Part 31

181 The entire Bible has been published by the Bible Society in Romanese, for the Grisons in Switzerland; and in Lower Romanese, or Enghadine, as spoken on the borders of the Tyrol.

182 “Ed il primo, così Dante, che cominciò a dire come poeta volgare, si mosse, perocchè volle far intendere le sue parole a donna alla quale era malagevole ad intendere versi Latini.”—_Vita Nuova_.

183 Schleicher, Beiträge, i. 19.

184 Oldest dated MS. of 1056, written for Prince Ostromir. Some older written with Glagolitic letters. Schleicher, Beiträge, b. i. s. 20.

185 Schleicher, s. 22.

186 Schleicher, Deutsche Sprache, s. 77.

187 1 Kings viii. 21.

188 1 Kings ix. 26.

189 1 Kings x. 11.

_ 190 Gutta_ in Malay means _gum_, _percha_ is the name of the tree (Isonandra gutta), or of an island from which the tree was first imported (Pulo-percha).

191 See Lassen, Indische Alterthumskunde, b. i. s. 537.

192 See also Sir Henry Elliot’s Supplementary Glossary, s. v. Aheer.

193 The arguments brought forward by Quatremère in his “Mémoire sur le Pays d’Ophir” against fixing Ophir on the Indian coast are not conclusive. The arguments derived from the names of the articles exported from Ophir were unknown to him. It is necessary to mention this, because Quatremère’s name carries great weight, and his essay on Ophir has lately been republished in the Bibliothèque Classique des Célébrités Contemporaines. 1861.

194 Job xxii. 24.

_ 195 Zend-avesta_ is the name used by Chaqâni and other Muhammedan writers. The Parsis use the name “_Avesta_ and _Zend_,” taking _Avesta_ in the sense of text, and _Zend_ as the title of the Pehlevi commentary. I doubt, however, whether this was the original meaning of the word _Zend_. _Zend_ was more likely the same word as the Sanskrit _chhandas_ (scandere) a name given to the Vedic hymns, and _avesta_, the Sanskrit _avasthâna_, a word which, though it does not occur in Sanskrit, would mean settled text. _Avasthita_, in Sanskrit, means laid down, settled. The Zend-avesta now consists of four books, Yasna, Vispered, Yashts, and Vendidad (Vendidad = vidaeva dâta; in Pehlevi, Juddivdad). Dr. Haug, in his interesting lecture on the “Origin of the Parsee Religion,” Bombay, 1861, takes _Avesta_ in the sense of the most ancient texts, _Zend_ as commentary, and _Pazend_ as explanatory notes, all equally written in what we shall continue to call the Zend language.

196 “According to the Kissah-i-Sanján, a tract almost worthless as a record of the early history of the Parsis, the fire-worshippers took refuge in Khorassan forty-nine years before the era of Yezdegerd (632 A. D.), or about 583. Here they stayed 100 years, to 683, then departed to the city of Hormaz (Ormus, in the Persian Gulf), and after staying fifteen years, proceeded in 698 to Diu, an island on the south-west coast of Katiawar. Here they remained nineteen years, to 717, and then proceeded to Sanján, a town about twenty-four miles south of Damaun. After 300 years they spread to the neighboring towns of Guzerat, and established the sacred fire successively at Barsadah, Nauśari, near Surat, and Bombay.”—_Bombay Quarterly Review_, 1856, No. viii. p. 67.

197 Alc. i. p. 122, _a_. Ὁ μὲν μαγείαν διδάσκει τὴν Ζωροάστρου τοῦ Ὠρομάζον; ἔστι δὲ τοῦτο θεῶν θεραπεία.

198 In the inscriptions we find, nom. _Auramazdâ_, gen. _Auramazdâha_, acc. _Auramazdam_.

199 Gen. _Ahurahe mazdâo_, dat. _mazdâi_, acc. _mazdam_.

200 Haug, Lecture, p. 11; and in Bunsen’s Egypt.

201 Berosus, as preserved in the Armenian translation of Eusebius, mentions a Median dynasty of Babylon, beginning with a king Zoroaster, long before Ninus; his date would be 2234 B. C.

Xanthus, the Lydian (470 B. C.), as quoted by Diogenes Laertius, places Zoroaster, the prophet, 600 before the Trojan war (1800 B. C.).

Aristotle and Eudoxus, according to Pliny (Hist. Nat. xxx. 1), placed Zoroaster 6000 before Plato; Hermippus 5000 before the Trojan war (Diog. Laert. proœm.).

Pliny (Hist. Nat. xxx. 2) places Zoroaster several thousand years before Moses the Judæan, who founded another kind of Mageia.

202 Printed at the end of these Lectures.

203 See Schleicher, Deutsche Sprache, s. 81.

204 Farrar, Origin of Languages, p. 35.

205 “It has been common among grammarians to regard those terminational changes as evolved by some unknown process from the body of the noun, as the branches of a tree spring from the stem—or as elements, unmeaning in themselves, but employed arbitrarily or conventionally to modify the meanings of words. This latter view is countenanced by Schlegel. ‘Languages with inflexions,’ says Schlegel, ‘are organic languages, because they include a living principle of development and increase, and alone possess, if I may so express myself, a fruitful and abundant vegetation. The wonderful mechanism of these languages consists in forming an immense variety of words, and in marking the connection of ideas expressed by these words by the help of an inconsiderable number of syllables, _which, viewed separately, have no signification_, but which determine with precision the sense of the words to which they are attached. By modifying radical letters and by adding derivative syllables to the roots, derivative words of various sorts are formed, and derivatives from those derivatives. Words are compounded from several roots to express complex ideas. Finally, substantives, adjectives, and pronouns are declined, with gender, number, and case; verbs are conjugated throughout voices, moods, tenses, numbers, and persons, by employing, in like manner, terminations and sometimes augments, which by themselves signify nothing. This method is attended with the advantage of enunciating in a single word the principal idea, frequently greatly modified, and extremely complex already, with its whole array of accessory ideas and mutable relations.’ ”—_Transactions of the Philological Society_, vol. ii. p. 39.

206 Endlicher, Chinesische Grammatik, p. 172.

207 Endlicher, Chinesische Grammatik, s. 172.

208 “The Algonquins have but one case which may be called locative.” Du Ponceau, p. 158.

209 Marsh, p. 579.

210 In Old Portuguese, Diez mentions _senhor rainha, mia sennor formosa_, my beautiful mistress.

211 Marsh, p. 387. Barnes, Poems in Dorsetshire Dialect.

212 Survey of Languages, p. 21.

213 Fuchs, Romanische Sprachen, s. 344.

214 The Greek term for the future is ὁ μέλλων, and μέλλω is used as an auxiliary verb to form certain futures in Greek. It has various meanings, but they can all be traced back to the Sanskrit _man_ (_manyate_), to think. As _anya_, other, is changed to ἄλλος, so _manye_, I think, to μέλλω. Il. ii. 39: θήσειν ἔτ᾽ ἔμελλεν ἐπ ἀλγέα τε στοναchάς τε Τρωσί τε καὶ Δαναοῖσι, “he still thought to lay sufferings on Trojans and Greeks.” Il. xxiii. 544: μέλλεις ἀφαιρήσεσθαι ἄεθλον, “thou thinkest thou wouldst have stripped me of the prize.” Od. xiii. 293: οὐκ ἄρ᾽ ἔμελλες λήξειν; “did you not think of stopping?” _i.e._ were you not going to stop? Or again in such phrases as Il. ii. 36, τὰ οὐ τελέσεσθαι ἔμελλον, “these things were not meant to be accomplished,” literally, these things did not mean to be accomplished. Thus μέλλω was used of things that were likely to be, as if these things themselves meant or intended to be or not to be; and, the original meaning being forgotten, μέλλω came to be a mere auxiliary expressing probability. Μέλλω and μέλλομαι, in the sense of “to hesitate,” are equally explained by the Sanskrit _man_, to think or consider. In Old Norse the future is likewise formed by _mun_, to mean.

215 Bopp, Comp. Grammar, § 620. Grimm, German Grammar, ii. 845.

216 Barnes, Dorsetshire Dialect, p. 39.

217 See M. M.’s Letter on the Turanian Languages, pp. 44, 46.

218 Sk. _dama_; Gr. δόμος; L. _domus_; Slav. _domü_; Celt. _daimh_.

219 See M. M.’s Essay on Comparative Mythology, Oxford Essays, 1856.

220 Ârya-bhûmi, and Ârya-deśa are used in the same sense.

221 Pân. iii. 1, 103.

222 In one of the Vedas, _arya_ with a short _a_ is used like _ârya_, as opposed to Śûdra. For we read (Vâj-San. xx. 17): “Whatever sin we have committed in the village, in the forest, in the home, in the open air, against a Śûdra, against an Arya,—thou art our deliverance.”

223 Lassen, Ind. Alt. b. i. s. 6.

224 Ibid. b. i. s. 526.

225 Ptolemy knows Ἀριάκαι, near the mouth of the Yaxartes. Ptol. vi. 14; Lassen, loc. cit. i. 6.

226 Burnouf, Yaśna, notes, 61. In the same sense the Zend-avesta uses the expression, Aryan provinces, “airyanâm daqyunâm” gen. plur., or “airyâo dainhâvô,” provincias Arianas. Burnouf, Yaśna, 442; and Notes, p. 70

227 Burnouf, Notes, p. 62.

228 Strabo, xi. 7, 11. Plin. Hist. Nat. vi. 19. Ptol. vi. 2. De Sacy, Mémoires sur diverses antiquités de la Perse, p. 48. Lassen, Indische Alterthumskunde, i. 6.

229 Strabo. xi. 11; Burnouf, Notes, p. 110. “In another place Eratosthenes is cited as describing the western boundary to be a line separating Parthiene from Media, and Karmania from Parætakene and Persia, thus taking in Yezd and Kerman, but excluding Fars.”—_Wilson, Ariana antiqua_, p. 120.

230 Hellanicus, fragm. 166, ed. Müller. Ἄρια Περσικὴ χώρα.

231 Joseph Müller, Journal Asiatique, 1839, p. 298. Lassen, loc. cit. i. 6. From this the Elam of Genesis. Mélanges Asiatiques, i. p. 623.

232 Heeren, Ideen, i. p. 337: ὁμόγλωττοι παρὰ μικρόν. Strabo, p. 1054.

233 One of the Median classes is called Ἀριζαντοί, which may be _âryajantu_. Herod, i. 101.

234 Μάγοι δὲ καὶ πὰν τὸ Ἄρειον γένος, ὡς καὶ τοῦτο γράφει ὁ Εὔδημος, οἱ μὲν, τόπον, οἱ δὲ χρόνον καλοῦσι τὸ νοητὸν ἅπαν καὶ τὸ ἡνωμένον; ἐξ οὐ διακριθῆναι ἡ θεὸν ἀγαθὸν καὶ δαίμονα κακὸν ἢ φῶς καὶ σκότος πρὸ τούτων, ὡσ ἐνίους λέγειν. Οὐτοι δὲ οὖν καὶ αὐτοὶ μετὰ τὴν ἀδιάκριτον φύσιν διακρινομένην ποιοῦσι τὴν διττὴν συστοιχὴν τῶν κρειττόνων, τῆς μὲν ἡγεῖσθαι τὸν Ὀρομάσδη, τῆς δὲ τὸν Ἀρειμάνιον.—Damascius, quæstiones de primis principiis, ed. Kopp, 1826, cap. 125, p. 384.

235 De Sacy, Mémoire, p. 47; Lassen, Ind. Alt. i. 8.

236 Burnouf, Notes, 107. Spiegel, Beiträge zur Vergl. Sprachf. i. 131. Anquetil had no authority for taking the Zend _airyaman_ for Armenia.

237 Bochart shows (Phaleg, l. 1, c. 3, col. 20) that the Chaldee paraphrast renders the Minî of Jeremiah by Har Minî, and as the same country is called Minyas by Nicolaus Damascenus, he infers that the first syllable is the Semitic Har, a mountain. (See Rawlinson’s Glossary, s. v.)

238 Lassen, Ind. Alt. i. 8, note. _Arikh_ also is used in Armenian as the name of the Medians, and has been referred by Jos. Müller to Aryaka, as a name of Media. Journ. As. 1839, p. 298. If, as Quatremère says, _ari_ and _anari_ are used in Armenian for Medians and Persians, this can only be ascribed to a misunderstanding, and must be a phrase of later date.

239 Sjögren, Ossetic Grammar, p. 396. Scylax and Apollodorus mention Ἄριοι and Ἀριάνια, south of the Caucasus. Pictet, Origines, 67; Scylax Perip. p. 213, ed. Klausen; Apollodori Biblioth. p. 433, ed. Heyne.

240 Burnouf, Notes, p. 105.

241 Ptol. vi. 2, and vi. 14. There are Ἀναριάκαι on the frontiers of Hyrcania. Strabo, xi. 7; Pliny, Hist. Nat. vi. 19.

242 On Arimaspi and Aramæi, see Burnouf, Notes, p. 105; Plin. vi. 9.

_ 243 Qairizam_ in the Zend-avesta, _Uvârazmis_ in the inscriptions of Darius.

244 Stephanus Byzantinus.

245 Grimm, Rechts alterthümer, p. 292, traces Arii and Ariovistus back to the Gothic _harji_, army. If this is right, this part of our argument must be given up.

246 Pictet, Les Origines Indo-Européennes, p. 31. “_Iar_, l’ouest, ne s’écrit jamais _er_ ou _eir_, et la forme _Iarin_ ne se rencontre nulle part pour Erin.” Zeuss gives _iar-rend_, insula occidentalis. But _rend_ (recte _rind_) makes _rendo_ in the gen. sing.

247 Old Norse _írar_, Irishmen, Anglo-Saxon _ira_, Irishman.

248 Though I state these views on the authority of M. Pictet, I think it right to add the following note which an eminent Irish scholar has had the kindness to send me:—“The ordinary name of Ireland, in the oldest Irish MSS., is (_h_)_ériu_, gen. (_h_)_érenn_, dat. (_h_)_érinn_. The initial _h_, is often omitted. Before etymologizing on the word, we must try to fix its Old Celtic form. Of the ancient names of Ireland which are found in Greek and Latin writers, the only one which _hériu_ can formally represent is _Hiberio_. The abl. sing. of this form—_Hiberione_—is found in the Book of Armagh, a Latin MS. of the early part of the ninth century. From the same MS. we also learn that a name of the Irish people was _Hyberionaces_, which is obviously a derivative from the stem of _Hiberio_. Now if we remember that the Old Irish scribes often prefixed _h_ to words beginning with a vowel (_e.g._ _h-abunde_, _h-arundo_, _h-erimus_, _h-ostium_), and that they also often wrote _b_ for the _v_ consonant (_e.g._ _bobes_, _fribulas_, _corbus_, _fabonius_); if, moreover, we observe that the Welsh and Breton names for Ireland—_Ywerddon_, _Iverdon_—point to an Old Celtic name beginning with _iver_—, we shall have little difficulty in giving _Hiberio_ a correctly latinized form, viz. _Iverio_. This in Old Celtic would be _Iveriu_, gen. _Iverionos_. So the Old Celtic form of _Fronto_ was _Frontû_, as we see from the Gaulish inscription at Vieux Poitiers. As _v_ when flanked by vowels is always lost in Irish, _Iveriû_ would become _ieriu_, and then, the first two vowels running together, _ériu_. As regards the double _n_ in the oblique cases of _ériu_, the genitive _érenn_ (_e.g._) is to _Iverionos_ as the Old Irish _anmann_ ‘names’ is to the Skr. _nâmâni_, Lat. _nomina_. The doubling of the _n_ may perhaps be due to the Old Celtic accent. What then is the etymology of _Iveriû_? I venture to think that it may (like the Lat. _Aver-nus_, Gr. Ἄφορ-νος) be connected with the Skr. _avara_, ‘posterior,’ ‘western.’ So the Irish _des_, Welsh _deheu_, ‘right,’ ‘south,’ is the Skr. _dakshina_, ‘dexter,’ and the Irish _áir_ (in _an-áir_), if it stand for _páir_, ‘east,’ is the Skr. _pûrva_, ‘anterior.’

“M. Pictet regards Ptolemy’s Ἰουερνια (Ivernia) as coming nearest to the Old Celtic form of the name in question. He further sees in the first syllable what he calls the Irish _ibh_, ‘land,’ ‘tribe of people,’ and he thinks that this _ibh_ may be connected not only with the Vedic _ibha_, ‘family,’ but with the Old High German _eiba_, ‘a district.’ But, first, according to the Irish phonetic laws, _ibha_ would have appeared as _eb_ in Old, _eabh_ in Modern-Irish. Secondly, the _ei_ in _eiba_ is a diphthong = Gothic _ái_, Irish _ói_, _óe_, Skr. _ê_. Consequently _ibh_ and _ibha_ cannot be identified with _eiba_. Thirdly, there is no such word as _ibh_ in the nom. sing., although it is to be found in O’Reilly’s dictionary, along with his explanation of the intensive prefix _er_—, as ‘noble,’ and many other blunders and forgeries. The form _ibh_ is, no doubt, producible, but it is a very modern dative plural of _úa_, ‘a descendant.’ Irish districts were often called by the names of the occupying clans. These clans were often called ‘descendants (_huí_, _hí_, _í_) of such an one.’ Hence the blunder of the Irish lexicographer.”—W. S.

249 See Rawlinson’s Glossary, s. v.

250 W. Ouseley, Orient. Geog. of Ebn. Haukal. Burnouf, Yasna, Notes, p. 102.

251 Ptol. vi. c. 17.

252 It has been supposed that _harôyûm_ in the Zend-avesta stands for _haraêvem_, and that the nominative was not _Harôyu_, but _Haraêvô_. (Oppert, Journal Asiatique, 1851, p. 280.) Without denying the possibility of the correctness of this view, which is partially supported by the accusative _vidôyum_, from _vidaêvo_, enemy of the Divs, there is no reason why _Harôyûm_ should not be taken for a regular accusative of _Harôyu_. This _Harôyu_ would be as natural and regular a form as _Sarayu_ in Sanskrit, nay even more regular, as _harôyu_ would presuppose a Sanskrit _sarasyu_ or _saroyu_, from _saras_. M. Oppert identifies the people of _Haraiva_ with the Ἀρεῖοι, but not, like Grimm, with the Ἄριοι.

253 It is derived from a root _sar_ or _sṛi_, to go, to run, from which _saras_, water, _sarit_, river, and _Sarayu_, the proper name of the river near Oude; and we may conclude with great probability that this Sarayu or Sarasyu gave the name to the river Arius or Heri, and to the county of Ἄρια or Herat. Anyhow Ἄρια, as the name of Herat, has no connection with Ἄρια the wide country of the Âryas.

254 Diversions of Purley, p. 190.

255 AR might be traced back to the Sanskrit root, _ṛi_, to go (Pott, Etymologische Forschungen, i. 218); but for our present purposes the root, AR, is sufficient.

256 If, as has been supposed, the Cornish and Welsh words were corruptions of the Latin _arâtrum_ they would have appeared as _areuder_, _arawd_, respectively.

257 Grimm remarks justly that _airtha_ could not be derived from _arjan_, on account of the difference in the vowels. But _airtha_ is a much more ancient formation, and comes from the root _ar_, which root, again, was originally _ṛi_ or _ir_ (Benfey, Kurze Gr., p. 27). From this primitive root _ṛi_ or _ir_, we must derive both the Sanskrit _irâ_ or _iḍâ_, and the Gothic _airtha_. The latter would correspond to the Sanskrit _ṛita_. The true meaning of the Sanskrit _iḍâ_ has never been discovered. The Brahmans explain it as prayer, but this is not its original meaning.

258 Grimm derives _arbeit_, Gothic _arbaiths_, Old High-German _arapeit_, Modern High-German _arbeit_, directly from the Gothic _arbja_, heir; but admits a relationship between _arbja_ and the root _arjan_, to plough. He identifies _arbja_ with the Slavonic, _rab_, servant, slave, and _arbeit_ with _rabota_, _corvée_, supposing that sons and heirs were the first natural slaves. He supposes even a relationship between _rabota_ and the Latin _labor_. German Dictionary, s. v. _Arbeit_.

259 Latin _remus_ (O. Irish _rám_) for _resmus_, connected with ἐρετμός. From ἐρέτης, ἐρέσσω; and ὑπηρέτης, servant, helper. _Rostrum_ from _rodere_.

260 Cf. Eur. Hec. 455, κώπη ἁλιήρης. Ἀμφήρης means having oars on both sides.

261 From Sanskrit _plu_, πλέω; cf. fleet and float.

262 Other similes: ὕνις, and ὕννις, ploughshare, derived by Plutarch from ὗς, boar. A plough is said to be called a pigsnose. The Latin _porca_, a ploughed field, is derived from _porcus_, hog; and the German _furicha_, furrow, is connected with _farah_, boar. The Sanskrit _vṛika_, wolf, from _vraśch_, to tear, is used for plough, Rv. i. 117, 21. _Godaraņa_, earth-tearer, is another word for plough in Sanskrit. Gothic _hoha_, plough = Sk. _koka_, wolf. See Grimm, Deutsche Sprache, and Kuhn, Indische Studien, vol. i. p. 321.

263 In the Vale of Blackmore, a waggon is called _plough_, or _plow_, and _zull_ (A.-S. syl) is used for _aratrum_ (Barnes, Dorset Dialect, p. 369).

264 Pott, Etymologische Forschungen, p. 267; Benfey, Griechisches Wurzelwörterbuch, p. 236.

265 The Greek υποδρα, askance, is derived from ὑπὸ, and δρα, which is connected with δέρκομαι, I see; the Sanskrit, dṛiś.

266 Generi coloniali, colonial goods. Marsh, p. 253. In Spanish, generos, merchandise.

267 Many derivatives might have been added, such as _specimen_, _spectator_, _le spectacle_, _specialité_, _spectrum_, _spectacles_, _specious_, _specula_, &c.

268 Benloew, Aperçu Général, p. 28 _seq._

269 Benfey, Grammatik, § 147:—

Roots of the 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, 9 classes: 226 Roots of the 1, 4, 6, 10 classes: 1480 Total: 1706, including 143 of the 10th class.

270 Renan, Histoire des Langues sémitiques, p. 138. Benloew estimates the necessary radicals of Gothic at 600, of modern German at 250, p. 22. Pott thinks that each language has about 1000 roots.

271 The exact number in the Imperial Dictionary of Khang-hi amounts to 42,718. About one-fourth part has become obsolete; and one-half of the rest may be considered of rare occurrence, thus leaving only about 15,000 words in actual use. “The exact number of the classical characters is 42,718. Many of them are no longer in use in the modern language, but they occur in the canonical and in the classical books. They may be found sometimes in official documents, when an attempt is made at imitating the old style. A considerable portion of these are names of persons, places, mountains, rivers, &c. In order to compete for the place of imperial historian, it was necessary to know 9,000, which were collected in a separate manual.”—_Stanislas Julien._

272 The study of the English language by A. D’Orsey, p. 15.

273 This is the number of words in the Vocabulary given by Bunsen, in the first volume of his Egypt, pp. 453-491. Several of these words, however, though identical in sound, must be separated etymologically, and later researches have still further increased the number. The number of hieroglyphic groups in Sharpe’s “Egyptian Hieroglyphics,” 1861, amounts to 2030.

274 Marsh, Lectures, p. 182. M. Thommerel stated the number of words in the Dictionaries of Robertson and Webster as 43,566. Todd’s edition of Johnson, however, is said to contain 58,000 words, and the later editions of Webster have reached the number of 70,000, counting the

## participles of the present and perfect as independent vocables.

Flügel estimated the number of words in his own dictionary at 94,464, of which 65,085 are simple, 29,379 compound. This was in 1843; and he then expressed a hope that in his next edition the number of words would far exceed 100,000. This is the number fixed upon by Mr. Marsh as the minimum of the _copia vocabulorum_ in English. See _Saturday Review_, Nov. 2, 1861.

275 Renan, Histoire, p. 138.

276 Endlicher, Chinesische Grammatik, § 128.

277 If two words are placed like _jin ta_, the first may form the predicate of the second, the second being used as a substantive. Thus _jin ta_ might mean the greatness of man, but in this case it is more usual to say _jin tci ta_.

“Another instance, _chen_, virtue; Ex. jin tchi chen, the virtue of man; _chen_, virtuous; Ex. chen jin, the virtuous man; _chen_, to approve; Ex. chen tchi, to find it good; _chen_, well; Ex. chen ko, to sing well.”—_Stanislas Julien._

278 Grimm, Deutsche Grammatik, b. ii. s. 521.

279 Each verb in Greek, if conjugated through all its voices, tenses, moods, and persons, yields, together with its participles, about 1300 forms.

280 Histoire Générale et Système Comparé des Langues sémitiques, par Ernest Renan. Seconde édition. Paris, 1858.

_ 281 Peshito_ means simple. The Old Testament was translated from Hebrew, the New Testament from Greek, about 200, if not earlier. Ephraem Syrus lived in the middle of the fourth century. During the eighth and ninth centuries the Nestorians of Syria acted as the instructors of the Arabs. Their literary and intellectual supremacy began to fail in the tenth century. It was revived for a time by Gregorius Barhebræus (Abulfaraj) in the thirteenth century. See Renan, p. 257.

282 Messrs. Perkins and Stoddard, the latter the author of a grammar, published in the Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol. v. 1.

283 Renan, p. 214 _seq._, “Le chaldéen biblique serait un dialecte araméen légèrement hébraisé.”

284 Arabic, _tarjam_, to explain; _Dragoman_, Arabic, _tarjamân_.

285 The most ancient are those of Onkelos and Jonathan, in the second century after Christ. Others are much later, later even than the Talmud. Renan, p. 220.

286 Renan, pp. 220-222.

_ 287 Talmud_ (instruction) consists of _Mishna_ and _Gemara_. _Mishna_ means repetition, viz. of the Law. It was collected and written down about 218, by Jehuda. _Gemara_ is a continuation and commentary of the Mishna; that of Jerusalem was finished towards the end of the fourth, that of Babylon towards the end of the fifth, century.

288 First printed in the Rabbinic Bible, Venice, 1525.

289 Quatremère, Mémoire sur les Nabatéens, p. 139.

290 Renan, p. 241.

291 Ibid. p. 237.

292 Quatremère, Mémoire sur les Nabatéens, p. 116.