part i

, p. ii. Also see Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 238–249.

The terms India Major (Greater India) and India Minor (Lesser India) are differently applied by different authors. Schiltbergen applied the term Lesser India to the northern portion of the peninsula on this side of the Ganges, while the southern portion of the peninsula was termed Greater India. Marco Polo’s Lesser India extended from Makran to and including the Coromandel coast, and his Greater India extended from the Coromandel coast to Cochin China, while Middle India was Abyssinia. Mosto wrongly identifies India Major with the present Indian empire. See Telfer’s Johann Schiltberger (Hakluyt Society publications, 1879). Friar Jordanus (Wonders of the East, Hakluyt Society edition, London, 1863), describes (pp. 11–45) India the Less, India the Greater, and India Tertia. Yule points out that Jordanus’s Lesser India embraces Sindh, and probably Mekran, and India along the coast as far as some point immediately north of Malabar. Greater India extends from Malabar very indefinitely to the eastward, for he makes it include Champa. India Tertia is the east of Africa below Abyssinia. Thus Jordanus just reverses the Lesser and Greater Indias of Marco Polo. Ramusio who gives the Summary of Kingdoms of an old Portuguese geographer, ends First India at Mangalore, and Second India at the Ganges. Benjamin of Tudela speaks of “Middle India which is called Aden.” Conti divides India into three parts: the first extending from Persia to the Indus, the second from the Indus to the Ganges, and the third all the land beyond. Pliny discusses whether Mekran and other lands belonged to India or Ariana.

[274] MS. 5,650 adds: “and treat his subjects well.”

[275] This phrase is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[276] MS. 5,650 adds: “who was in the captain’s ship.”

[277] MS. 5,650 reads: “Thereupon the king told them that he was willing, and that as a greater token of his love, he would send the captain a drop of his blood from his right arm, and [asked] the captain to do the same.”

[278] MS. 5,650 reads: “Consequently they should ask their captain whether he intended to observe the custom.”

[279] MS. 5.650 reads: “he should commence by giving a present, whereupon the captain would do his duty.” This MS. begins another chapter at this point.

[280] MS. 5,650 reads: “so do our arms destroy the enemies of our faith.”

[281] MS. 5,650 adds: “of the ships.”

[282] MS. 5,650 reads: “and whether that prince who had come with them, was empowered to make peace.”

[283] MS. 5,650 omits these last two clauses.

[284] This phrase is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[285] MS. 5,650 adds: “and for love toward God.”

[286] MS. 5,650: “he would leave them the arms that the Christians use.”

[287] These last two clauses are omitted in MS. 5,650.

[288] MS. 5,650 adds: “of Sainct Jacques [i.e., Santiago].”

[289] This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[290] Called “drynking glaſſes of Venice woorke” in Eden (p. 257).

[291] MS. 5,650 reads: “He had his face painted with fire in various designs.” Eden reads: “and had the residue of his body paynted with dyuers coloures whereof ſum were lyke vnto flamynge fyre.”

[292] MS. 5,650 reads: “he had four jars full of palm-wine, which he was drinking through reed pipes.”

[293] MS. 5,650 reads: “We made the due reverence to him while presenting to him the present sent him by the captain, and told him through the mouth of the interpreter that it was not to be regarded as a recompense for his present which he had made to the captain, but for the love which the captain bore him.” This MS. omits the following three sentences.

[294] The “Sinus Magnus” of Ptolemy, today the Chinese Gulf (Mosto, p. 76, note 3).

[295] This passage is considerably abbreviated in MS. 5,650, where it reads as follows: “The prince, the king’s nephew, took us to his house, where he showed us four girls who were playing on four very strange and very sweet instruments, and their manner of playing was somewhat musical. Afterward he had us dance with them. Those girls were naked except that they wore a garment made of the said palm-tree cloth before their privies and which hung from the waist to the knee, although some were quite naked. We were given refreshments there, and then we returned to the ships.” These gongs are used in many parts of the Orient.

[296] MS. 5,650 adds: “by the captain’s order.”

[297] MS. 5,650 reads: “we told him of the death of our man, and that our captain requested that he might be buried.”

[298] MS. 5,650 adds: “according to our manner.”

[299] MS. 5,650 reads: “The king took it under his charge, and promised that no trickery or wrong would be done the king. Four of our men were chosen to despatch and to sell the said merchandise.”

[300] MS. 5,650 reads: “They have wooden balances like those of Pardeca to weigh their merchandise.” Pardeca, as Stanley points out, is for par de ça de Loire which is equivalent to Langue d’oil, and denotes the region in France north of the Loire. Par de la meant Languedoc. This passage was adapted to the French understanding by the person who translated and adapted the Italian manuscript.

[301] This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650. As Mosto points out the measure here mentioned would be one of capacity, and must have been the common measure for rice, perhaps the ganta.

[302] Lagan is a shellfish found in the Philippines which has a shell resembling that of the Nautilus pompilius that is used for holding incense or as a drinking vessel. This shell is very white inside, while the exterior is spotted a pale yellow color. It resembles mother-of-pearl, and is very common. Delgado says that most of the shellfish, are indigestible but highly esteemed. See Delgado’s Historia, p. 928.

[303] MS. 5,650 adds: “Which was of various strange kinds.”

[304] Eden says: “xvi. poundes weyght of iren.”

[305] MS. 5,650 reads: “The captain-general did not wish to take too great a quantity of gold, so that the sailors might not sell their share in the merchandise too cheaply, because of their lust for gold, and so that on that account he should not be constrained to do the same with his merchandise, for he wished to sell it at as high a price as possible.”

[306] MS. 5,650 adds: “or any other balls”

[307] MS. 5,650 makes the two armed men follow instead of precede the royal banner.

[308] MS. 5,650 adds: “and the natives of the country for their fear of it, fled hither and thither,” which is in place of the following sentence.

[309] This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[310] MS. 5,650 reads: “One covered with red and the other with velvet.”

[311] MS. 5,650 adds: “in the manner of the country.”

[312] The account of the baptism of the king is considerably abridged in MS. 5,650 where it reads as follows: “Then the captain began to address the king through the interpreter, in order that he might incite him to the faith of Jesus Christ. He told him that if he wished to become a good Christian (as he had signified on the preceding day), that he must have all the idols of his country burned and set up a cross in their place, which they were all to adore daily on both knees, with hands clasped and raised toward the heaven. The captain showed the king how he was to make the sign of the cross daily. In reply the king and all his men said that they would obey the captain’s commandment, and do all that he told them. The captain took the king by the hand, and they walked to the platform. At his baptism the captain told the king that he would call him Dom Charles, after the emperor his sovereign. He named the prince Dom Fernand, after the brother of the said emperor, and the king of Mazzaua, Jehan. He gave the name of Christofle to the Moro, while he called each of the others by names according to his fancy. Thus before the mass fifty men [sic: but an error of the French adapter for five hundred] were baptized. At the conclusion of mass, the captain invited the king and the others of his chief men to dine with him, but he would not accept. However, he accompanied the captain to the shore, where, at his arrival, the ships discharged all the artillery. Then embracing they took leave of one another.” Eden gives the number baptized as five hundred men.

[313] MS. 5,650 reads: “On seeing that, she expressed the greatest desire to became a Christian, and asking for baptism, she was baptized and given the name of Jehanne, after the emperor’s mother.”

[314] There are many cases of this wholesale baptism in the history of the Catholic missions in various countries, and it cannot be condemned entirely and regarded as devoid of good effects, for many instances reveal the contrary. See Jesuit Relations (Cleveland reissue).

[315] Those last six words are omitted in MS. 5,650. Mosto conjectures that solana means solecchio or solicchio signifying an apparatus to protect one from the sun. Pigafetta may have misapplied the Spanish word solana, which signifies a place bathed by the noontide sun or a place in which to take the sun.

[316] This last clause is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[317] MS. 5,650 adds: “and we gave it to her.” This was the image found by one of Legazpi’s soldiers in Cebú in 1565 (see Vol. II, pp. 120, 121, 128, 216, 217; and Vol. V, p. 41). Encarnación (Dic. bisaya-español, Manila, 1851), says: “The Cebuan Indians, both past and present, give the name of Bathála [God] to the image of the Holy Child, which is supposed to have been left by the celebrated Magallanes.”

[318] MS. 5,650 reads: “evening.”

[319] MS. 5,650 mentions only the artillery. The “tromb” or “trunk” was a kind of hand rocket-tube made of wood and hooped with iron, and was used for discharging wild-fire or Greek-fire (see Corbett’s Spanish War, 1585–87 [London], 1898, p. 335). At this point Stanley discontinues the narrative of MS. 5,650, and translates from Amoretti’s version of the Italian MS.

[320] MS. 5,650 reads: “to better instruct and confirm him in the faith.”

[321] Eden says the queen was preceded by “three younge damoſelles and three men with theyr cappes in theyr handes.”

[322] MS. 5,650 adds: “and presentation.”

[323] MS. 5,650 reads simply for this last clause: “and several others,” omitting all the names.

[324] MS. 5,650 reads: “and they all so swore.”

[325] MS. 5,650 reads from this point: “Then they swore, and thus the captain caused the king to swear by that image, by the life of the emperor his sovereign, and by his habit, to ever remain faithful and subject to the emperor,” thus ascribing this oath to the king instead of to Magalhães. The words “by his habit” can refer only to Magalhães, who wore that of Santiago, and not to any habit worn by the barbaric ruler of Cebú.

[326] MS. 5,650 adds: “and hang.”

[327] MS. 5,650 adds: “and deck.”

[328] MS. 5,650 adds: “and demolished.”

[329] MS. 5,650 adds: “and overthrew.”

[330] There is a strange difference between the Italian MS. and MS. 5,650 in regard to these names. The latter reads to this point: “There are a number of villages in that island, whose names and those of their chiefs are as follows: Cinghapola, Cilaton, Ciguibucan, Cimaningha, Cimaticat, and Cicambul; another, Mandaui, and its chief and seignior, Lambuzzan; another Cot-cot, and its chief, Acibagalen; another, Puzzo, and its chief, Apanoan; another, Lalan, and its chief, Theteu; another, Lulutan, and its chief, Tapan [Amoretti, followed by Stanley, says Japau, and Mosto, Iapan]; another Cilumay; and also Lubucun.” Amoretti, who places this list after the disastrous battle and consequent treachery of the Cebuans, and Stanley, have “Lubucin: its chief is Cilumai.” Mandaui is Mandaue; Lalan may be Liloan; Cot-cot is on the east coast; Lubucun may be Lubú, but Mosto (p. 78, note 3) conjectures it to be Lambusan. An examination of the Nancy MS. may reveal the source of this difference.

[331] MS. 5,650 adds after the word borchies: “instruments so called.”

[332] Probably cotton cloth. See Stanley’s East African and Malabar Coasts, p. 65: “They make there [i.e., in Cambay] many cloths of white cotton, fine and coarse, and other woven and colored fabrics, of all kinds and colours.”

[333] MS. 5,650 adds: “and closed.”

[334] MS. 5,650 reads: “She who has killed the hog, puts a lighted torch in her mouth, which she extinguishes, and which she holds constantly alight with her teeth during that ceremony.”

[335] Cf. the ceremonies of the baylanes described by Loarca, Vol. V, pp. 131, 133, and by Chirino, Vol. XII, p. 270.

[336] Otorno: Mosto, p. 79, mistranscribes otoro, and queries Attorno in a note.

[337] MS. 5,650 omits the description of this custom, giving only the first and last sentence to this point. Stanley omits the translation to this point. See Vol. V, p. 117, and Vol. XVI, p. 130, where Loarca and Morga describe this custom.

[338] Valzi: Mosto queries vasi, “jars,” which appears probable.

[339] MS. 5,650 adds: “made in the manner abovesaid;” but this was crossed out, showing that the writer or adapter of that MS. had at first intended to narrate the custom that is given in the Italian MS.

[340] This word is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[341] MS. 5,650 reads: “The other women sit about the dead chamber sadly and in tears.”

[342] Pigafetta uses the present and imperfect tenses rather indiscriminately throughout this narration, but we have translated uniformly in the present. Cf. Loarca’s description of burial and mourning customs among the Visayans, Vol. V, pp. 129, 135, 137–141; Plasencia’s description among the Tagálogs, Vol. VII, pp. 194, 195; and Morga, Vol. XVI, p. 133.

[343] MS. 5,650 reads: “five or six hours.”

[344] Eden in describing the island of Matan confuses the Pigafetta narrative. He says: “Not farre from this Ilande of Zubut, is the Hand of Mathan, whoſe inhabitauntes vſe maruelous ceremonies in theyr ſacrifices to the ſoone and burying the deade. They were rynges of gold abowt theyr priuie members.” In the description of the battle in Matan, Eden says that each of the three divisions of the islanders contained “two thouſand and fiftie men armed with bowes, arrowes, dartes and iauelins hardened at the poyntes with fyer.”

[345] To this point the Italian MS. and MS. 5,650 agree approximately. The story of the battle in the latter MS., however, is much abridged and much less graphic. It is as follows: “They replied that they had bamboo spears and stakes burned and hardened in the fire, and that we could attack them when we wished. At daybreak, forty-nine of us leaped into the water, in the place whither we had thus gone, at a distance of more than three [sic] crossbow flights before we could reach shore, for the boats could not approach nearer because of the rocks and reefs which were in the water. Thus we reached land, and attacked them. They were arranged in three divisions, of more than one thousand five hundred persons. We shot many arrows at them from a distance, but it was in vain, for they received them on their shields. They leaped hither and thither in such a way that scarce could we wound one of them. On the other hand, our artillery in the boats was so far away from us that it could not aid us. Those people seeing that, and that the captain had had some of their houses burned in order to inspire them with terror, and having become more enraged, threw so many iron pointed spears at us, and shot so many arrows even at the captain himself that we could defend ourselves with difficulty. Finally, having been driven by them quite down to the shore, and while our captain was fighting bravely although wounded in the leg with an arrow, one of those Indians hurled a poisoned bamboo lance into his face which laid him stiff and dead. Then they pressed upon us so closely that we were forced to retire to our boats and to leave the dead body of the captain-general, with our other killed.” The eulogy on the dead commander is approximately the same in both MSS., except at the end, where MS. 5,650 reads: “Eight of our men died there with him, and four Indians, who had become Christians. Of the enemy fifteen were killed by the artillery of the ships, which had at last come to our aid, while many of us were wounded.”

Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 308) says of the stay at Cebú and the death of Magalhães: “They stayed there about one month, and the majority of the people and the king became Christians. The king of Zubó ordered the kings of the other islands to come to him, but inasmuch as two of them refused to come, Magallanes, as soon as he learned it, resolved to go to fight with them, and went to an island called Mathá. He set fire to a village, and not content with that, set out for a large settlement, where he, his servant, and five Castilians were killed in combat with the savages. The others, seeing their captain dead, went back to their boats.”

[346] Terciado: a Spanish word.

[347] Carteava: a Spanish word.

[348] The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 12) dates the battle April 28. The account of the battle is as follows: “Fernan de Magalhães desired that the other kings, neighbours to this one, should become subject to this who had become Christian: and these did not choose to yield such obedience. Fernan de Magalhães seeing that, got ready one night with his boats, and burned the villages of those who would not yield the said obedience; and a matter of ten or twelve days after this was done, he sent to a village about half a league from that which he had burned, which is named Matam, and which is also an island, and ordered them to send him at once three goats, three pigs, three loads of rice, and three loads of millet for provisions for the ships; they replied that for each article which he sent to ask them three of, they would send to him by twos, and if he was satisfied with this they would at once comply, if not, it might be as he pleased, but that they would not give it. Because they did not choose to grant what he demanded of them, Fernan de Magalhães ordered three boats to be equipped with a matter of fifty or sixty men, and went against the said place, which was on the 28th day of April, in the morning; there they found many people, who might well be as many as three thousand or four thousand men, who fought with such a good will that the said Fernan de Magalhães was killed there, with six of his men, in the year 1521.”

[349] Navarrete (iv, pp. 65, 66) gives the names of the men killed with Magalhães on April 27 as follows: Christóbal Rabelo, then captain of the “Victoria;” Francisco Espinosa, a sailor; Anton Gallego, a common seaman; Juan de Torres, sobresaliente and soldier; Rodrigo Nieto, servant of Juan de Cartagena; Pedro Gomez, servant of Gonzalo Espinosa; and Anton de Escovar, sobresaliente, wounded but died April 29.

[350] See Vol. I, pp. 325, 326, note 215*.

[351] MS. 5,650 gives this name as Duart Bobase, although lower it is spelled Barbase. Duarte or Odoardo Barbosa, the son of Diogo Barbosa, who after serving in Portugal, became alcaide of the Sevilla arsenal, was born at Lisbon at the end of the fifteenth century. He spent the years 1501–1516 in the Orient, the result of that stay being his Livro emque dà relação do que viu e ouviu no Oriente, which was first published at Lisbon in 1813 in vol. vii of Collecçao de noticias para a historia et geographia das nações ultramarinas, and its translation by Stanley, A description of the coasts of East Africa and Malabar (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1866). He became a clerk in the Portuguese factory at Cananor under his uncle Gil Fernandez Barbosa, and became so expert in the Malabar language that he was said to speak it even better than the natives. On account of his facility in the language he had been appointed commissioner by Nuno da Cunha to negotiate peace with the Zamorin. He was commissioned in 1515 to oversee the construction of some galleys by Alboquerque. While at Sevilla, Magalhães lived in the household of Diogo Barbosa, where he married Duarte’s sister Beatriz. Duarte embarked on the “Trinidad” as a sobresaliente, and it was he who captured the “Victoria” from the mutineers at Port St. Julian, after which he became captain of that vessel. Failing to recover Magalhães body from the natives of Mactán, he was himself slain at Cebú at the fatal banquet May 1, 1521. Besides the above book, which is a most valuable contribution to early Oriental affairs, there is extant in the Torre do Tombo a letter written by him from Cananor, January 12, 1513, complaining of the Portuguese excesses. See Guillemard’s Magellan; Stanley’s Vasco da Gama; Birch’s Alboquerque; and Hoefer’s Nouvelle Biographie Générale (Paris, 1855)

[352] See ante, note 147.

[353] Magalhães married Beatriz Barbosa, daughter of Diogo Barbosa in Sevilla, probably in the year 1517. One son Rodrigo was born of the union, who was about six months old at the time of the departure. Rodrigo died in September, 1521, and in the March following Beatriz died. See Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 89–91, 322.

[354] MS. 5,650 adds: “and to advise the Christian king.”

[355] Mosto transcribes this word wrongly as facente, “busy.” MS. 5,650 reads: “wiser and more affectionate than before.”

[356] MS. 5,650 adds: “and presents.”

[357] The constable was Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, who was left behind with the “Trinidad” and was one of the four survivors of that ill-fated vessel, returning to Spain long after.

[358] This sentence is confused in MS. 5,650, reading: jehan Caruaie auecques le bariſel ſen retournerẽt qui nous dirent comment jlz auoyent veu mener celluy quy fut guery par miracle et le preſtre a ſa maiſon et que pour cela jlz ſen eſtoyent partiz eulx doubtans de quelque male aduanture. By dropping the first et this becomes equivalent to the text.

[359] MS. 5,650 reads: “for we would kill him.”

[360] MS. 5,650 reads: “But Jehan Carvaie, his comrade, and others refused, for fear lest they would not remain masters there if the boat went ashore.”

In regard to João Serrão’s death, Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 309) says: “As soon as the men in the ships saw that slaughter, they hoisted their anchors, and tried to set sail in order to return to Burneo. At that juncture, the savages brought Juan Serrano, one of those whom they wished to ransom, and asked two guns and two bahars of copper for him, besides some Brittanias or linens such as they carried in the ships as merchandise of trade and barter. Serrano told them to take him to the ship and he would give them what they asked, but they, on the contrary, insisted that those things be taken ashore. But [the men in the ships] fearing another act of treachery like the past, set sail, and abandoned that man there, and nothing more was heard of him.”

[361] The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 13) says nothing about the banquet, but says that the men, twenty-eight in number, counting the two captains, went ashore to ask pilots to Borneo, whereupon the natives, who had determined upon their course of action attacked and killed them. Peter Martyr (Mosto, p. 81, note 5) asserts that the violation of the women by the sailors was the cause of the massacre. Concerning the number killed, Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 309) says that thirty-five or thirty-six men went ashore, and Castanheda and Gomara say thirty, the last asserting that a like number were made slaves, of whom eight were sold in China. Peter Martyr places the number of the slain at twelve. Navarrete (iv, pp. 66, 67) gives the names of those massacred as follows:

Duarte Barbosa captain of the “Trinidad” Juan Serrano captain of the “Concepcion” Luis Alfonso de Gois captain of the “Victoria” Andres de S. Martin pilot of his Majesty Sancho de Heredia notary Leon de Ezpeleta notary Pedro de Valderrama priest Francisco Martin cooper Simon de la Rochela calker Cristóbal Rodriguez steward Francisco de Madrid sobresaliente and soldier Hernando de Aguilar servant of Luis de Mendoza Guillermo Fenesi or Tanaguì gunner of the “Trinidad” Anton Rodriguez sailor Juan Sigura sailor Francisco Picora sailor Francisco Martin sailor Anton de Goa common seaman Rodrigo de Hurrira common seaman Pedro Herrero sobresaliente Hartiga sobresaliente Juan de Silva, Portuguese sobresaliente Nuño servant of Magallanes Henrique, from Málaca servant of Magallanes and interpreter Peti Juan, French servant of Magallanes Francisco de la Mezquita servant of Magallanes Francisco son-in-law of Juan Serrano

All of these names are to be found in Navarrete’s list. See ante, note 26.

[362] Chiacare: the nangca; see Vol. XXXIV, p. 107, where Pigafetta describes and names this fruit. Mosto confuses it with the durio xibethenus, which is abundant in the western islands of the Indian archipelagoes, Mindanao being the only one of the Philippines where it is found (Crawfurd, Dictionary); but it is the Artocarpus integrifolia (see Vol. XVI, p. 88, note 72). MS. 5,650 makes this “capers.”

[363] MS. 5,650 omits mention of the panicum, sorgo, garlic, and nangcas.

[364] MS. 5,650 reads: “one to the east northeast, and the other to the west southwest.”

[365] MS. 5,650 adds: “and eleven minutes.”

[366] Stanley says wrongly 154°.

[367] This word ends a page in the original Italian MS. On the following page is a repetition of the title: Vocabili deli populi gentilli, that is “Words of those heathen peoples.” MS. 5,650 does not contain this list, and it is also omitted by Stanley.

[368] See ante, note 160.

[369] Bassag bassag does not correspond to “shin,” but to “basket for holding clothes, etc.,” or “cartilage of the nose;” or possibly to basac basac, “the sound made by falling water.”

[370] The equivalent of Pigafetta’s dana is daoa or daua, “millet.” Mais, probably the equivalent of humas is the word for “panicum.”

[371] Tahil is found in the Tagálog dictionaries, and is the name of a specific weight, not weight in general. It is the Chinese weight called “tael,” which was introduced by the Chinese into the East Indies, whence it spread throughout the various archipelagoes. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary; and Vols. III, p. 192, note 57; IV, p. 100, note 11; and VII, p. 88.

[372] See Note 582, post.

[373] Tinapay (used also by the Bicols to denote any kind of bread) denotes a kind of cake or loaf made with flour and baked about the size of a chocolate-cup saucer. Two of these are put together before baking with some sugar between. The word is extended also to wheat bread and to the hosts. See Encarnación’s Diccionario.

[374] Amoretti’s conjectured reading of sonaglio (“hawk’s-bell”) for conaglio (see Mosto, p. 83), proves correct from the Visayan dictionaries.

[375] Baloto signifies a canoe dug out of a single log. One of twenty varas in length is termed bilis, while the hull alone is called dalámas.

[376] Most of the words of Pigafetta’s Visayan vocabulary can be distinguished in the dictionaries of that language, although it is necessary to make allowance at times for Pigafetta’s Italian phonetic rendering. Following is a list of the words that can be distinguished from Diccionario bisaya-español y español-bisaya (Manila, 1885), by Juan Félix de la Encarnación, O.S.A. (Recollect); and Diccionario Hispano-bisaya y bisaya-español (Manila, 1895) by Antonio Sanchez de la Rosa, O.S.F. See also Pocket dictionary of the English, Spanish and Visayan languages (Cebu, 1900) by H. M. Cohen; and Mallat’s Les Philippines (Paris, 1846), ii, pp. 175–238. The words queried in the following list are simply offered as conjectural equivalents.

English Visayan (Pigafetta) (Encarnación) (Sanchez)

man lac —— lalaqui (?) woman (married) babay babaye babaye hair boho bohóc bohoc face guay —— bayhon (?) eyebrows chilei quilay quiray eye matta matà mata nose ilon ilong irong jaw apin aping aping mouth baba bá-ba bábá teeth nipin ngipon ngipon gums leghex lagos lagus tongue dilla dila dila ear delenghan dalonggan doronggan throat liogh liog —— chin queilan solang (?) sulang (?) beard bonghot bongot bongot shoulder bagha abaga abaga spine [backbone] licud licod licod breast dughan doghan dughan body tiam tian tian armpit ilot iloc iroc arm botchen bocton; botcon butcon elbow sico sico sico hand camat camot camut palm of hand palan palad [sa palad [sa camot] camut] finger dudlo todlo tudlo fingernail coco coco coco; colo navel pusut posad posud penis utin otin otin testicles boto boto boto vagina billat bilat bilat buttocks samput sampot —— thigh paha paa paa knee tuhud tohod tohud calf of leg bitis bitiis bíti-is ankle bolbol bool bool boco boco heel tiochid ticód ticud sole of foot lapa lapa lapa lapa —— gold balaoan buláoan bulauan silver pilla pilác —— brass concach calonggáqui —— iron butan pothao puthao sugarcane tube tobó tubo honey deghex dogos dugos wax talho talo talo salt acin asín asin wine tuba nia toba nga nipa tuba nga nipa nipa to eat macan pagcaon (?) pagcaon (?) hog babui baboy babuy goat candin canding canding chicken monoch manóc manuc pepper manissa malisa —— cloves chianche sangqui sangqui cinnamon mana mana mana ginger luia loy-a luy-a garlic laxuna lasona lasona egg silong itlog itlug cocoanut lubi lobí lubi vinegar zlucha suca suca water tubin tobig; tubig tubig fire clayo calayo calayo smoke assu aso aso balances tinban timbangan timbang; timbangan pearl mutiara mutia mutia mother-of-pearl tipay tipay tipay pipe subin sobing subing rice cakes tinapai tinapay tinapay good main maayo maopay knife capol; sípol; sondang sipol; sundang sundan scissors catle catli catli to shave chunthinch gunting —— linen balandan balantan —— their cloth abaca abacá abacá [i.e., hemp] hawk’s bell coloncolon colongcolong goronggorong comb cutlei surlay sodlay shirt sabun —— sabong (?) [i.e., ornament] sewing-needle daghu dagom dagum dog aian; ydo ——; iro ayam; —— scarf [veil] gapas gapas [i.e., —— cotton] house ilaga; baiai ——; balay ——; balay timber tatamue tatha (?) [i.e., tahamis (?) to split] or pata (?) [i.e., a piece of wood or bamboo] mat tagichan tagicán taguican palm-mat bani banig banag cushion uliman olnan, and olonan (?) allied forms (?) wooden platters dulan dolong dulang sun adlo arlao adlao star bunthun bitoon (?) bitoon (?) morning uema ogma; odma (?) —— cup tagha tagay tagay bow bossugh bosog bosog arrow oghun odyong odiong shield calassan calasag calasag quilted armor baluti baloti —— dagger calix; calis; baladao caris; baladao baladao cutlass campilan campilan campilang spear bancan bangcao bangcao like tuan —— to-ang banana saghin saguing saguing gourd baghin bagong —— net pucat; laia ——; laya raya small boat sampan sampan sampan large canes cauaghan caoayan cauayan small canes bonbon bongbong bongbong large boats balanghai balañgay barangay small boats boloto baloto baloto crabs cuban coboa —— fish ícam; yssida ——; isda ——; isda a colored fish panapsapan panapsápan panapsapan a red fish timuan —— tiao (?) another fish pilax —— pilas ship benaoa bángca —— king raia hari hadi one uzza usá usa two dua doha duha three tolo toló tolo four upat opát upat five lima limá lima six onom onóm unum seven pitto pitó pito eight gualu oaló ualo nine ciam siàm siam ten polo napoló napolo

Some of the words present difficulties however, due probably to error on Pigafetta’s part and the obstacles in the method of communication between peoples the genius of whose respective languages is entirely distinct. The general Visayan word for “man” is tao or tauo, although Mallat gives a form dala, which may correspond to the lac of Pigafetta (but see Vol. V, p. 123, where the origin of the words lalac, “man,” and babaye, “woman,” are given by Loarca). Babaye (babae) is the general word for “woman” or “married woman;” while binibini is given by Mallat as the Tagálog equivalent of “girl,” and by Santos in his Vocabulario de la lengua tagala (Manila, 1835) as the equivalent of “influential woman.” Liog is used for both “throat” and “neck.” Tian is properly “belly,” and the mistake would arise naturally in Pigafetta pointing to himself when desiring the word for “body,” which would be construed by the natives to that particular part toward which he happened to point. Boto is used for both the male and female generative organs, especially the latter, as well as for the testicles. Britiis corresponds to both “shin” and “calf of the leg.” Iro denotes also the civet cat. Bulan the equivalent of Pigafetta’s bolon is the word for “moon” instead of “star.” The occurrence of what are today Tagálog forms in Pigafetta’s list shows how the various dialects shade into one another and how the one has retained words that have sunk into disuse in the other.

[377] Preceding this paragraph in the Italian MS. (folio 38b) is the chart of the island of Panilonghon (Panisonghon; q.v., p. 202). It is given on folio 51a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: “Below is shown the islands of Panilonghon.”

[378] The “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 13, 14) says that the captains elected in place of those killed at Cebú were “Joam Lopez [Carvalho], who was the chief treasurer” to “be captain-major of the fleet, and the chief constable of the fleet” to “be captain of one of the ships; he was named Gonzalo Vaz Despinosa.” Pigafetta makes no mention at all of Elcano, who brought the “Victoria” home; both the above captains remaining with the “Trinidad.” When the “Concepcion” was burned, only one hundred and fifteen men were left for the working of the two ships (see Guillemard, ut supra, p. 267), although the “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 14) says one hundred and eight men, and Barros, one hundred and eighty.

[379] In Eden: “Pauiloghon, where they founde blacke men lyke vnto the Saraſins.” This is the island of Panglao and the “black men” are the Negritos. See W. A. Reed’s Negritos of Zambales, published by Department of the Interior “Ethnological Survey Publications” ii,

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