in the pope’s service but a short time, for in April, 1524, he was back in Venice. That same year he was granted a copyright on his Relation, which he intended to print, for twenty years. Pozzo says that he was received into the Order of St. John, October 3, 1524, but it was probably somewhat before that date. Between the dates of August, 1524, and August, 1530, his work was presented to Villiers l’Isle-Adam. Nothing further is known of him, though some say that he fought against the Turks as late as 1536, while others have placed his death in 1534 or 1535 and at Malta. In addition to his Relation Pigafetta wrote a Treatise on the art of navigation, which follows his Relation. This is not presented in the present publication, notwithstanding its importance, as being outside of the present scope. It is reproduced by Mosto. He has sometimes been confused with Marcantonio Pigafetta (a Venetian gentleman), the author of Itinerario da Vienna a Constantinopoli (London, 1585); and wrongly called Vincenzo Antonio Pigafetta, the “Vincenzo” being an error for “vicentino,” i.e., “Venetian.” See Mosto, Il primo viaggio ... di Antonio Pigafetta (Roma, 1894), pp. 13–30; Larousse’s Dictionnaire; and La grande Encyclopédie (Paris).

[2] The Order of St. John of Jerusalem. See Vol. II, p. 26, note 2. Throughout this Relation Pigafetta’s spelling of proper names is retained.

[3] Philippe de Villiers l’Isle-Adam, the forty-third grand master of the Order of the Knights of St. John (called Knights of Malta after 1530), was born of an old and distinguished family at Beauvais, in 1464, and died at Malta, August 21, 1534, at grief, some say, over the dissensions in his order. He was elected grand master of his order in 1521 and in the following year occurred his heroic defense of Rhodes with but four thousand five hundred soldiers against the huge fleet and army of Soliman. After six months he was compelled to surrender his stronghold in October, and refusing Soliman’s entreaties to remain with him, went to Italy. In 1524 he was given the city of Viterbe by Clement VII, where in June of 1527 he held a general chapter of his order, at which it was decided to accept the island of Malta which had been offered by Charles V. The gift was confirmed by the letters-patent of Charles V in 1530, and Villiers l’Isle-Adam Adam went thither in October of that year. He was always held in high esteem for his bravery, prudence, and piety. See Moreri’s Dictionaire, and Larousse’s Dictionnaire.

[4] The four MSS. of Pigafetta’s Relation are those known as the Ambrosian or Italian, so called from its place of deposit, the Biblioteca Ambrosiana in Milan; no. 5,650, conserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, in French; no. 24,224, in the same library, also in French; and the Nancy MS. (also French) so called because it was conserved in Nancy, France, now owned by the heirs of Sir Thomas Phillips, Cheltenham, England. The MSS. of the Bibliothèque Nationale are both shorter than the Italian MS. The Nancy MS. is said to be the most complete of the French manuscripts. The best bibliographical account of these four MSS. that has yet appeared is by Mosto ut supra. A full bibliographical account of both the MSS. and printed books will be given in the volume on bibliography in this series.

There are a number of radical differences between the Paris MS. no. 5,650 (which will be hereafter referred to simply as MS. 5,650) and the Italian MS., these differences including paragraph structure and the division of MS. 5,650 into various chapters, although the sequence is on the whole identical. The most radical of the differences will be shown in these notes. MS. 5,650 contains the following title on the page immediately preceding the beginning of the relation proper: “Navigation and discovery of Upper Indie, written by me, Anthoyne Pigaphete, a Venetian, and knight of Rhodes.”

[5] The emperor Charles V; but he was not elected to that dignity until June, 1519. Pigafetta writing after that date is not explicit.

[6] Francesco Chiericati was born in Venice, in one of the most ancient and famous families of that city, at the end of the fifteenth century. He attained preëminence at Sienna in both civil and ecclesiastical law. Aided by Cardinal Matteo Lang, bishop of Sion, he was received among the prelates of the apostolic palace. Later he conducted several diplomatic missions with great skill. He left Rome for Spain in December, 1518, on a private mission for the pope, and especially to effect a crusade against the Turks who were then invading Egypt and threatening Christianity. His house at Barcelona became the meeting-place of the savants of that day who discussed literature and science. See Mosto, p. 19, note 3.

[7] MS. 5,650 adds: “scholars and men of understanding.”

[8] MS. 5,650 reads: “so that I might satisfy the wish of the said gentlemen and also my own desire, so that it could be said that I had made the said voyage and indeed been an eyewitness of the things hereafter written.”

[9] See Vol. I, p. 250, note 192 for sketch of Magalhães. The only adequate life of Magalhães in English is that of Guillemard.

[10] That is, the Order of Santiago. See Vol. I, p. 145, note 171. Magalhães and Falero were decorated with the cross of comendador of the order by Cárlos I in the presence of the royal Council in July, 1518. See Guillemard’s Ferdinand Magellan, p. 114.

[11] See Vol. I for various documents during the period of the preparation of the fleet; also Guillemard’s Magellan, pp. 114–116 and 130–134; and Stanley’s First Voyage, pp. xxxiv–xlvi.

[12] Pope Clement VII, who assumed the papacy November 19, 1523. Pigafetta was summoned to Rome very soon after Clement’s election, for he was in Rome either in December, 1523, or January, 1524.

[13] The Amoretti edition (Milan, 1800; a wofully garbled adaptation of the Italian MS.) wrongly ascribes this desire to Clement VII, instead of Villiers L’Isle-Adam. See Stanley, p. 36, note 3.

[14] MS. 5,650 reads: “Finally, most illustrious Lordship, after all provisions had been made and the ships were in readiness, the captain-general, a wise and virtuous man, and one mindful of his honor, would not commence his voyage without first making some good and suitable rules, such as it is the approved custom to make for those who go to sea, although he did not entirely declare the voyage that he was about to make lest those men, through astonishment and fear, should refuse to accompany him on the so long voyage that he had determined upon. In consideration of the furious and violent storms that reign on the Ocean Sea where he was about to sail, and in consideration of another reason also, namely, that the masters and captains of the other ships in his fleet had no liking for him (the reason for which I know not, unless because he, the captain-general, was a Portuguese, and they Spaniards or Castilians, who have for a long while been biased and ill-disposed toward one another, but who, in spite of that, rendered him obedience), he made his rules such as follow, so that his ships might not go astray or become separated from one another during storms at sea. He published those rules and gave them in writing to every master in the ships and ordered them to be inviolably observed and kept, unless for urgent and legitimate excuse, and the proof that any other action was impossible.”

[15] A Spanish word, meaning “lantern.”

[16] Mosto wrongly derives strengue from the Spanish trenza “braid” or “twist.” Instead it is the Spanish word estrenque, which denotes a large rope made from Spanish grass hemp (stipa)—known to the Spaniards as esparto. MS. 5,650 reads: “Sometimes he set out a lantern; at other times a thick rush cord which was lighted and was called ‘trenche’ [i.e., ‘estrenque,’ ‘rope of Spanish grass hemp’].” Barcio (Diccionario general etimológico) says that the origin of estrenque is unknown.

[17] MS. 5,650 reads: “If he wished the other ships to haul in a bonnet-sail, which was a part of the sail attached to the mainsail, he showed three lights. Also by three lights notwithstanding that the weather might be favorable for making better time, it was understood that the bonnet-sail was to be hauled in, so that the mainsail might be sooner and easier struck and furled when bad weather came suddenly in any squall or otherwise.”

[18] MS. 5,650 adds: “which he had extinguished immediately after;” and continues: “then showing a single light as a sign that he intended to stop there and wait until the other ships should do as he.”

[19] MS. 5,650 adds: “that is to say, a rock in the sea.”

[20] Stanley translates the following passage wrongly. Rightly translated, it is: “Also when he desired the bonnet-sail to be reattached to the sail, he showed three fires.”

[21] This passage is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[22] Hora de la modorra is in Spanish that part of the night immediately preceding the dawn. Mosto, p. 52, note 8.

[23] Contra maestro (boatswain) corresponding to the French contremaître and the Spanish contramaestre, was formerly the third officer of a ship’s crew. Nochiero (French nocher) was the officer next to contramaestre, although the name, according to Littré was applied to the master or seacaptain of certain small craft. The maestro (French maître) was a sub-officer in charge of all the crew. The pilot was next to the captain in importance. The translator or adapter who made MS. 5,650 confuses the above officers (see following note).

[24] The instructions pertaining to the different watches are as follows in MS. 5,650: “In addition to the said rules for carrying on the art of navigation as is fitting, and in order to avoid the dangers that may come upon those who do not have watches set, the said captain, who was skilled in the things required and in navigation, ordered three watches to be set. The first was at the beginning of the night; the second at midnight; and the third toward daybreak, which is commonly called the ‘diane’ [i.e., ‘morn’] or otherwise ‘the star of dawn.’ The abovenamed watches were changed nightly: that is to say, that he who had stood first watch stood second the day following, while he who had stood second, stood third; and thus did they continue to change nightly. The said captain ordered that his rules, both those of signals and of watches, be thoroughly observed, so that their voyage might be made with the greatest of safety. The men of the said fleet were divided into three divisions: the first was that of the captain; the second that of the pilot or boatswain’s mate; and the third that of the master. The above rules having been instituted, the captain-general determined to depart, as follows.”

[25] See Guillemard’s Magellan, pp. 329–336, and Navarrete, Col. de viages, iv, pp. 3–11, 162–188, for the stores and equipments of the fleet and their cost. The stores carried consisted of wine, olive oil, vinegar, fish, pork, peas and beans, flour, garlic, cheese, honey, almonds, anchovies, raisins, prunes, figs, sugar, quince preserves, capers, mustard, beef, and rice. The apothecary supplies were carried in the “Trinidad,” and the ecclesiastical ornaments in that ship and the “San Antonio.”

[26] The exact number of men who accompanied Magalhães is a matter of doubt. A royal decree, dated Barcelona, May 5, 1519, conserved in the papers of the India House of Trade in Archivo general de Indias at Sevilla, with pressmark est. 41, caj. 6, leg. 2–25, orders that only two hundred and thirty-five persons sail in the fleet. The same archives contain various registers of the fleet (sec Llorens Ascensio’s Primera vuelta al mundo, Madrid, 1903), one of which is published by Medina in his Colección (i, p. 113). Guillemard (Magellan, p. 326) says that at least two hundred and sixty-eight men went as is shown by the official lists and “the casual occurrence of names in the numerous and lengthy autos fiscales connected with the expedition.” Guillemard conjectures that the total number must have been between two hundred and seventy and two hundred and eighty. Mosto (p. 53, note 2) says: “Castanheda and Barros say that the crews amounted to 250 men, while Herrera says 234. Navarrete’s lists show a total of 265 men. At least 37 were Portuguese, and in addition to them and the Spaniards, the crews contained Genoese and Italians (thirty or more), French (nineteen), Flemings, Germans, Sicilians, English, Corfiotes, Malays, Negroes, Moors, Madeirans, and natives of the Azores and Canary Islands. But seventeen are recorded from Seville, while there are many Biscayans. (See Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 326–329.) The registers of men as given by Navarrete (Col. de viages, iv, pp. 12–26) are as follows.

Trinidad

(Flagship of 110 tons)

Capacity Name Nationality Chief captain Hernando de Magallanes Portuguese, citizen of the fleet of Oporto Pilot of his Esteban Gomez Portuguese Highness Notary Leon de Espeleta Master Juan Bautista de Cestre, on the Punzorol [1] Genoese shore Alguacil [2] Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa Espinosa Contramaestre Francisco Albo [3] Axio, citizen of Rodas Surgeon Juan de Morales [4] Sevilla Barber Marcos de Bayas San Lucar de Alpechin Carpenter Master Antonio Genoese Steward Cristóbal Ros or Rodriguez Lepe Calker Felipe [5] Genoese, native of Reco Cooper Francisco Martin Sevilla Sailor Francisco de Espinosa De le Brizuela Sailor Ginés de Mafra Jerez Sailor Leon Pancaldo [6] Saona, in Génova Sailor Juan Ginovés [7] San Remó Sailor Francisco Piora Saona Sailor Martin Ginovés Cestre Sailor Anton Hernandez Huelva Colmenero Sailor Anton Ros, or Rodriguez Huelva Sailor Bartolomé Sanchez Huelva Sailor Tomas de Natia Cestre Sailor Diego Martin Huelva Sailor Domingo de Urrutia [8] Lequeitio Sailor Francisco Martin Huelva Sailor Juan Rodriguez Sevilla Gunner Master Andres, chief Bristol, in England gunner Gunner Juan Bautista Mompeller Gunner Guillermo Tañegui Lila de Groya Common seaman Antonio de Goa Loró Common seaman Anton de Noya [9] Noya in Galicia Common seaman Francisco de Ayamonte Ayamonte Common seaman Juan de Santandres [10] Cueto Common seaman Blas de Toledo [11] Almunia in Aragon Common seaman Anton [12] Black Common seaman Basco Gomez Gallego Portuguese Common seaman Juan Gallego Pontevedra Common seaman Luis de Beas [13] Beas in Galicia Common seaman Juan de Grijol Grijol in Portugal Boy Gutierrez Asturian from Villasevil Boy Juan Genovés [14] A port on the Genoese shore Boy Andres de la Cruz [15] Sevilla

Servants of the captain and sobresalientes [16]

Servant Cristóbal Rabelo Portuguese, native of Oporto Sobresaliente Joan Miñez or Martinez Sevilla Servant Fernando Portogues [17] Portuguese, native of Oporto Sobresaliente Antonio Lombardo [18] Lombardía Peti-Joan French, native of Angeo [i.e., Anjou] Gonzalo Rodriguez Portuguese Diego Sanchez Barrasa Sevilla Luis Alonso, Portuguese, citizen of de Gois [19] Ayamonte Duarte Barbosa Portuguese Albaro de la Mezquita Portuguese Servant Nuño Portuguese, native of Montemayor Nuevo Servant Diego San Lucar Captain’s boy Francisco [20] Portuguese, native of Estremiz Idem Jorge Morisco Lombardía Chaplain Pedro de Balderrama Ecija Merino Alberto [21] Merino Cordova Servant of the Pero Gomez Hornilla la Prieta alguacil Armorer Pero Sanchez [22] Sevilla Interpreter, a Henrique de Malaca [23] Malaca servant Lázaro de Torres Aracena

San Antonio

(120 tons)

Capacity Name Nationality Captain and Juan de Cartagena supervisor of the fleet Accountant Antonio de Coca Notary Hierónimo Guerra His Majesty’s pilot Andres de San Martin Pilot of his Juan Rodriguez de Mafra Highness Master Juan de Elorriaga [24] Guipúzcoa Boatswain Diego Hernandez Sevilla Barber Pedro Olabarrieta [25] Bilbao Steward Juan Ortiz de Bilbao Gopegar [26] Calker Pedro de Bilbao Bilbao Carpenter Pedro de Sabtua Bermeo Calker Martin de Goytisolo Baquio Cooper Joan de Oviedo Sevilla Sailor Sebastian de Olarte Bilbao Sailor Lope de Uguarte Sailor Joanes de Segura Segura in Guipúzcoa Sailor Joan de Francia Ruan [i.e., Rouen] Sailor Jácome de Mecina Mesina Sailor Christóbal García From Palos Sailor Pero Hernandez Rivadesella Sailor Antonio Rodríguez, Sevilla Calderero [i.e., blacksmith] Sailor Hernando de From Moguer Morales [27] Sailor Francisco, Marinero Citizen of Huelva [i.e., a sailor] Sailor Francisco Ros, or From Huelva Rodriguez Sailor Pedro de Laredo Portogalete Sailor Simon de Asio Axio Gunner Master Jacques, chief From Tierra Lorena gunner [i.e., land of Lorraine] Gunner Rojer Dupict Monaym Gunner Joan Jorge Silvedrin Common seaman Luis, [28] Grumete Galicia [i.e., a common seaman] Common seaman Martin de Aguirre Arrigorriaga Common seaman Columbazo Bolonia [i.e., Bologna] Common seaman Lucas de Mecina Mesina Common seaman Lorencio Rodriguez From Moguer Common seaman Miguel Pravia, in Astúrias Common seaman Joanes de Irun Iranzo Irun Iranza in Guipúzcoa Common seaman Joan Ginoves Saona Common seaman Joan de Orue Munguia Common seaman Alonso del Puerto [29] Puerto de Santa María Boy Diego, son of Cristóbal From Palos Garcia Boy Diego, son of Juan Rodriguez de Mafra

Servants and sobresalientes

Chaplain Bernardo Calmeta Laytora in France Sobresaliente Joan de Chinchilla Murcia Sobresaliente Anton de Escobar Talavera Sobresaliente Francisco de Angulo Moron Servant to the captain Francisco de Molino Baeza Servant to the captain Roque Pelea Salamanca Servant to the captain Rodrigo Nieto, a Orense Galician Servant to the captain Alonso del Rio Búrgos Servant to the captain Pedro de Balpuesta Citizen of Búrgos Servant to the captain Joan de Leon Leon Servant to the captain Gutierre de Tuñon [30] Tunon in Astúrias Servant to the captain Joan de Sagredo, [31] Revenga, in the merino land of Búrgos Servant to the captain Joan de Minchaca, a Bilbao crossbowman Captain’s servant Antonio Hernandez; Ayamonte interpreter Servant to the Juan Gomez de Espinosa Espinosa accountant Servant to the Pedro de Urrea Brujas accountant

Concepcion

(90 tons)

Captain Gaspar de Quesada Notary Sancho de Heredia Pilot of his Joan Lopez Caraballo Portuguese Highness Master Joan Sebastian de Elcano [32] Guetaria Boatswain Joan de Acurio Bermeo Barber Hernando de Bustamente [33] Mérida Calker Antonio de Basazabal [34] Bermeo Carpenter Domingo de Iraza [35] Deva Steward Joan de Campos Alcalá de Henares Cooper Pero Perez Sevilla Sailor Francisco Rodriguez [36] Sevilla Sailor Francisco Ruiz Moguer Sailor Mateo de Gorfo [37] Gorfo Sailor Joan Rodriguez [38] Huelva Sailor Sebastian Garcia [39] Huelva Sailor Gomez Hernandez Huelva Sailor Lorenzo de Iruna [40] Socavila in Guipúzcoa Sailor Joan Rodriguez, [41] el sordo Sevilla [i.e., the deaf man] Sailor Joan de Aguírre Bermeo Sailor Joan de Ortega Cifuentes Gunner Hans Vargue, [42] chief German gunner Gunner Master Pedro Bruselas Gunner Roldan de Argote Flandes, in Brujas Common seaman Joan de Olivar [43] Common seaman Guillermo de Lole [44] Common seaman Cristóbal de Costa [45] Jerez Common seaman Guillen Galvey Common seaman Gonzalo de Vigo Vigo Common seaman Pedro de Muguertegui Muguertegui Common seaman Martin de Isaurraga Bermeo Common seaman Rodrigo Macias Sevilla Common seaman Joan Navarro [46] Pamplona Common seaman Joanes de Tuy Boy Juanillo [47] Galbey Boy Pedro de Churdurza [48] Bermeo

Sobresalientes

Captain’s servant Luis del Molino Baeza Captain’s servant Antonio Fernandez Portuguese, of Sevilla Captain’s servant Alonso Coto [49] Genoese Captain’s servant Francisco Diaz de Madrid Madrid Merino Martin de Judicibus Genoese Juan de Silva Isla Graciosa, in Azores Blacksmith Gonzalo Hernandez Santa María del Puerto Martin de Magallayns Portuguese, of Lisboa Joan de la Torre Almonaster, a boundary of Sevilla

Victoria

(85 tons)

Captain and Luis de Mendoza treasurer of fleet Pilot of his Basco Gallego Portuguese Highness Notary Martin Mendez Citizen of Sevilla Master Anton Salomon Trápana in Sicilia Boatswain Miguel de Rodas Rodas Alguacil Diego de Peralta Peralta in Navarra Steward Alonso Gonzales Portuguese Calker Simon de la Rochela From La Rochela Carpenter Martin de Griate [50] From Deva Sailor Miguel Benesciano Bresá Sailor Diego Gallego Bayona in Galicia Sailor Lope Navarro Tudela Sailor Nicolas Ginoves Génova Sailor Nicolao de Nápoles Nápoles de Romanía Sailor Miguel Sanchez Rodas Sailor Nicolao de Capua Capua Sailor Benito Genovés Arvenga Sailor Felipe de Rodas Rodas Sailor Esteban Villon [51] Troya Sailor Joan Griego Nápoles de Romanía Gunner Jorge Aleman [i.e., From Estric the German], chief gunner Gunner Filiberto de Toriana Torres [52] Gunner Hans, a German [53] Agan Common seaman Joanico, [54] a Somorostro Viscayan Common seaman Joan de Arratia [55] Bilbao Common seaman Ochote [56] Bilbao Common seaman Martin de Ayamonte Common seaman Pedro de Tolosa Tolosa in Guipúzcoa Common seaman Sebastian Ortiz Gelver Common seaman Antonio Baresa in Génova Common seaman Bernal Mahuri [57] Narbona Common seaman Rodrigo Gallego [i.e., Coruña a Galician] Common seaman Domingo Portogues Coimbra [i.e., a Portuguese] Boy Juan de Zuvileta, the Baracaldo son of Basco Gallego

Sobresalientes

The captain’s Francisco Carvajal Salamanca servant Captain’s servant Joan Martin [58] Aguilar de Campo Captain’s servant Simon de Burgos Portuguese Captain’s servant Bartolomé de Saldaña Palos Blacksmith Gonzalo Rodriguez Blacksmith Pero Garcia de Ciudad Real Herrero [59] Blacksmith Joan Villalon Antequera Blacksmith Alonso de Mora, or Mora, in Portugal de Ebora [60] Cooper Joan de Córdoba Sanlúcar Cooper Diego Diaz Sanlúcar

Santiago

(75 tons)

Captain and pilot Joan Serrano Citizen of Sevilla of his Highness Notary Antonio de Costa Master Baltasar Ginoves Ribera de Génova [i.e., the Genoese shore] Boatswain Bartolomé Prior [61] San Malo Steward Gaspar Diaz Isla Graciosa, in the Azores Calker Joan García Génova Carpenter Ripart [62] Bruz in Normandia [i.e., Normandy] Sailor Antonio Flamenco [i.e., Enveres a Fleming] Sailor Luis Martinez Huelva Sailor Bartolomé García Palos Sailor Joan García Palos Sailor Agustin Saona Sailor Bocacio Alfonso [63] Bollullos Sailor Pedro Gascon [64] Burdeos [i.e., [i.e., a Gascon] Bordeaux] Sailor Domingo [65] Sailor Diego García de Trigueros Trigueros Gunner Lorenzo Corrat Talesa in Normandia [i.e., Normandy] Gunner Joan Macia [66] Troya Common seaman Pedro Diaz [67] Huelva Common seaman Antonio Hernandez [68] Palos Common seaman Juan, [69] a negro Common seaman Joan Breton [i.e., a Cruesic in Bretaña Breton] [i.e., Brittany] Common seaman Pedro Bello [70] Palos Common seaman Hierónimo Garcia [71] Sevilla Common seaman Pero Arnaot Horrai Common seaman Pero Garcia Trigueros Boy Joan Flamenco [i.e., a Enveres Fleming] Boy Francisco Paxe [72]

Sobresalientes

Merino Joan de Aroche Aroche, boundary of Sevilla Martin Barrena Villafranco in Guipúzcoa Hernan Lorenzo Aroche

The total number of men for the ships as above given is 235. Navarrete made his list from the list conserved in Archivo general de Indias, and notes of Juan Bautista Muñoz, and various other sources. The obstacles in the way of a correct register were the abbreviation of names and places, the custom prevalent of naming people from their native town or province, and the fact that the various registers were made between 1519 and 1525. From some of these registers, it appears that the following men were also in the fleet.

Capacity Name Nationality Carpenter Aroca Viscayan Steward Blas Alfonso Portuguese Calker Juan Gutierrez Maestre Pedro [73] Sailor Bautista Genovés Génova Common seaman Perucho de Bermeo Common seaman Domingo Alvarez Common seaman Domingo Gonzalez Common seaman Domingo de Zubillan [74] Portuguese Common seaman Andres Blanco Common seaman Antonio Gomez Axio Common seaman Juan Portugués [i.e., a Portuguese] Common seaman Juan Bras Common seaman Gonzalo Gallego Common seaman Rodrigo de Hurrira Sebastian Portugués [i.e., a Portuguese] Juan de Ircepais

Sobresalientes

Secular priest Pero Sanchez de Reina Licentiate Morales Hernando Rodriguez Hartiga Diugurria Soldier Diego Arias Sanlúcar Blacksmith Juan Hernandez Triana Servant of Luis Hernando de Aguilar de Mendoza The negro of the pilot Juan Carballo

In addition there were probably others, this list being still three short of Guillemard’s figures, 268. Harrisse (Disc. of N. Amer., London and Paris, 1892, pp. 714 et seq.) gives a partial list.

[27] The Moorish name of Guadalquivir (from Arabic Wâd-al-Kebir, “the great river”), superseded the Roman name of Bætis. The Romans formed all Southern Spain into one province called Bætica after the name of the Bætis. By the town Gioan dal Farax is meant San Juan de Aznalfarache (from Moorish Hisn al-Faradj). Its Gothic name was Osset and its Roman name Julia Constantia. It is a favorite resort of the inhabitants of Sevilla. Coría was once a Roman potters’ town and is still celebrated for its jars. San Lúcar de Barrameda was named in honor of St. Luke. It was captured from the Moors in 1264 and granted to the father of Guzman el Bueno. It attained importance after the discovery of America because of its good harbor. The house of Medina-Sidonia was founded by Alfonso Pérez de Guzman, a famous captain.

[28] The original of this passage is obscure. The distance given (ten leagues; and both MS. 5,650 and Eden agree substantially with it) is far too short for the distance between San Lucar and Cape St. Vincent, which is over one hundred miles. Pigafetta may have forgotten the actual distance, or it may have been an error of his amanuensis. It is possible to translate as follows: “which lies in 37 degrees of latitude, [that parallel being] x leguas from the said port;” for “longui” may be taken as agreeing with “gradi.” In all rendering of distances, the Spanish form will be used in preference to the Italian; and the same will apply to the names of Spanish coins.

[29] MS. 5,650 reads: “And after passing many small villages along the said river, we at last reached a chateau belonging to the duke of Medinacidonia, and called Sainct Lucar, where there is a port with an entrance into the Ocean Sea. One enters that port by the east wind, and leaves by the west. Nearby is the cape of Sainct Vincent, which, according to cosmography, lies in a latitude of thirty-seven degrees at a distance of twenty miles from the said port. From the said city [of Sevilla] to the said port by the river abovesaid, the distance is thirty-five or forty miles.” This passage might be cited as a proof that Pigafetta did not translate or write the French version, but that the work was done by another, who takes various liberties with his original.

[30] MS. 5,650 reads: “furnish the fleet.”

[31] Ninguna in original, a Spanish word.

[32] MS. 5,650 adds: “otherwise called ‘labeiche.’” Labech (Italian libeccio) is simply a name for the southwest wind. This is another instance in which the French adapter adds an explanation to the Italian, thus explaining the Italian term garbino, “southwest.”

[33] MS. 5,650 reads wrongly: “sixteenth.” The so-called Genoese pilot (the author of the “Roteiro,” by which name his account will be hereafter designated, and concerning whom, see Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 145, and Mosto, p. 32, and note 4) gives the date of departure as September 21 (with which Barros agrees) and the arrival at Tenerife as the twenty-ninth (see Stanley, p. 1). Peter Martyr, Gomara, and Oviedo agree with Pigafetta, while Castanheda makes the departure in January, 1520. Hughes observes that if one keep in mind the circumstance that the day of the arrival coincided with the day dedicated by the Church to St. Michael, the date September 29 seems more admissible. However, one may reconcile the two dates of the arrival by observing that the ships stopped at Tenerife until October 2; while Herrera says that the ships fetched Montaña Roja (the Monte rosso of the text) on September 29. See Mosto, p. 53, notes 4 and 5. It should be noted that Gomara and Oviedo are not entirely trustworthy authorities, and that many times they have simply copied from authorities, such as Maximilianus Transylvanus, who is not always to be relied upon.

[34] The Canaries were known to the ancients under the names of Islands of the Blest, Fortunate Islands, and the Hesperides. The Moors knew of them under the name of Islands of Khaledat, but had no practical acquaintance with them. In the fourteenth century these islands began to be known to Europeans, especially through the Portuguese. In 1402, the Frenchman Jean de Bethencourt went there, and shortly after began their conquest under the auspices of the crown of Castile. In consequence of the settlements made by Bethencourt, the islands were definitely ceded to Spain in 1481 (see Birch’s Alboquerque, London, 1875–1884, Hakluyt Society Publications, ii, p. vi). The inhabitants of the islands were known as Guanches or Guanchinet, the latter meaning “men of Tenerife.” The inhabitants of this island, holding out longer than the others, were not subdued until 1496. See also Conquest of Canaries (London, 1877); and History and Description of Africa (London, 1896), i, pp. 99–101: both publications of the Hakluyt Society. The island of Tenerife was formerly called Nivana and by some the Island of Hell. Like all the other islands of the Canaries it is volcanic in formation, and its peak, the Teyde, is one of the largest volcanic cones known. Its latitude is 28° 15′.

[35] Guillemard conjectures that this is Punta Roxa, located at the south end of Tenerife.

[36] MS. 5,650 adds: “which is a substance needed by ships.” Herrera says that they waited three days at the port awaiting a caravel that was laden with pitch for the fleet (Mosto, p. 53, note 8).

[37] MS. 5,650 reads: “water coming from spring or river.”

[38] Eden (p. 250) adds to this account which he greatly abridges: “The lyke thynge is alſo ſcene in the Iland of ſaynt Thomas, lyinge directly vnder the Equinoctiall lyne.” Of this island of Hierro, Pory (History and description of Africa, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 100) says: “Hierro hath neither spring nor well, but is miraculously furnished with water by a cloud which over-spreadeth a tree, from whence distilleth so much moisture, as sufficeth both for men and cattel. This cloud ariseth an hower or two before the sunne, and is dissolued two howers after sunne rising.” This is an old story and is related by Pliny and founded upon fact “for both in Madeira and the Canaries the laurel and other heavy-foliaged evergreens condense abundant water from the daily mists” (Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 149). Gregorio Chil y Naranio (Estudios históricos ... de las islas Canarias, 1879) believes Pigafetta means here the island of Palma, and that the first navigators visited only the coast and so did not see the lake in the interior (Mosto, p. 53, note 9).

[39] MS. 5,650 adds: “which the sailors of the east call ‘Cyroc’” This is the Italian sirocco, which is the name for the southeast wind instead of the south. Herrera says they left the port October 2 (Mosto, p. 54, note 2).

[40] Eden (p. 250) reads incorrectly: “In this coaſt they had no maner of contrary wynds but a great calme and fayre wether for the ſpace of three ſcore and tenne dayes, in the which they came vnder the Equinoctiall lyne.”

[41] MS. 5,650 adds: “and of those persons who have sailed there often.”

[42] MS. 5,650 reads: “And in order that our ships might not be wrecked or broach to (which often happens when the squalls come together).”

[43] This last phrase, as well as the two following sentences are missing in MS. 5,650. The third sentence following begins: “During the calm weather, large fish called tiburoni,” etc. The word tiburoni, “sharks” is from the Spanish tiburon, which comes from the French tibéron (tiburin, tiburon).—Echagaray’s Diccionario Etimológico (Madrid, 1889).

[44] MS. 5,650 reads: “The said fish are caught by means of a contrivance which sailors call ‘hame’ which is an iron fishhook.” Hame (ain) is the French form of the Italian Amo, meaning “fishhook.”

[45] MS. 5,650 adds: “because of the bad weather.”

[46] MS. 5,650 reads “a quarter of an hour,” and the same duration of time is given by Eden (p. 250).

[47] MS. 5,650 adds: “It is to be noted that whenever that fire that represents the said Saint Anselme ascends and descends the mast of a ship while in a storm at sea, that the said ship is never wrecked.” Herrera (cited by Mosto, p. 54, note 5) says that St. Elmo appeared on the masthead with a lighted candle and sometimes two during the storms encountered along the coasts of Guinea, and that the sailors were greatly comforted thereby, and saluted the saint as is the custom of seamen. When he appeared, he remained a quarter of an hour; and at his departure a great flash of light occurred which blinded all the men. Eden (p. 250) calls it the fire of St. Helen. Continuing, Eden injects into his abridgment of the first circumnavigation a description of St. Elmo’s fire by Hieronimus Cardanus in the second book of De Subtilitate. He says: “Of the kynde of trewe fyer, is the fyer baule or ſtarre commonly cauled ſaynt Helen which is ſumtyme ſeene abowt the maſtes of ſhyppes, beinge of ſuche fyery nature that it ſumetyme melteth braſen veſſels, and is a token of drownyng, foraſmuch as this chaunceth only in great tempeſtes. For the vapoure or exhalation whereof this fyre is engendered, can not bee dryven togyther or compacte in forme of fyre, but of a groſe vapoure and by a great poure of wynde, and is therfore a token of imminent perell.” The fires called after St. Peter and St. Nicholas are on the contrary, he says, good omens, and are generally to be seen on the cables, after a storm. Being little and swift moving they can do no damage as they could do if massed and of slow movement. St. Elmo’s fire is the popular name for the atmospheric electricity that gathers in the form of a star or brush about the masthead of ships and on the rigging. It was sometimes accompanied by a hissing noise and was considered as a good omen by sailors. The Greeks who observed this phenomenon wove it into the Castor and Pollux myth; and the French edition of Pigafetta’s relation published by Simon de Colines has the passage (see Mosto, p. 54): “They saw the fires called Sainct Eline and Sainct Nicolas like blazing torches (whom the ancients called Castor and Pollux).” “Elmo” is said by some to be a corruption of “Helena,” the sister of Castor and Pollux, and the name “Hellene” or “Helen” was often given to the fire when only one light was visible. It is, however, more probably derived from St. Elmo, bishop of Formine who died about 304, and who is invoked by sailors on the Mediterranean. The phenomenon is also called fire of “St. Elias,” “St. Clara,” “St. Nicolas,” and “composite,” “composant,” and “corposant (i.e., corpus sanctum).”

[48] The second bird mentioned is the stormy petrel (of the family Laridæ and genus Thalassidroma), which is found along all the Atlantic coasts and on some of the Pacific. The tale of the text was current among sailors (see Wilkes, U. S. Exploring Expedition, viii, pp. 402, 403). The cagassela (“cagaselo” in MS. 5,650) is the Stercorarius parasiticus, called also the jaeger, and by sailors “boatswain,” “teaser,” and “dung-hunter.” The last name arose from the belief, long held even by scientists, that this bird fed on the dung of gulls and terns. In reality it pursues the latter birds and compels them to disgorge the fish that they have swallowed. The flying-fish is either a species of Exocœtus, or the Scomberesox saurus of Europe and America, both of which feed in large schools and jump from the water to escape their enemies. See Riverside Natural History (Boston and New York).

[49] MS. 5,650 adds: “which is the collateral wind between the south and the west;” and below reads: “twenty-four and one-half degrees;” while Eden (p. 250) reads: “xxii degrees and a halfe.”

[50] Verzino, the etymology of which is unknown (see Varthema’s Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, p. lxxviii, note, and 205 note), is the Italian name for brazil-wood, from which Brazil, which was first visited by Vicente Pinzon, Diego Lope, Pedro Alvares Cabral, and Amerigo Vespucci, was named. The first names of the country were Vera Cruz and Santa Cruz. Cape Santo Agostinho, mentioned below, lies in 8° 21´ south latitude, and is the most eastern headland of South America. It was the first land of that continent to be discovered, being sighted at least as early as 1500 by Pinzon. Before sighting the above cape, Magalhães arrested Juan de Cartagena for insubordination and gave the command of the “San Antonio” to Antonio de Coca (see Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 153). Albo’s log begins slightly before the sighting of the point, his first entry being November 29. See Burton’s “Introduction” in his Captivity of Hans Stade (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1874).

[51] MS. 5,650 reads: “veal.” The anta is the tapir, once very plentiful in South America, but now rare in the well civilized districts. See Burton’s Captivity of Hans Stade, p. viii. Albo, however, seems to designate the llama by this name, for he says when speaking of the stay at Bay St. Julian: “and many Indians came there, who are clad in certain skins of antas, which resemble camels without the hump.” (Navarrete, Col. de viages, iv, p. 214).

[52] Stanley mistranslates the French phrase of MS. 5,650 et est de la longueur dun naveau, “and is of the length of a shuttle,” confusing naveau with navette, “shuttle.” Naveau here is equivalent to navet, “turnip” or navette, “rape,” a plant of the turnip class, as is proved by the Italian.

[53] MS. 5,650 reads: “And for a king of cards, of the kind which are used to play with in Italy, they gave me five fowls.” The four suits of Italian playing cards are called spade (“swords”), bastoni (“clubs”), danari (literally: “money;” “diamonds”), and coppe (“cups”).

[54] MS. 5,650 reads: “five.”

[55] MS. 5,650 adds: “which is an astrological term. That zenith is a point in the sky, according to astrologers, but only in the imagination, and is in a straight line over our head, as can be seen by the treatise of the sphere, and in Aristotle, in the first book De caelo et mondo.” By the treatise of the sphere is evidently meant the treatise of Pigafetta which follows his relation, and which is not reproduced here as being outside the scope of the present work. In the flyleaf of the Italian original is the following: “Notices concerning the new world, with the charts of the countries discovered, written by Antonio Pigafeta, Venetian and knight of Rodi. At the end are added some rules for finding the longitude and latitude of places east and west.” In the Italian MS. this treatise occupies the last twelve folios. Stanley translates Amoretti’s version of the Treatise, which is greatly abridged. Mosto (p. 35) conjectures that the treatise is the fruits of his three-years’ experience during the expedition.

[56] Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 210) says that the fleet continued to coast southwest from November 29 until arriving at St. Lucy’s bay on December 13 (St. Lucy’s day). Of the coast he says: “The mountains are peaked and have many reefs about them. There are many rivers and ports in the said Brasil and San Tomé, and some six leguas down the coast there are many bays running two leguas into the land. But the coast runs northeast and southwest to Cape Frio, and has many islands and rivers. Cape Frio is a very large river.... At the entrance of the said bay is a very large bay, and at the mouth a very low island, and inside it spreads out extensively and has many ports ... and is called the bay of Santa Lucía.... In the said bay, one finds a well-disposed and numerous race, who go naked and trade for fishhooks, mirrors, and hawk’s bells with food.... We entered that place on the very day of St. Lucy, and stayed there until the day of St. John, namely, the twenty-seventh of the said month of December. On that day we went and took our course west southwest, and found seven islands. To the right of them is a bay called the bay of Los Reyes [i.e., the Kings] which has a good entrance.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 1) says: “as soon as they sighted the other coast of Brazil, he steered to the south-east [sic] along the coast as far as Cabo-frio, which is in twenty-three degrees south latitude; and from this cape he steered to the west, a matter of thirty leagues, to make the Rio de Janeiro, which is in the same latitude as Cabo-frio, and they entered the said river on the day of St. Lucy, which was the 13th December, in which place they took in wood, and they remained there until the first octave of Christmas, which was the 26th of December of the same year.” Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 306) says: “Setting sail thence [i.e., from Tenerife], the first land sighted was the cape of the shoals of Ambas. They descended the coast as far as the river called Janeiro, where they stayed 15 or 16 days.”

[57] Eden (p. 251) says: “bygger then all Spayne, Portugale, Fraunce, and Italie.”

[58] MS. 5,650 adds: “more like beasts than anything else.”

[59] MS. 5,650 reads: “And some of those people live to the age of one hundred, one hundred and twenty, one hundred and forty, or more.” Eden (p. 251) says: “C.xx. and C.xl. yeares.” For description of the Brazil Indians, and their manners and customs, see Captivity of Hans Stade (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 117–169.

[60] Wrongly transcribed by Stanley as “boy.”

[61] MS. 5,650 reads: “You must know that a family of one hundred persons, who make a great racket, lives in each of those houses called boii.” One of these houses (called Oca, in Tupi) is described by Wilson (Transactions of Ethnological Society, new series, vol. i) as being “60 or 70 feet long, divided into rooms for several families by rush mats, and provided with a central fire whose smoke passed through the roof. Some of them contained 200 head.” See Burton’s Captivity of Hans Stade, pp. 59, 60, note. The Indians described by Pigafetta are probably the Tamoyos of the Tupi or Guarani stock (Mosto, p. 56, note 1; see also Burton, ut supra, pp. lxi-lxxvi).

[62] Amoretti makes this passage read: “Their boats, called canoes, are hollowed out from the single trunk of a huge tree;” understanding maschize as massiccio “huge.” Mosto prefers to read maschize as two words ma schize (notwithstanding that it is one word in the original), for ma schiacciate, “but flattened.” Accepting this, the translation would be: “They have boats made from one single tree, only flattened.” Amoretti’s interpretation is to be preferred.

[63] MS. 5,650 reads: “and one would believe them to be enemies from hell.”

[64] MS. 5,650 adds: “of the said country of Verzin.”

[65] MS. 5,650 reads: “daily.” Amerigo Vespucci says in a letter (Mosto, p. 55, note 6): “I saw human flesh salted and suspended from the beams, in the same way as we are wont to hang up bacon and swine’s flesh.” See Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (Cleveland reissue), for instances of cannibalism among the North American Indians. See also Captivity of Hans Stade (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 151, 155–159; and Dominguez’s Conquest of the River Plate (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1891), pp. 129, 130.

[66] For Carvagio, as in MS. 5,650, and later in the Italian; an error of the amanuensis. This was João Carvalho (the Juan Lopez Caraballo of the register—see note 26, ante). Carvalho was a Portuguese, of none too scrupulous morals, even in his age, as appears later in Pigafetta’s narrative. After the fatal banquet in the island of Cebú, he became the leader of the remaining men of the fleet, but was later deposed (see post, note 441). He remained behind with the ill-fated “Trinidad,” and never returned to Europe. His son, borne to him by a native woman of Brazil, was left behind in Borneo. See Stanley, pp. 252–255, for Correa’s account of the actions of Carvalho after the death of Magalhães.

[67] The early French edition and the Italian edition of 1536 both include the women and children.—Stanley.

[68] It is a widespread (perhaps universal) characteristic of the American Indian to pull out the hair of the body. See Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (Cleveland reissue).

[69] Eden (p. 45), defines gatti mammoni as monkeys. Monkeys of the genus Cebus are probably meant (Mosto, p. 55, note 8).

[70] MS. 5,650 reads: “fresh cheese.” Pigafetta may here refer to the bread made from the casava or manioc root. See Burton’s Captivity of Hans Stade, pp. 130–132, for a description of the method of preparing this root.

[71] The swine mentioned by Pigafetta is the Tayasu (Tagaçu), or peccari (Dicotyles torquatus), which has quills resembling those of the porcupine, and is generally of a whitish color. It is tailless and very fierce and difficult to domesticate. The flesh was eaten; and the teeth were worn by some of the chiefs as necklaces. Burton (ut supra), p. 160, note.

[72] The Platalea ajaja or rosy spoonbill, belonging to the family of the Plataleidæ, whose habitat extends through all of tropical and subtropical America, including the West Indies, south to the Falkland Islands, Patagonia and Chile, and north to the southern part of the United States.

[73] Hans Stade (Burton, ut supra) testifies to the chastity of the people of Eastern Brazil among whom he lived as a prisoner.

[74] MS. 5,650 reads: “The women attend to the outside affairs, and carry everything necessary for their husband’s food in small panniers on the head or fastened to the head.”

[75] MS. 5,650 adds: “and compassion.”

[76] MS. 5,650 reads: “When we departed they gave us a very great quantity of verzin;” and adds: “That is a color which comes from trees which grow in the said country, and so abundantly, that the country is called Verzin from it.”

[77] MS. adds: “which was a piece of great simplicity.”

[78] This sentence is preceded by the following in MS. 5,650: “Besides the abovesaid which proclaims their simplicity, the people of the above place showed us another very simple thing.”

[79] This passage in Stanley reads as follows: “A beautiful young girl came one day inside the ship of our captain, where I was, and did not come except to seek for her luck: however, she directed her looks to the cabin of the master, and saw a nail, of a finger’s length, and went and took it as something valuable and new, and hid it in her hair, for otherwise she would not have been able to conceal it, because she was naked, and, bending forwards, she went away; and the captain and I saw this mystery.” The matter between the words “length” and “naked” is taken from MS. 24,224 (wrongly declared by Stanley to be the copy of his travels presented to the regent Louise by Pigafetta, the conclusion being based on the fact that some of the details are softened down), as Stanley considered the incident as told in MS. 5,650, the Italian MS. and the first French edition, as unfit for publication. Stanley cites the following (in the original) from the edition of 1536 which omits the above story: “At the first land at which we stopped, some female slaves whom we had brought in the ships from other countries and who were heavy with child, were taken with the pains of childbirth. Consequently, they went alone out of the ships, went ashore, and after having given birth, returned immediately to the ships with their infants in their arms.” He also cites the following passage from the first French printed edition, which also narrates the above story of the girl: “At the first coast that we passed, some slave women gave birth. When they were in travail, they left the boat, after which they immediately returned, and nursed their children.” Stanley adds that this story of the slave women is improbable, as women were not allowed to come aboard ship.

[80] MS. 5,650 gives the words of the Brazil as follows: “maiz, huy, pinda, taesse, chignap, pirame, itenmaraca, tum maraghatom.” Amoretti (see Stanley’s edition, p. 48) reads tacse as tarse and itanmaraca as Hanmaraca. Stanley mistranslates the French forcette (“scissors”) as “fork.”

[81] Eden says (p. 251): “xxxiiii. degree and a halfe toward the pole Antartike.”

[82] MS. 5,650 reads: “and to ask whether the others might come.”

[83] MS. 5,650 reads: “That place was formerly called Cape Saincte Marye and it was thought that one could pass thence to the sea of Sur, that is to say the South Sea, but it has not been ascertained that any ships have ever discovered anything farther on.” Eden (p. 251) reads: “Abowt the mouth of this ryuer are ſeven ilandes, in the byggeſt whereof, they founde certeyne precious ſtones, and cauled it the cape of Saynt Marie. The Spanyardes thought that by this ryuer they might haue paſſed into the ſouth ſea. But they were deceaued in theyr opinion. For there was none other paſſage than by the ryuer which is xvii. leagues large in the mouth.” This river was the Rio de la Plata. The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 2) says that Magalhães left Rio de Janeiro December 26, proceeding to the cape Santa María and the river which was called St. Christopher. There they remained until February 2, 1520. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 211) also mentions the river which he calls the “river of Solís.” The ships sent to look for a strait through the river were gone two days, and a careful exploration of the mouth of the river was made. Brito (Navarrete, iv, pp. 306, 307) says: “They left that place [i.e., Rio de Janeiro] and coasted along shore until they reached the river called Solís, where Fernando Magallanes thought that he could find a strait. They stayed there forty days. Magallanes ordered the ship ‘Santiago’ to sail forward for about 50 leguas to see whether there was any passage. Not finding a passage, he crossed the river which is about 25 leguas wide and found the [opposite] coast which runs northeast and southwest.” For early history of this region, see Dominguez’s Conquest of the River Plata.

[84] Juan Diaz de Solis, a famous Spanish navigator, was born at Lebrixa, in 1470. He is said, although without sufficient authority, to have discovered Yucatan with Pinzon in 1506. He was appointed chief pilot of Spain after the death of Amerigo Vespucci in 1512. In October, 1515, he sailed in command of an expedition in search of a southwest passage to India. He discovered Rio de la Plata which he explored as far as the region of the Charrua tribe, by whom he and some of his men were killed and eaten before September, 1516. The remnant of the expedition was conducted back to Spain by his brother-in-law.

[85] Eden adds (p. 251): “which ſum thynke to bee thoſe fyſſhes that wee caule pikes.” Below, the sea-wolf is described as having a head “of golden coloure.” They were probably some species of the Otariidæ or fur-seals (Giullemard, p. 160, note). The “geese” were penguins. Albo, Herrera, and others, also mention the “sea-wolves and ducks.” Kohl (Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde, xi, 362) says that this bay where the ships were laden with the seals and penguins is probably Desvelos Bay, but it is more probably Puerto Deseado (“Port Desire;” see Mosto, p. 57, note 2). Drake also secured fresh provisions from these “sea-wolves,” calling the bay where he secured them “Seale Bay.” See World Encompassed (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 54, 55.

[86] Port St. Julian. The “Roteiro” pilot (Stanley, p. 3) says that they reached it on March 31, 1520, and places it in 49° 20´ south latitude. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 214) says: “We went to a port called San Julian, where we entered the last day of March, and where we stayed until the day of St. Bartholomew. The said port lies in a latitude of 49 and two-thirds degrees. We pitched the ships in that port.” Other writers give slightly different locations (see Mosto, p. 57, note 5). Antonio Brito, the Portuguese, whose MS. is preserved in the Torre do Tombo at Lisbon, writes in 1523 to the king of Portugal certain news obtained from some of the men of the “Trinidad.” His information as might be expected, is at times faulty. Of Port St. Julian, he says: “They coasted along shore until they reached a river called San Juan where they wintered for four months.”

[87] MS. 5,650 adds: “jumping up and down.” The only reference made to the Patagonians by Albo is as follows: “Many Indians came there, who dress in certain skins of the anta, which resemble camels without the hump. They have certain bows made from cane, which are very small and resemble turkish bows. The arrows also resemble Turkish arrows, and are tipped with flint instead of iron. Those Indians are very prudent, swift runners, and very well-built and well-appearing men.” (Navarrete, iv, pp. 214, 215). Cf. with Pigafetta’s account that given by Maximilianus Transylvanus, in Vol. I, pp. 303–337.

[88] MS. 5,650 reads: “he began to marvel and to be afraid.”

[89] Guillemard, who follows the Amoretti edition, translates (p. 180) this passage: “His hair was short and colored white,” but this translation is borne out by neither the Italian MS. nor MS. 5,650. Guillemard presents a picture of a Patagonian, as does also Wilkes (Narrative of U. S. Exploring Expedition, 1838–1842), i, facing p. 95. The latter describes Indians, whom the officers of the expedition thought to be Patagonians, and who were taller than average Europeans, as follows: “They had good figures and pleasant looking countenances, low foreheads, and high cheekbones, with broad faces, the lower part projecting; their hair was course and cut short on the crown leaving a narrow border of hair hanging down; over this they wore a kind of cap or band of skin or woolen yarn. The front teeth of all of them were very much worn, more apparent, however, in the old than in the young. On one foot they wore a rude skin sandal. Many of them had their faces painted in red and black stripes, with clay, soot, and ashes. Their whole appearance, together with their inflamed and sore eyes, was filthy and disgusting.” They showed that they had had previous communication with white men. Their food was fish and shellfish, and they carried bows and arrows and had dogs. Brinton (American Race, New York, 1891) says that “The Patagonians call themselves Chonek or Tzoneca, or Inaken (men, people), and by their Pampean neighbors are referred to as Tehuel-Che, southerners.” Many of them are “from six to six feet four inches in height, and built in proportion. In color they are a reddish brown, and have aquiline noses and good foreheads.” Ramon Lista (Viage al pais de los Tehuel-Ches) gives the average height of the Patagonians as 1.854 m., hence the early accounts of their great stature are greatly exaggerated (Mosto, p. 57, note 6). See also the description of the Patagonians in the “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 5); and World encompassed by Sir Francis Drake (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 40, 56–61 (where the origin of the name “Patagonian” is wrongly given).

[90] The guanaco, a species of llama. See also Vol. II, p. 34, note 5*.

[91] Hence arose the name “Patagonians” or “men with big feet,” given by Magalhães, because of the awkward appearance of the feet in such coverings, which were stuffed with straw for greater warmth.

[92] The words “somewhat thicker than those of a lute” are lacking in MS. 5,650.

[93] This sentence is omitted by MS. 5,650.

[94] Eden (p. 251) says “two,” and following says that Magalhaes gave the giant “certeyne haukes belles and other great belles, with alſo a lookynge glaſſe, a combe, and a payre of beades of glaſſe.”

[95] MS. 5,650 adds: “on the face.”

[96] MS. 5,650 omits “face.”

[97] “For the smiths” is omitted by MS. 5,650.

[98] Maximilianus Transylvanus says that only one Patagonian was captured, but that he died shortly from self-starvation (Vol. I, pp. 314, 315). The “Roteiro” says (Stanley, p. 5) that three or four were captured, but all died except one, who went to Spain in the “San Antonio.” Pigafetta’s account, as given by an eyewitness, is to be preferred.

[99] MS. 5,650 reads: “for otherwise they could have caused some of our men trouble.” Below Stanley (p. 53) again mistranslates the French “forces” as “forks.”

[100] MS. 5,650 adds: “of malefactors,” and reads farther: “and their faces lighted up at seeing those manacles.”

[101] MS. 5,650 reads: “and they were grieved that they could not take the irons with their hands, for they were hindered by the other things that they were holding.” Eden (p. 252) says at the end of his account of the capture: “Being thus taken, they were immediately ſeperate and put in ſundry ſhyppes.”

[102] MS. 5,650 adds: “that is, the big devil.”

Arber in his introduction to The first three English books on America says that Shakespeare had access to The decades of the newe worlde of Eden, and created the character of Caliban (who invokes Setebos) in the Tempest from the description of the Patagonian giants. See also World encompassed by Sir Francis Drake (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 48, for mention of the god Settaboth.

[103] MS. 5,650 reads: “the wife of one of the giants who had remained behind in irons.”

[104] MS. 5,650 makes this plural.

[105] See ante, note 103.

[106] This word is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[107] MS. 5,650 adds: “in their language.”

[108] MS. 5,650 omits this sentence.

[109] MS. 5,650 reads “instead of taking medicine.” See Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (Cleveland reissue) for examples of medicine and surgery as practiced by the North American Indians.

[110] MS. 5,650 reads “two feet or so.”

[111] MS. 5,650 reads “cut short and shaven like religious.” Hans Stade also notices the tonsure among the Indians who captured him (see Captivity of Hans Stade, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 136–138, and note, from which it appears that this manner of wearing the hair, was practiced among many Tupi tribes).

[112] Stanley (p. 55) does not translate this sentence, but gives the original from MS. 5,650.

[113] In MS. 5,650 this sentence reads as follows: “They seem to be painted, and one of those enemies is taller than the others, and makes a greater noise and gives expression to greater joy than the others.”

[114] Mosto (p. 59) mistranscribes or misprints “Setebas.” Roncagli (Da punta arenas a Santo Cruz, in “Bollettino della Società geografica italiana,” 1884, p. 775) says that the Patagonians sacrificed to an evil spirit called “Wallichu.” Brinton, ut supra, p. 328, says: “They are not without some religious rites, and are accustomed to salute the new moon, and at the beginning of any solemn undertaking to puff the smoke of their pipes to the four cardinal points, just as did the Algonquins and Iroquois.”

[115] See ante, note 91. Stanley mistranscribes “Pataghoni” of MS. 5,650 as “Palaghom.”

[116] A reference to the gypsies who had made their appearance in Italy as early as 1422, where they practiced various deceptions upon the credulous people. The name “Cingani” or Zingari, as they are generally called in Italy, comes from the Greek word t>asigqanoi, by which they were called by Byzantine writers of the ix–xii centuries; the same name appearing also in slightly different forms in Turkey, Bulgaria, Roumania, Hungary, Bohemia, and Germany. Their ancestral home was probably in northwestern India, whence they emigrated in successive waves. In many countries extreme and harsh measures were taken against them, especially in Germany, where they had appeared as early as 1417. They were never allowed a foothold in France, but have become a significant part of the population in Russia, Hungary, and Spain. In the latter country, where they are called Gitános (Egyptians), in spite of many severe laws passed against them until the reign of Cárlos III, they continued, more fortunate than the Jews, to thrive. They are mentioned by Cervantes in his Don Quixote (pt. i, chap, xxx), but the name Gitáno had first appeared in a Spanish document of 1499, where their customs are described. The few in Italy have been allowed to remain, and those in the Slavic countries and England were generally treated kindly. Their language is Aryan and was highly inflected; and while they have been given many names by the nations among whom they have lived, their own appellation is “Rom” “the man.” See New International Encyclopedia (New York, 1903).

[117] MS. 5,650 reads: “capae;” but Stanley has mistranscribed “capac.”

[118] “Albo (Navarrete iv, p. 215), the “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 4), Transylvanus and Oviedo (Mosto, p. 59, note 3) give the date of departure from Port San Julian August 24, 1520; but the second errs in giving 5½ instead of 4½ months for the period for which the fleet remained there. Peter Martyr places the date of departure as August 21. Castanheda, who gives the same date says that the name “St. Julian” or “of the ducks” was given to that bay which he calls a river. Barros gives the date of arrival as April 2, and says that the place was called “river of Saõ Julião.” See Mosto, ut supra.

[119] A portion of the passage relating to the attempted mutiny reads as follows in MS. 5,650: “However the treason was discovered, and as a consequence the treasurer was killed by a dagger and then quartered. Gaspar de Casada was beheaded and then quartered. The overseer trying shortly after to lead another mutiny, was banished together with a priest and set ashore on that land of Pathagonia.” The Italian MS. is badly confused, while the above is more in accordance with the facts, and shows the hand of the translator and adapter. Eden (p. 252) says of the attempted mutiny: “They remayned fyue monethes in this porte of Sainte Iulian, where certeyne of the vnder capitaynes conſpirynge the death of theyr general, were hanged and quartered: Amonge whom the treaſurer Luigo of Mendozza was one. Certeyne of the other conſpirators, he left in the ſayd land of Patogoni.” See the short account of the mutiny given by Transylvanus in Vol. I, p. 317, and the account given in the same volume, pp. 297, 299. The Roteiro (Stanley, p. 3) says that three of the ships revolted against Magalhães” saying that they intended to take him to Castile in arrest, as he was taking them all to destruction;” but Magalhães subdued the mutiny by the aid of the foreigners with him. Mendoza was killed by Espinosa the chief constable of the fleet, and Gaspar Quesada was beheaded and quartered. Alvaro de Mesquita, Magalhães’s cousin, is wrongly reported to have been given command of one of the ships of those killed, but the command of the “San Antonio” that had previously been given to Antonio de Coca, after Magalhães had deprived Cartagena of it, had been given him before the real outbreak of the mutiny.

The narrative of the mutiny as given by Navarrete (Col. de viages, iv, pp. 34–38) which was compiled mainly from documents presented in the same volume and from Herrera, is as follows:

“March 31, the eve of Palm Sunday, Magallanes entered the port of San Julian, where he intended to winter, and consequently ordered the rations to be served by measure. In view of that and of the barrenness and cold of the country, the men asked Magallanes by various arguments to increase the rations or turn back, since there was no hope of finding the end of that country or any strait. But Magallanes replied that he would either die or accomplish what he had promised; that the king had ordered the voyage which he was to accomplish; and that he had to sail until he found that land or some strait which must surely exist; that in regard to the food, they had no reason to complain, since that bay had an abundance of good fish, good water, many game birds, and quantities of wood, and that bread and wine had not failed them, nor would fail them if they would abide by the rule regarding rations. Among other observations, he exhorted and begged them not to be found wanting in the valorous spirit which the Castilian nation had manifested and showed daily in greater affairs; and offering them corresponding rewards in the king’s name. By such means did he quiet the men.

“April 1, Palm Sunday, Magallanes summoned all his captains, officers, and pilots to go ashore to hear mass and afterward to dine in his ship. Alvaro de la Mezquita, Antonio de Coca, and all the men went to hear mass. Louis de Mendoza, Gaspar de Quesada, and Juan de Cartagena (the latter because he was a prisoner in Quesada’s keeping) did not go, however; and Alvaro de la Mezquita alone went to dine with Magallanes.

“During the night, Gaspar de Quesada and Juan de Cartagena with about thirty armed men of the ship ‘Concepcion’ went to the ‘San Antonio,’ where Quesada requested that the captain, Alvaro de la Mezquita, be surrendered to him, and told the crew of the ship to seize it, as they had already done with the ‘Concepcion’ and ‘Victoria.’ [He said] that they already knew how Magallanes had treated and was treating them, because they had asked him to fulfil the king’s orders; that they were lost men; and that they should help him make another request of Magallanes, and if necessary, seize him. Juan de Elorriaga, the master of the ‘San Antonio,’ spoke in favor of his captain, Alvaro de la Mezquita, saying to Gaspar de Quesada: ‘I summon you, in God’s name and that of the king, Don Cárlos, to go to your ship, for the present is no time to go through the ships with armed men; and I also summon you to release our captain.’ Thereupon Quesada replied: ‘Must our deed remain unaccomplished because of this madman?’ and drawing his dagger stabbed him four times in the arm, thus overawing the men. Mezquita was kept prisoner, Elorriaga was cared for, Cartagena went to the ship ‘Concepcion,’ while Quesada remained in the ‘San Antonio.’ Thus were Quesada, Cartagena, and Mendoza masters of the three ships, ‘San Antonio,’ ‘Concepcion,’ and ‘Victoria.’

“Thereupon, they sent a message to Magallanes to the effect that they held three ships and the small boats of all five at their disposal in order to require him to fulfil his Majesty’s provisions. They said that they had done that in order that he might no longer illtreat them as he had done thitherto. If he would agree to fulfil his Majesty’s orders, they would obey his commands, and [said] that if they had thitherto treated him as a superior, they would thenceforth treat him as a master, and would be most respectful to him.

“Magallanes sent word to them to come to his ship, where he would hear them and do what was proper. They answered that they did not dare come lest he illtreat them, but that he should go to the ship ‘San Antonio,’ where they would all assemble and decide definitely on what the king’s orders commanded.

“Magallanes believing that boldness was more useful than meekness in the face of such actions, determined to employ craft and force together. He kept the small boat of the ship ‘San Antonio’ which was used for those negotiations, at his ship; and sent the alguacil, Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, in the skiff belonging to his ship, to the ‘Victoria,’ with six men armed secretly and a letter for the treasurer, Luis de Mendoza, in which he told the latter to come to the flagship. While the treasurer was reading the letter and smiling as if to say ‘You don’t catch me that way,’ Espinosa stabbed him in the throat, while another sailor stabbed him at the same instant on the head so that he fell dead. Magallanes, being a man with foresight, sent a boat under command of Duarte Barbosa, sobresaliente of the ‘Trinidad’ with fifteen armed men, who entering the ‘Victoria’ flung the banner to the breeze without any resistance. That happened on April 2. Then the ‘Victoria’ approached the flagship, and they together immediately approached the ‘Santiago.’

“On the following day, the ‘San Antonio’ and the ‘Concepcion’ which were held by Quesada and Cartagena tried to put to sea, but it was necessary for them to pass close to the flagship which stood farthest out. The ‘San Antonio’ raised two anchors, and being in danger with one, Quesada determined to free Alvaro de la Mezquita, whom he held a prisoner in his ship, in order to send him to Magallanes to arrange peace between them. Mezquita, however, told him that nothing would be obtained. Finally, they arranged that when they set sail, Mezquita should station himself forward and ask Magallanes as they approached his ship, not to fire and that they would anchor provided affairs would be settled favorably.

“Before setting sail in the ‘San Antonio,’ where they were endangered, as it was night and the crew were asleep, the ship dragged and ran foul of the flagship. The latter discharged some large and small shots and men leaped aboard the ‘San Antonio’ crying, ‘For whom are you?’ they responding, ‘For the king, our sovereign, and your Grace,’ surrendered to Magallanes. The latter seized Quesada, the accountant, Antonio de Coca, and other sobresalientes who had gone to the ‘San Antonio’ with Quesada. Then he sent to the ‘Concepcion’ for Juan de Cartagena and imprisoned him with them.

“Next day Magallanes ordered the body of Mendoza taken ashore and had it quartered, and Mendoza cried as a traitor. On the seventh, he ordered Gaspar de Quesada beheaded and quartered with a like cry. That was done by Quesada’s own follower and sobresaliente, Luis de Molino, in order to save himself from hanging, for that sentence had been passed on him. Magallanes sentenced Juan de Cartagena and the lay priest, Pedro Sanchez de la Reina, who had been active in causing the men to mutiny, to be marooned in that country. He pardoned more than forty men who merited death, as they were needed to work the ships, and so that he might not excite hard feelings by the severity of the punishment.”

Brito’s account of the mutiny (Navarrete, iv, p. 307) is very brief and unsatisfactory: “In that port the captains began to ask him where he was taking them, especially one Juan de Cartagena, who said that he had a royal cedula naming him as associate with Magallanes, as Rui Falero would also have been, had he been there. Then they tried to rise against Magallanes and kill him, and go back to Castilla or to Rodas. From that point they went to the river of Santa Cruz, where they endeavored to put their plan in execution. But when Magallanes discovered their ill-considered attempt, for the captains said that they would kill him or take him prisoner, he ordered his ship armed and Juan de Cartagena arrested. As soon as the other captains saw their chief arrested they thought no longer of prosecuting their attempt. Magallanes, however, seized them all, for most of the crew were in his favor. He sent the merino or alguacil to kill Luis de Mendoza with his dagger, for the latter refused to be arrested; while he had another named Gaspar Quesada beheaded. When they set sail, he left Juan de Cartagena together with a secular priest ashore at a place where there were no inhabitants.”

Correa (Stanley, pp. 247–250) gives a different and imperfect account of the meeting.

Cf. with these accounts the one given by Guillemard (Magellan), pp. 162–174. When the “San Antonio” deserted, Esteban Gomez is said to have rescued Cartagena and the priest. João Serrão (after the loss of the “Santiago”) was given command of the “Concepcion,” Mesquita of the “San Antonio,” and Duarte Barbosa of the “Victoria,” all Portuguese (Guillemard, ut supra, p. 179). It is rather singular that Sir Francis Drake should also have faced a mutiny in this same port, where Thomas Doughty was executed. That the history of Magalhães’s expedition was generally known is evident from the following: “The next day after, being the twentieth of June, wee harboured ourselues againe in a very good harborough, called by Magellan Port S. Julian, where we found a gibbet standing upon the maine, which we supposed to be the place where Magellan did execution upon some of his disobedient and rebellious company.” World encompassed (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 234.

[120] MS. 5,650 reads: “twenty-five leagues.”

[121] Instead of this last phrase, MS. 5,650 reads: “and very little of that.” The account of the shipwreck and rescue as given here is very confusing and inadequate. Cf. Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 175–179, and Navarrete, iv, pp. 38, 39. One man was lost, namely, the negro slave of João Serrão. The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 4) gives the briefest mention of it. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 307) says: “After this [i.e., the mutiny], they wintered for three months; and Magallanes again ordered the ship ‘Santiago’ to go ahead in order to explore. The ship was wrecked but all of its crew were saved.” Correa’s account (Stanley, p. 250) is very short, and mentions that only the hull of the vessel was lost.

[122] Mosto (p. 60, note 3) derives this word from the Spanish mejillon, a variety of cockle, which he thinks may be the Mytilus or common mussel.

[123] See Vol. II, p. 34, note 5*.

[124] Eden (p. 252) says: “52. degree ... lackynge a thyrde parte.”

[125] MS. 5,650 omits: “and the holy bodies,” and has in its place: “by His grace.”

[126] MS. 5,650 omits these last two words. The Italian form braccio is retained in view of these words; for the Spanish braza is a measure about equivalent to the English fathom, while the braccio, although varying in different cities, is near three palmos (spans) in length. The term is, however, translated brasse (“fathom”) in MS. 5,650. Mosto (p. 60, note 8), conjectures this fish to be the Eliginus maclovinus. Of this fish, Theodore Gill, the well-known ichthyologist, says in a letter of May 22, 1905: “The Italian editor gave a shrewd guess in the suggestion that the fish in question was what was formerly called Eliginus maclovinus. The only vulgar name that I have been able to find for it is ‘robalo,’ and this name is applied to it by the Spanish-speaking people of both sides of South America. Like most popular names, however, it is very misleading. ‘Robalo’ is the Spanish name for the European bass, which is nearly related to our striped bass or rock bass. To that fish the robalo of South America has no affinity or real resemblance, and belongs to a very different family peculiar to the southern hemisphere—the Nototheniids. The so-called Eliginus maclovinus (properly, Eliginops maclovinus) is the most common and widely distributed species and probably the one obtained by the fleet of Magalhães.”

[127] Of the river Santa Cruz and the stay there, Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 215) says: “We left that place [i.e., Port San Julian] on the 24th of the said month [of August] and coasted along to the southwest by west. About 30 leguas farther on, we found a river named Santa Cruz, which we entered on the 26th of the same month. We stayed there until the day of San Lucas, the 18th of the month of October. We caught many fish there and got wood and water. That coast extends northeast by east and southwest by west, and is an excellent coast with good indentations.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 4) places the river Santa Cruz twenty leagues from San Julian and in about 50°. That narrative says that the four remaining boats continued to pick up the wreckage of the “Santiago” until September 18. The name Santa Cruz was said to have been given to the river because they entered it on September 14, the day of the exaltation of the holy cross (see Stanley, p. 4, note 4, and Mosto, p. 60, note 7), but Kohl (Mosto, ut supra) attributes the name to João Serrão who was near that river on May 3, 1520, the day on which the church celebrates the feast of the finding of the holy cross. Navarrete (iv, p. 41) cites Herrera as authority for an eclipse of the sun that happened while at this river on October 11, 1520. Guillemard (ut supra, pp. 187, 188) is disinclined to believe the report, although he mentions an annular eclipse of the sun on October 20, 1520, which was however not visible in Patagonia. Navarrete (ut supra) says that Magalhães gave instructions to his captains here “saying that he would follow those coasts until finding a strait or the end of that continent, even if he had to go to a latitude of 75°; that before abandoning that enterprise, the ships might be twice unrigged; and that after that he would go in search of Maluco toward the east and east northeast, by way of the cape of Buena Esperanza and the island of San Lorenzo.”

A new chapter begins at this point in MS. 5,650, being simply headed “chapter.”

[128] The anonymous Portuguese who accompanied Duarte Barbosa says 53° 30´; Barros, 52° 56´; Elcano, 54°; and Albo, 52° 30´. Mosto, p. 60, note 9.

[129] MS. 5.650 has the words in brackets.

[130] Eden (p. 252) says of the strait: “they founde the ſtraight nowe cauled the ſtraight of Magellanus, beinge in ſum place C.x. leagues in length: and in breadth ſumwhere very large and in other places lyttle more than halfe a league in bredth.” Stanley (p. 57) is uncertain of the French et quasi autant de largeur moins de demye lieue, which is (translated freely) simply “something like almost a half-league wide.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 7) says that the channel “at some places has a width of three leagues, and two, and one, and in some places half a league.” Transylvanus (Vol. I, p. 320) gives the width as two, three, five, or ten Italian miles; Gomara, two leagues or so; Barros, one league at the mouth, and the strait, from a musket or cannon shot to one and one and one-half leagues; Castanheda, at the mouth as wide as two ships close together, then opening up to one league; Peter Martyr, a sling-shot’s distance in places. (Mosto, p. 61, note 2.)

[131] Proise or Proi (proy, proic) is an ancient Catalonian word meaning the “bow moorings;” Cf. Jal, Glossaire nautìque (Mosto, p. 61, note 3). The old Spanish word is “proís,” which signifies both the thing to which the ship is moored ashore, and the rope by which it is moored to the shore.

[132] This passage is as follows in MS. 5,650: “The said strait was a circular place surrounded with mountains (as I have said), and the majority of the sailors thought that there was no exit from it into the said Pacific Sea. But the captain-general declared that there was another strait which led out, and that he knew that well, for he had seen it on a marine chart of the king of Portugal. That map had been made by a renowned sailor and pilot, named Martin de Boesme. The said captain sent two of his ships forward—one named the ‘Sainct Anthoine,’ and the other the ‘Conception’—in order that they might look for and discover the exit from the said strait, which was called the cape de la Baya.”

Martin de Behaim (Beham, Behem, Behemira, Behen, Bœhem), Bœhm) was born about 1459 (some say also in 1430 or 1436) of a family originally from Bohemia, in Nuremberg, Germany, and died at Lisbon, July 29, 1506. He was a draper in Flanders, 1477–1479, after which he went to Lisbon (1480) where he became acquainted with Columbus. In 1484 he was chosen geographer of Diego Cam’s expedition to Western Africa. On his return, he received the order of knighthood in the military order of Christ of Portugal; after which he went to the island of Fayal in the Azores where he became interested in colonization and agriculture, and married the daughter of the governor. In 1491 he returned to Germany, where he lived at Nuremberg until 1493, and where, at the request of his townsmen, he constructed an immense globe on the information of Ptolemy, Strabo, and others, which contains many errors (see facsimile in Guillemard), In 1493 he returned to Lisbon, and in 1494 to Fayal, where he remained until 1506, when he went to Lisbon. Many myths sprung up about him, such that he had visited America before Columbus and the straits of Magellan before Magalhães, the latter of whom he may have known at Lisbon. See Rose, New Biographical Dictionary (London, 1848); Grande Encyclopédie (Paris, Lamirault et Cie.); and Guillemard, pp. 73, 74.

See Guillemard (ut supra, pp. 189–198) for a discussion of knowledge regarding the existence of a strait to the south of the American continent, prior to Magalhães’s discovery and passage of it. Guillemard, after weighing the evidence for and against, decides that there may have been a “more or less inexact knowledge of the existence of some antarctic break “that would allow access to the eastern world.

[133] Possession Bay, according to Mosto, p. 61, note 5, but Guillemard (pp. 199, 200) thinks it may have been Lomas Bay.

[134] Probably Anegada Point to the northwest of Cape Orange.

[135] The “First Narrows” or Primera Garganta, just beyond Anegada Point.

[136] Lago de los Estrechos, St. Philip’s Bay, or Boucant Bay.

[137] The “Second Narrows” and Broad Reach.

[138] MS. 5,650 does not mention the smoke signals.

[139] MS. 5,650 reads: “When near us they suddenly discharged a number of guns, whereat we very joyously saluted them with artillery and cries.”

[140] The first is the passage east of Dawson Island, which extends to the northeast into Useless Bay and to the southeast into Admiralty Sound. The second opening was the passage between the western side of Dawson Island and Brunswick Peninsula.

[141] Esteban Gomez was an experienced Portuguese navigator and pilot with ambitions only less than those of Magalhães, his kinsman (Guillemard, p. 203). His desertion occurred probably in the first part of November, and was perhaps directly due to pique at what he considered lack of appreciation from Magalhães. Conspiring with Gerónimo Guerra, the notary, who was elected captain of the “San Antonio” they made off with that ship, and after imprisoning Alvaro de Mezquita, returned to Spain, anchoring at Sevilla May 6, 1521. There Gomez was imprisoned after the return of the “Victoria,” but was liberated, and in 1524 proposed an expedition to discover a northwest passage. An expedition having been fitted out by Cárlos I, he coasted Florida and the eastern coast, as far as Cape Cod, and returned to Spain in 1525. See Grande Encyclopédie; Navarrete, iv, pp. 42–45, and 201–208; and Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 203–205.

Brito’s story of the exploration of the strait and the loss of the “San Antonio” (Navarrete, iv, pp. 307, 308) is as follows: “They left that place [i.e., the river of Santa Cruz] on October 20, and went to enter a strait of which they had no knowledge. The entrance of the strait extends for about 15 leguas; and after they had entered, it seemed to them that it was all land-locked, and they accordingly anchored there. Magallanes sent a Portuguese pilot named Juan Carballo ashore with orders to ascend a mountain in order to ascertain whether there was any outlet. Carballo returned saying that it appeared land-locked to him. Thereupon Magallanes ordered the ships ‘San Antonio’ and the ‘Concepcion’ to go in advance in order to explore the strait. After having gone ahead for about 30 leguas, they returned to tell Magallanes that the river went farther but that they could not tell where it would take them. Upon receiving that information Magallanes weighed anchor with all three ships, and advanced along the strait until reaching the point to which the others had explored. Then he ordered the ‘San Antonio’ of which Alvaro de Mezquito, his cousin, was captain, and Esteban Gomez, a Portuguese pilot, to go ahead and explore a southern channel that opened in the strait. That ship did not return to the others and it is not known whether it returned to Castilla or whether it was wrecked. Magallanes proceeded with his remaining ships until he found an exit.” Correa’s account of the desertion of the “San Antonio” is as usual with him, inadequate, and evidently based on hearsay evidence (see Stanley, p. 250).

[142] Literally “brother;” but to be understood probably as the expression cugino germano, “cousin german.”

[143] MS. 5,650 begins this sentence as follows: “But that ship lost its time, for the other.”

[144] Guillemard (p. 206) conjectures from the records of Albo, Pigafetta, and Herrera that the river of Sardines is Port Gallant which is located on the Brunswick Peninsula, opposite the Charles Islands. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 215) says that after taking the course to the northwest they sailed about 15 leagues before anchoring.

[145] Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 216) says that the two capes at the exit of the strait were called Fermosa and Deseado, this latter being Cape Pillar (see Guillemard, map facing p. 198).

[146] MS. 5,650 adds: “which were on the other side.”

[147] João Serrão, the brother of Magalhães’s staunchest friend Francisco Serrão, and a firm supporter of the great navigator. Pigafetta errs in calling him a Spaniard (see p. 183), though he may have become a naturalized Spaniard, since the register speaks of him as a citizen of Sevilla. One document (Navarrete, iv, p. 155) calls him a Portuguese pilot, and Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 308) a Castilian. He was an experienced navigator and captain, and had served under Vasco da Gama, Almeida, and Albuquerque. Vasco da Gama (on his second voyage, 1502–1503) made him captain of the ship “Pomposa” which was built in Mozambique where he was left to attend to Portuguese affairs. On this expedition he saw the coast of Brazil for the first time, for Vasco da Gama’s fleet, ere doubling the Cape of Good Hope, crossed to the Brazilian coast, which they followed as far as Cape Santo Agostinho. He fought bravely in the battle of Cananor under Almeida (March 16, 1506, in which Magalhães also participated). He was chief captain of three caravels in August, 1510, in Eastern water, and was in the Java seas in 1512, but must have returned to Portugal soon after that, for he was there in 1513; although he seems to have been appointed clerk at the fortress of Calicut in the latter year. He embarked with Magalhães as captain and pilot of the “Santiago,” but after the wreck of that vessel near port San Julian was given command of the “Concepcion,” in which he later explored the strait. Failing to dissuade Magalhães from attacking the natives of Matan, he became commander, with Duarte Barbosa, of the fleet at Magalhães’s death, and was murdered by the Cebuans after the treacherous banquet given by them to the fleet. See Guillemard (ut supra), and Stanley’s Three voyages of Vasco da Gama (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1869).

[148] MS. 5,650 reads as follows: “Such was the method ordered by the captain from the beginning, in order that the ship that happened to become separated from the others might rejoin the fleet.” Then it adds: “Thereupon the crew of the said ship did what the captain had ordered them and more, for they set two banners with their letters,” etc.

[149] “The island of Santa Magdalena (Mosto, p. 62, note 11).

[150] According to Guillemard the river of Isleo (or “of Islands”) is located on Brunswick Peninsula, and is identified with the port of San Miguel, just east of the “River of Sardines;” the island where the cross was planted would be one of the Charles Islands.

[151] The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 3) mentions that the day at the port of San Julian was about seven hours long; while the anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 30) says that the sun only appeared for some “four hours each day” in June and July. Transylvanus says the nights in the strait were not longer than five hours.

[152] MS. 5,650 adds: “which is the collateral wind between the east and south.”

[153] MS. 5,650 adds: “and anchorages.”

[154] Various kinds of these umbelliferous parsley plants are still to be found in Patagonia, where they are highly esteemed (Mosto, p. 63, note 3).

[155] MS. 5,650 reads: “I do not believe that there is a more beautiful country or a better strait than that.” See Albo’s description of the strait, in Vol. I, pp. 264–265; that of Transylvanus, Vol. I, pp. 319–321; and that in World encompassed (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 236, 237 (this last account also mentioning the difficulty of finding water sufficiently shallow for anchoring). The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) says that the strait was called the “Strait of Victoria, because the ship ‘Victoria’ was the first that had seen it: some called it the Strait of Magalhaens because our captain was named Fernando de Magalhaens.” Castanheda says that Magalhães gave it the name of “bay of All Saints” because it was discovered on November 1; and San Martin in his reply to Magalhães’s request for opinions regarding the continuance of the expedition calls it “channel of All Saints:” but this name was first applied to only one gulf or one branch and later extended to the entire channel. This name is found in the instructions given for the expedition of Sebastian Cabot in 1527, and in the map made that same year at Sevilla by the Englishman Robert Thorne. Sarmiento de Gamboa petitioned Felipe II that it be called “strait of the Mother of God.” It was also called “strait of Martin Behaim.” The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) says that the strait is 400 miles long. The “Roterio” (Stanley, pp. 7, 8) says that it is 100 leagues in length, and that in traversing it, they “sailed as long as it was daylight, and anchored when it was night.” Transylvanus (Vol. I, p. 320) gives the length as 100 Spanish miles; Oviedo, 100 or 110 leagues; Herrera, 100 leagues, and twenty days to navigate; Gomara, 110 to 120 leagues; Peter Martyr, 110 leagues. See Mosto, p. 60, note 10, and p. 62, note 2; and ante, note 130.

[156] These fish are: a species of Coryphæna; the Thymnus albacora, and the Thymnus plamys.

[157] From the Spanish golondrina, the sapphirine gurnard or tubfish (Trigla hirundo).

[158] MS. 5,650 reads: “one foot or more.”

[159] At this point in the original Italian MS., which ends a page, occurs the heading of the following page Sequitur Vocabuli pataghoni, that is, “Continuation of Patagonian words.”

[160] Literally: “for the nature of women.”

[161] MS. 5,650 presents the following differences in the list of Patagonian words from the Italian MS.

Eyes ather Eyelashes occhechl Lips schiane Hair ajchir Throat ohumer Shoulders peles Penis scachet Testicles scaneos Rump schiachen Arm mar Pulse ohon Legs choss Feet teche Heel there Sole of the foot cartscheni Fingernails colini To scratch ghecare Young man calemi Water oli Smoke jaiche We chen Yes zei Petre lazure secheghi Sun calexcheni To eat mecchiere To look conne To walk rhei Ship theu To run haim Ostrich eggs jan The powder of the herb which they eat capae Red cloth terechai Black amel Red theiche To cook jrecoles A goose chache Their little devils Cheleult

In the above list, chen corresponds in the Italian MS. to ehen, the equivalent of “no;” theu is “ship” in the above, and “snow” in the Italian; courire (the equivalent of covrire or coprire, “to cover”) in the Italian, becomes courir (“to run”) in MS. 5,650. All are to be regarded as errors of the French. Certain words are left in Italian in MS. 5,650, which are as follows: la copa; alcalcagno; (Italian MS. al calcagno); homo squerzo (Italian MS. sguerco); a la pignate (Italian MS. pigniata); alstruzzo vcelo (Italian MS. al seruzo ucelo); and alcocinare (Italian MS. al coçinare). Stanley offers this as proof that MS. 5,650 was written by Pigafetta, and not translated from his Italian, but it furnishes no evidence that Pigafetta even saw the French version of his relation. It must be remembered that Stanley did not himself see the Italian MS. but only the Amoretti mutilation of it (from which, and from MS. 5,650, he reproduces the vocabulary, without English translation); and hence bases his observations on that and the conjectures of its editor. Stanley points out the fact that Amoretti has omitted several words of this list, but they are all in the Italian MS. A sad blunder has been made by Stanley in his transcription of La pouldre dherbe qui mangent whose Patagonian equivalent is capac. He transcribes as follows: la pouldre d’herbe with Patagonian equivalent qui (which it is to be noted is only the wrong form of the French relative), and mangent with Patagonian equivalent capac, explaining mangent in a footnote as “Food, the root used as bread.” Stanley also makes the following mistranscriptions: orescho for oresche (“nostrils”); canneghin for caimeghin (“palm of the hand”); ochy for ochii (“bosom”); scancos for scaneos (“testicles”); hou for hoii (“buttocks”); ohoy for ohon (“pulse”); cartschem for cartscheni (“sole of the foot”); chol for thol (“heart”); om for oni (“wind”); aschame for aschanie (“earthen pot”); oamaghei for oamaghce (“to fight”); amet for amel (“black”); and ixecoles for jrocoles (“to cook”). Amoretti has also made many errors (see Stanley’s First Voyage, pp. 62, 63). Mosto, who is on the whole a faithful transcriber, has sacancos as the Patagonian equivalent of a li testiculi; om jani for a li sui, the correct forms of the latter being jani and a li sui oui; and tcrechai for the equivalent of “red cloth.” Eden (p. 252) gives only the following words: “breade, Capar: water, Oli: redde clothe, Cherecai: red colour, Cheiche: blacke colour, Amel.”

Mosto (p. 63, note 8) gives the following words from the vocabulary of the Tehuel-ches compiled by the second lieutenant of the ship “Roncagli,” which correspond almost exactly with those given by Pigafetta.

English Roncagli Pigafetta Nose or or eye óthel other hand tzén chene ear sha sane ostrich óyue hoi hoi

Brinton (American Race, p. 328) cites Ramon Lista (Mis exploraciones y descubrìmientos en Patagonia, Buenos Ayres, 1880) in proof that the language of the Patagonians has undergone but slight change since the time of Pigafetta. See also lists of words in Brinton (ut supra), p. 364, from the Patagonian and Fuegian languages. The vocabularies given by Horatio Hale (Wilkes’s U. S. Exploring Expedition, 1838–1842, Philadelphia, 1846, viii, pp. 651–656) bear no resemblance to Pigafetta’s vocabulary. Hale says that guttural sounds are frequent among the Indians of the Patagonian district.

[162] MS. 5,650 reads: “capae.”

[163] Cf. with the methods of fire-making used by the North American Indians in Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (Cleveland reissue); see also Captivity of Hans Stade (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 126.

At this point (folio 14a) in the original Italian MS. occurs the first chart, representing the straits of Magellan (see p. 86). The cardinal points in all of Pigafetta’s charts are the reverse of the ordinary, the north being below and the south above. MS. 5,650 precedes this chart (which there occupies folio 21a) by the words: “Below is depicted the strait of Patagonie.” Immediately following this chart in the Italian MS. (folio 15a) is the chart of the Ysole Infortunate (“Unfortunate Isles;” see p. 92). These islands are shown in MS. 5,650 on folio 23a, with the following notice: “Here are shown the two islands called ‘Unfortunate Islands.’” The charts in the Italian MS. are brown or dull black on a blue ground.

[164] The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 9) says that Magalhães left the strait November 26 (having entered it October 21); the anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) and Peter Martyr (Mosto, p. 65, note 1), November 27.

[165] MS. 5,650 reads: “And we ate only biscuits that had fallen to powder, which was quite full of worms, and stank from the filth of the urine of rats that covered it, and of which the good had been eaten.” Eden (p. 252) reads: “And hauynge in this tyme conſumed all theyr byſket and other vyttales, they fell into ſuche neceſſitie that they were inforced to eate the pouder that remayned therof beinge nowe full of woormes and ſtynkynge lyke pyſſe by reaſon of the ſalte water,” Herrera (Navarrete, iv, p. 51) says that the rice was cooked with salt water.

[166] A curious coincidence in view of Magalhães’s answer to Esteban Gomez at a council called in the strait to discuss the continuance of the voyage that “although he had to eat the cowhide wrappings of the yardarms, he would still persevere and discover what he had promised the emperor” (Navarrete, iv, p. 43; cited from Herrera). At that council André de San Martin, pilot in the “San Antonio,” advised that they continue explorations until the middle of January, 1521, and then return to Spain; and urged that no farther southward descent be made, and that navigation along so dangerous coasts be only by day, in order that the crew might have some rest (Navarrete, iv, pp. 45–49).

[167] MS. 5,650 reads: “enough of them.”

[168] This was the scurvy. Navarrete (iv, p. 54) following a document conserved in Archivo general de Indias, says that only eleven men died of scurvy during the voyage from the strait to the Ladrones.

[169] The anonymous Portuguese says (Stanley, p. 31) that after sailing west and northwest for 9,858 miles, the equator was reached. At the line (“Roteiro,” Stanley, p. 9), Magalhães changed the course in order to strike land north of the Moluccas, as “he had information that there were no provisions” there.

[170] MS. 5,650 reads: “It is well named Pacific.”

[171] MS. 5,650 adds: “which is a large fish called tiburoni.” The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31), says that the Unfortunate Islands were met before the line was reached and were eight hundred miles distant from one another. One was called St. Peter (in 18°) and the other the island of Tiburones (in 14°). Transylvanus (Vol. I, p. 321), Herrera, and Oviedo, say that the three vessels stopped two days at those islands for supplies, but Albo’s journal (Navarrete, iv, p. 218) indicates that no stop was made there. The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 9), gives the latitude of these islands as 18° or 19° and 13° or 14°. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 218) says that the first was discovered January 24 in 16° 15´, and was called San Pablo, because that was the date of St. Paul’s conversion; and the island of Tiburones was discovered February 4, in 10° 40´, at a distance of 9° (sic) from the former. Eden (p. 253) says that the second island lay in 5°. These two islands were probably Puka-puka (the Honden Eyland of the Dutch atlases) of the Tuamotu group, located in latitude 14° 45´ south, and longitude 138° 48´ west; and Flint Island of the Manihiki group, located in latitude 11° 20´ south and longitude 151° 48´ west. The latter is still uninhabited, but the former contains a population of over four hundred. See ante, note 163. See Guillemard, p. 220, and Mosto, p. 65, note 6.

[172] MS. 5,650 reads: “now at the stern, now at the windward side, or otherwise.” Amoretti changes this passage completely, reading: “According to our measurement of the distance that we made with the chain astern, we ran from sixty to seventy leagues daily.” Many basing themselves on this passage of Amoretti, have believed that the log was in use at the time of the first circumnavigation. Dr. Breusing (Die Catena a poppa bei Pigafetta und die Logge, in “Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin,” 1869, iv, pp. 107–115) believes that the “stern chain (catena poppa) is not the log properly so-called, but an instrument for determining the angle of the ship’s leeway, an opinion accepted also by Gelcich in his La scoperta d’America e Cristoforo Colombo nella letteratura moderna (Gorizia, 1890). L’Vzielle (Studi bibliogr. e biogr. sulla storia della geogr. in Italia, Roma, 1875,