Part 37

The same vagueness enshrouds the infancy of the escheat _propter defectum tenentis_. Already in 825 a king tells how he gave land to one of his _praefecti_ who died intestate and without an heir, 'and so that land by the decree of my magnates was restored to me who had before possessed it[1033].' Here we seem to see the notion that when a gift has spent itself, when there is no longer any one who can bring himself within the words of donation, the given land should return to the giver. In another quarter we may see that when the king makes a gift he does not utterly abandon all interest in the land that is given. Cenwulf of Mercia in a charter for Christ Church at Canterbury tells us that King Egbert gave land to a certain thegn of his who on leaving the country gave it to the minster; but that Offa annulled this gift and gave away the land to other thegns, saying that it was unlawful for a thegn to give away without his lord's witness (_testimonio_) the land given to him by his lord[1034]. Cenwulf restored the land to the church; but he took money for it, and he does not say that Offa had acted illegally. There is much to show that the 'restraint on alienation' is one of the oldest of the 'incidents of tenure.' Our materials do not enable us to formulate a general principle, but certain it is that the holders of book-land, whether they be laymen or ecclesiastics, very generally obtain the consent of the king when they propose to alienate their land either _inter vivos_ or by testament. We may not argue from this to any definite condition annexed to the gift, or to any standing relationship between the donor and the donee like the 'tenure' of later times. After all, it is a very natural thought that a reward bestowed by the king should not be sold or given away. The crosses and stars with which modern potentates decorate their _fideles_, we do not expect to see these in the market[1035]. The land that the king has booked to his thegn is an 'honour' and the giver will expect to be consulted before it passes into hands that may be unworthy of it. It may be just because the gift of book-land is made by the king and corroborated by all the powers of church and state, that the book is conceived as exercising a continuous sway over the land comprised in it. The book, it has well been said, is the _lex possessionis_ of that land[1036]. It can make the land descend this way or that way, and the land will come back to the king if ever the power of the book be spent. What is more, from the first we seem to see a germ of our famous English rule that if a gift be made without 'words of inheritance' the gift will endure only during the life of the donee:--will endure, we say, for a gift is no mere act done once for all but a force that endures for a longer or a shorter period. Certain it is that most of the charters are careful to say that the gift is not thus to come to an end but is to go on operating despite the donee's death[1037].

[Alienation of book-land.]

And even when, as is generally the case, the book made in favour of a lay-man says that the donee is to have the power of leaving the land to whomsoever he may please, or to such heirs as he may choose, we still must doubt whether his testamentary power is utterly unrestrained, whether he will not have to consult the royal donor when he is making his will. The phenomena which we have here to consider are very obscure, because we never can be quite certain why it is that a testator is seeking the king's aid. We have to remember that the testament is an exotic, ecclesiastical institution which is likely to come into collision with the ancient folk-law. From an early time the church was striving in favour of the utmost measure of testamentary freedom, for formless wills, for nuncupative wills[1038]. The very largeness of its claims made impossible any definite compromise between church-right and folk-right. So far as we can see, no precise law is evolved as to when and how and over what a man may exercise a power of testation. The church will support testaments of the most formless kind; on the other hand, the heirs of the dead man will endeavour, despite the anathema, to break his will, and sometimes they will succeed[1039]. Consequently the testator will endeavour to obtain the crosses of the bishops and the consent of the king. He has already a book which tells him that he may leave the land to a chosen heir; but if he be prudent he will not trust to this by itself. Kings change their minds.

[The heriot and the testament.]

Then the law about heriots complicates the matter. The heriot has its origin in the duty of the dying thegn or of his heirs to return to his lord the arms which that lord has given or lent to him. We have to use some such vague phrase as 'given or lent'; we dare not speak more precisely[1040]. A time comes when the king provides his thegn, no longer with arms, but with land; still the heriot is rendered[1041]. In the tenth century this render is closely connected with the exercise of testamentary power. The thegn offers a heriot with a prayer that 'his will may stand.' He presents swords and money to the king in order that he may be worthy of his testament[1042]. When we find such phrases as this, we can not always be certain that the land of which the testator is going to dispose is land over which a book purports to give him testamentary power; he may be hoping that the king's aid will be sufficient to enable him to bequeath the unbooked land that he holds[1043]. In other cases he may be endeavouring to dispose of lands that have merely been 'loaned' to him for his life by the king. But this will hardly serve to explain all the cases, and we so frequently find the holder of book-land applying for the king's consent when he is going to make an alienation of it _inter vivos_ that we need not marvel at finding a similar application made when he is about to execute a testament[1044].

[The gift and the loan.]

This having been said, we shall not be surprised to find that in ancient times the difference between a gift of land and a loan of land was not nearly so well marked as it would be by modern law. The loan may be regarded as a temporary gift, the gift as a very permanent, if not perpetual, loan. We know how this matter looks in the law of Bracton's age. By feoffment one gives land to a man for his life, or one gives it to him and the heirs of his body, or to him and his heirs: but in any case, the land may come back to the giver. The difference between the three feoffments is a difference in degree rather than in kind; one will operate for a longer, another for a shorter time; but, however absolute the gift may be, the giver never parts with all his interest in the land[1045]. Or we may put it in another way:--in our English law usufruct is a temporary _dominium_ and _dominium_ is a usufruct that may be perpetual. Or, once more, adopting the language of modern statutes, we may say that the tenant for life is no usufructuary but 'a limited owner.' We are accustomed to bring this doctrine into connexion with rules about dependent tenure:--the donor, we say, retains an interest in the land because he is the tenant's lord. But, on looking at the ancient land-books, we may find reason to suspect that the confusion of loans with gifts and gifts with loans (if we may speak of confusion where in truth the things confounded have never as yet been clearly distinguished) is one of the original germs of the rule that all land is held of the king. After all, the king--and he is by far the greatest giver in the country and his gifts are models for all gifts--never can really part with all the rights that he has in the land that he gives, for he still will be king of it and therefore in a sense it will always be part of his land. To maintain a sharp distinction between the rights that he has as king and the rights that he has as landlord, jurisprudence is not as yet prepared.--But we must look at the land-loan more closely.

[The _precarium_.]

Foreign historians have shown how after the barbarian invasions one single form of legal thought, or (if we may borrow a term from them), one single legal 'institute' which had been saved out of the ruins of Roman jurisprudence, was made to do the hard duty of expressing the most miscellaneous facts, was made to meet a vast multitude of cases in which, while one man is the owner of land, another man is occupying and enjoying it by the owner's permission. This institute was the _precarium_. Originally but a tenancy at will, it was elaborated into different shapes which, when their elaboration had been completed, had little in common. For some reason or another one begs (_rogare_) of a landowner leave to occupy a piece of land; for some reason or another the prayer is granted, the grantor making a display of generosity and speaking of his act as a 'benefit' (_beneficium_), an act of good-nature and liberality. An elastic form is thus established. The petitioner may, or may not, promise to pay a rent to his benefactor; the benefactor may, or may not, engage that the relationship shall continue for a fixed term of years, or for the life of the petitioner or for several lives. Usually this relationship between petitioner and benefactor is complicated with the bond of patronage: the former has commended himself to the latter, has come within his power, his protection, his trust (_trustis_), has become his _fidelis_, his _homo_. At a later time the inferior is a _vassus_, the superior is his _senior_, for the word _vassus_, which has meant a menial servant, spreads upwards. Then the _precarium_, as it were, divides itself into various channels. One of its streams encompasses the large province of humble tenancies, wherein the peasants obtain land from the churches and other owners on more or less arduous conditions, or reserve a right to occupy so long as they live the lands that they have given to the saints. Another stream sweeps onward into the domain of grand history and public law. The noble obtains a spacious territory, perhaps a county, from the king by way of 'benefaction'; the _precarium_ becomes the _beneficium_, the _beneficium_ becomes the _feudum_[1046]. The king can not prevent the _beneficia_, the _feuda_, from becoming hereditary.

[The English land-loan.]

The analogous English institution was the _lǽn_ or, as we now say, loan. If in translating a German book we render _Lehn_ by _fief_, _feud_, or _fee_, we should still remember that a _Lehn_ is a loan. And no doubt the history of our ancient land-loans was influenced by the history of the _precarium_. We come upon the technical terms of continental law when King Æthelbald forbids any one to beg for a benefit or benefice out of the lands that have been given to the church of Winchester[1047]. There was need for such prohibitions. Edward the Elder prayed the bishop of this very church to lend him some land for his life; the bishop consented, but expressed a fervent hope that there would be no more of such requests, which in truth were very like commands. It would seem that some of the English kings occasionally did what had been done on a large scale in France by Charles Martel or his sons, namely, they compelled the churches to grant benefices to lay noblemen[1048]. When bishop Oswald of Worcester declared how he had been lending lands to his thegns, he used a foreign, technical term: '_beneficium_ quod illis _praestitum_ est[1049].' But it is clear that the English conception of a land-loan was very lax; it would blend with the conception of a gift. To describe transactions of one and the same kind, if such verbs as _commodare_ and _lǽnan_ and _lǽtan_ were used[1050], such words as _conferre_, _concedere_, _tribuere_, _largiri_ and _donare_ were also used[1051]. A loan is a temporary gift, and the nature of the transaction remains the same whether the man to whom the loan is made does, or does not, come under the obligation of paying rent or performing services.

[Loans of church lands to the great.]

Unfortunately our materials only permit us to study one branch of the loan; the aristocratic branch we may call it. No doubt the lords, especially the churches, are from an early time letting or 'loaning' lands to cultivators. Specimens of such agricultural leases we do not see and cannot expect to see, for they would hardly be put into writing. But at an early time we do see the churches loaning lands, and wide lands, to great men. This is a matter of much importance. One other course in the feudal edifice is thus constructed. We have seen the churches interposed between the king and the cultivators of the soil; the churches have become landlords with free land-holders under them. And now it is discovered that the churches have a superiority which they can lend to others. We see already a four-storeyed structure. There are the cultivator, the church's thegn, the church, the king. Very great men think it no shame to beg boons from the church. Already before 750 the bishop of Worcester has granted five manses to 'Comes Leppa' for lives[1052]; before the century is out the abbot of Medeshamstead has granted ten manses to the 'princeps' Cuthbert for lives[1053]. In 855 the bishop of Worcester gives eleven manses to the ealdorman of the Mercians and his wife for their lives[1054]; in 904 a successor of his makes a similar gift[1055]. But we have seen that the king himself was not above taking a loan from the church. Indeed powerful men insist on having loans, and the churches, in order to protect themselves against importunities, obtain from the king this among their other immunities, namely, that no lay man is to beg boons from them, or that no lease is to be for longer than the lessee's life[1056]. In such cases we may also see the working of a second motive: the church is to be protected against the prodigality of its own rulers. The leases made by the prelates seem usually to have been for three lives. This compass is so often reached, so seldom exceeded[1057] that we may well believe that the English church had accepted as a rule of sound policy, if not as a rule of law, the novel of Justinian which set the limit of three lives to leases of church lands[1058].

[The consideration for the loan.]

Occasionally the lease is made in consideration of a sum of money paid down; occasionally the recipient of the land comes under an express obligation to pay rent. An early example shows us the abbot of Medeshamstead letting ten manses to the 'princeps' Cuthbert for lives in consideration of a gross sum of a thousand shillings and an annual _pastus_ or 'farm' of one night[1059]. The bishop of Worcester early in the ninth century concedes land to a woman for her life on condition that she shall cleanse and renovate the furniture of the church[1060]. On the other hand, when land is 'loaned' to a king or a great nobleman, this may be in consideration of his patronage and protection; the church stipulates for his _amicitia_[1061]. We may say that he becomes the _advocatus_ of the church, and the patronage exercised by kings and nobles over the churches is of importance, though perhaps it was not quite so serious a matter in England as it was elsewhere.

[St. Oswald's loans.]

But from our present point of view by far the most interesting form that the loan takes is the loan to the thegn or the _cniht_. Happily it falls out that we have an excellent opportunity of studying this institution. We recall the fact that by the gifts of kings and underkings the church of Worcester had become entitled to vast tracts of land in Worcestershire and the adjoining counties. Now between the years 962 and 992 Bishop Oswald granted at the very least some seventy loans comprising in all 180 manses or thereabouts[1062]. In almost all cases the loan was for three lives. In a few cases the recipient was a kinsman of the bishop, in a few he was an ecclesiastic; far more generally he is described as 'minister meus,' 'fidelis meus,' 'cliens meus,' 'miles meus,' 'my knight,' 'my thegn,' 'my true man.' When the 'cause' or consideration for the transaction is expressed it is 'ob eius fidele obsequium' or 'pro eius humili subiectione atque famulatu': a recompense is made for fealty and service. Any thing that could be called a stipulation for future service is very rare. A definite rent is seldom reserved[1063]. Sometimes the bishop declares that the land is to be free from all earthly burdens, save service in the host and the repair of bridges and strongholds. To those excepted imposts he sometimes adds church-scot, or the church's rent, without specifying the amount. Sometimes he seems to go further and to say that the land is to be free from everything save the church's rent (_ecclesiasticus census_)[1064]. In so doing he gives a hint that the recipients of the lands will have something to pay to, or something to do for the church. Were it not for this, we might well think that these loans were made solely in consideration of past services, of obedience already rendered, and that at most the recipient undertook the vague obligation of being faithful and obsequious in the future.

[St. Oswald's letter to Edgar.]

But happily for us St. Oswald was a careful man of business and put on record in the most solemn manner the terms on which he made his land-loans. The document in which he did this is for our purposes the most important of all the documents that have come down to us from the age before the Conquest[1065]. It takes the form of a letter written to King Edgar. We will give a brief and bald abstract of it[1066]:--'I am (says the bishop) deeply grateful to you my lord, for all your liberality and will remain faithful to you for ever. In particular am I grateful to you for receiving my complaint and that of God's holy Church and granting redress by the counsel of your wise men[1067]. Therefore I have resolved to put on record the manner in which I have been granting to my faithful men for the space of three lives the lands committed to my charge, so that by the leave and witness of you, my lord and king, I may declare this matter to the bishops my successors, and that they may know what to exact from these men according to the covenant that they have made with me and according to their solemn promise. I have written this document in order that none of them may hereafter endeavour to abjure the service of the church. This then is the covenant made with the leave of my lord the king and attested, roborated and confirmed by him and all his wise men. I have granted the land to be held under me (_sub me_) on these terms, to wit, that every one of these men shall fulfil the whole law of riding as riding men should[1068], and that they shall pay in full all those dues which of right belong to the church, that is to say _ciricsceott_, _toll_, and _tace_ or _swinscead_, and all other dues of the church (unless the bishop will excuse them from any thing), and shall swear that so long as they possess the said land they will be humbly subject to the commands of the bishop. What is more, they shall hold themselves ready to supply all the needs of the bishop; they shall lend their horses; they shall ride themselves, and be ready to build bridges and do all that is necessary in burning lime for the work of the church[1069]; they shall erect a hedge for the bishop's hunt and shall lend their own hunting spears whenever the bishop may need them. And further, to meet many other wants of the bishop, whether for the fulfilment of the service due to him or of that due to the king, they shall with all humility and subjection be obedient to his domination and to his will[1070], in consideration of the benefice that has been loaned to them, and according to the quantity of the land that each of them possesses. And when the term for which the lands are granted has run out, it shall be in the bishop's power either to retain those lands for himself or to loan them out to any one for a further term, but so that the said services due to the church shall be fully rendered. And in case any shall make wilful default in rendering the aforesaid dues of the church, he shall make amends according to the bishop's _wite_[1071] or else shall lose the gift and land that he enjoyed. And if any one attempt to defraud the church of land or service, be he deprived of God's blessing unless he shall make full restitution. He who keeps this, let him be blessed; he who violates this, let him be cursed: Amen. Once more, my lord, I express my gratitude to you. There are three copies of this document; one at Worcester, one deposited with the Archbishop of Canterbury and one with the Bishop of Winchester.'

[Feudalism in Oswaldslaw.]