Part 59

[1468] See the important but difficult account of the mill at Arundel: D. B. i. 23.

[1469] Hall, Court Life, 221-3. The Glastonbury Inquests (Roxburgh Club) show that 36_d._ is the settled price for the ox.

[1470] Rogers, Hist. Agric. i. 226, 342.

[1471] See above, p. 382.

[1472] Inq. Com. Cant. 38.

[1473] Or a little less.

[1474] Perhaps too small. One estate was valued in Essex.

[1475] See above, p. 443.

[1476] Domesday of St. Paul's, 59, 64, 69. See above, p. 399 note 1339.

[1477] Hanssen, Abhandlungen, i. 163.

[1478] After making an allowance of 22,000 for Suffolk (which I have not counted) and adding 500 for the land between Ribble and Mersey (which owing to some difficult problems, I have omitted), the sum would fall a little short of 68,000. The hides of London and other boroughs would raise the total. Pearson, History, i. 658, guessed 90,000 to 100,000.

[1479] Above, p. 3.

[1480] As to the _magnum pondus Normannorum_, see Crawford Charters, 78.

[1481] D. B. i. 351.

[1482] D. B. i. 77.

[1483] D. B. i. 165, Alvestone.

[1484] D. B. i. 165 b, Malgeresberiae.

[1485] D. B. i. 252 b, Wenloch.

[1486] D. B. i. 40 b.

[1487] D. B. i. 32: 'postquam habuit pro 16 hidis ad libitum Heraldi.'

[1488] Round, in Domesday Studies, i. 98-110.

[1489] K. 642 (iii. 203).

[1490] D. B. i. 41.

[1491] See above, p. 362.

[1492] I have chosen 'subpartitioned,' because 'repartitioned' might have introduced the idea of periodical or occasional rearrangement, and this it is desirable to exclude in the present state of our knowledge.

[1493] See a speech by the Chancellor of the Exchequer reported in The Times for 10 July, 1896.

[1494] Round, Feudal England, 50.

[1495] See also Pollock, E. H. R. xi. 222.

[1496] D. B. i. 172.

[1497] See above, p. 268.

[1498] The estate at Matma which is in the Dodingtree hundred will be accounted for below.

[1499] Possibly this and the four next entries should be omitted.

[1500] We here omit the estates at Hamton and Bengeworth, about which the churches of Worcester and Evesham were disputing, for we believe that they have already been included in the Worcester estate of Cropthorn. See Round in Domesday Studies, ii. 545.

[1501] Perhaps add 5 hides at Suchelei; but apparently these have been already included in the account of the King's Land.

[1502] A large hundred called Halfshire Hundred was formed. In Latin records it is _Hundredum Dimidii Comitatus_. For some light on the constitution of Dodingtree, see Round, Feudal England, 61.

[1503] 'In Huntedunescyre sunt dccc hide et dimid.' This means eight and a half hundreds.

[1504] Leges Anglorum, p. 7.

[1505] On a re-count I made 1185.

[1506] Mr Charles Taylor gives 2595. See above, p. 412. Therefore I have once more gone through the county with his book before me. The difference between us is not altogether due to my faulty arithmetic; but arises from the different constructions that we put upon a few composite entries. In

## particular I can not allow the bishop of Worcester anything

like the 231 hides that Mr Taylor gives him. When I find an entry in this form: 'Sancta Maria tenet H. Ibi sunt _x_ hidae ... De hac terra huius manerii Turstinus tenet _y_ hidas in O,' I believe that _x_ includes _y_, and this no matter how far the place called O may be from the place called H. My 2388 is I think a trifle too low; but I believe the number lies very close to 2400 on one side or the other.

[1507] Ellis, Introduction, i. 184.

[1508] Feudal England, 148.

[1509] After a re-count I think that my 1356 is a little too large, and should not be surprised if the 2663-1/2 had been exactly halved.

[1510] See above, p. 451. This is but one instance. Several other hundreds had been similarly relieved. See Round, Feudal England, 51.

[1511] My 500 (or a trifle more) for Cheshire does not include the land between the Ribble and the Mersey. The figures given for that district are, as is well known, very difficult. If we take the final statement (D. B. i. 270) about the 79 'hides' as a grand total and hold that each of these contains 6 carucates (Feudal England, 86) and that each of these carucates pays geld equivalent to that of one ordinary hide, then we have here 474 units to be added to the Cestrian 500, and yet more northerly lands may have been gelding along with Chester in Cnut's day.

[1512] The various copies disagree as to whether Herefordshire shall have 1200 or 1500 hides. My figure stands about halfway between these two; but many hides were not gelding in 1086. I can not bring the Warwickshire hides down to 1200.

[1513] I take the numbers of the hundreds from Dr Stubbs, Const. Hist. 106. I take them thence in order that I may not be tempted to make them rounder than they are.

[1514] See above, p. 457.

[1515] Mr C. S. Taylor, op. cit. 31, finds 41.

[1516] Round, Feudal England, 44 ff.

[1517] Both statements might be illustrated from the Dorsetshire accounts. Between 2 and 8 Hen. II. the geld seems to rise from £228. 5_s._ to £248. 5_s._ but there is a blunder in the addition of the pardons in the latter roll. I believe that Mr Round has already mentioned this case somewhere. The correspondence between the Pipe Rolls and Domesday is sufficiently close to warrant our saying that the story told by Orderic of a new and severer valuation made by Rufus can have but little, if any, truth behind it. See Stubbs, Const. Hist. i. 327.

[1518] The common formula is: 'T. R. E. geldabat pro _a_ hidis; ibi tamen sunt _a´_ hidae' and _a´_ is largely greater than _a_. I infer that _a´_ represents a new and increased assessment, for the Geld Inquest seems to show Cornwall paying for 401 hides and a fraction while I make _a´_=399.

[1519] For these three counties we can not give any _B_, but must draw inferences from _C_. Clearly in Hereford _C_ was often thought to be much less than _B_.

[1520] As already said (above, p. 420) what we take to be Leicester's equivalent for _B_ is sometimes given by an unusual formula.

[1521] Rogers, Hist. Agricult. i. 110.

[1522] Yorkshire Lay Subsidy (Yorksh. Archæol. Soc.) p. xxxii.

[1523] Total acreage under all kinds of crops, bare fallow and grass, excluding (1) nursery gardens, (2) woods and plantations, (3) mountain and heath land.

[1524] Powell, East Anglia Rising, 121-3.

[1525] As we are giving or trying to give the fullest number of hides whose existence is attested by D. B., and not the number gelding in 1086, we compare with it the values given by Pearson (Hist. Engl. i. 665) for the T. R. E. His values for the T. R. W. are given above, p. 401.

[1526] Suffolk and Norfolk are omitted because the relation between their carucates and the villar geld pence is as yet uncertain. Stafford does not provide _valuits_ enough to give a stable average; but in general the _valets_ and _valuits_ for its hides are high. I have excluded (1) royal demesne, (2) cases in which there is any talk of 'waste,' (3) cases in which a particular manor is obviously privileged. In Lincolnshire it is difficult to obtain good figures, because of the way in which the sokes are valued.

[1527] See above, p. 386, note 1304.

[1528] Werhard's testament, K. 230 (i. 297), tells us of a great estate of 100 hides at Otford, of 30 hides at Graveney and so forth. The figures are so little in harmony with D. B. and with the other Canterbury charters that we may suspect the 100 manses at Otford of covering many smaller estates, each of which appears elsewhere with a name of its own.

[1529] In D. B. i. 12 b St. Augustin holds 30 solins at Norborne. In 618 Eadbald of Kent, K. 6 (i. 9), gave 30 _aratra_ at Nortburne; but the deed is spurious. In D. B. 5 b, Rochester has 3 solins at Totesclive, 6 at Hallinges, 2-1/2 at Coclestane, 3 at Mellingetes, 6 at Bronlei. In 788 Offa, K. 152 (i. 183), gave 6 _aratra_ at Trottesclib. Egbert, K. 160 (i. 193), gave 10 at Hallingas. In 880 Æthelstan, K. 312 (ii. 109), B. ii. 168, gave 3 at Cucolanstan. Edmund, K. 409 (ii. 265), gave 3 at Meallingas. In 998 Æthelred, K. 700 (iii. 305), gave 6 at Brunleage. The Rochester deeds therefore may point to some reduction; but they do not tell of any startling change.

[1530] Meitzen, op. cit. ii. 101, holds that the Euti who invaded Kent fitted themselves into an agrarian framework prepared by Celts. They came not, like the great mass of Saxons and Angles, from a country in which villages of the Germanic type had grown up, but from an originally Celtic land, which they while still in the pastoral state had seized and subjugated. It is an interesting though hazardous speculation. Certainly some cause or another keeps Kent apart from the rest of England.

[1531] Thus, K. 371 (ii. 207): Æthelstan gives to the church of Exeter 6 _perticae_ (yard-lands?). B. ii. 433: he gives one cassate to St Petroc. K. 787 (iv. 115): the Confessor gives a _pertica_ and a half in Cornwall. Crawford Charters, pp. 1-43: Æthelheard gives 20 cassates at Crediton; that is, a dozen of our parishes. Ibid. p. 9: a single yard of land is gaged for 30 mancuses of gold. K. 1306 (vi. 163): in 739 Æthelred gives 3 _perticae_ to Athelney. K. 1324 (vi. 188): Cnut gives to Athelney _duas mansas siue (= et) unam perticam_.

[1532] K. 1143 (v. 278); B. ii. 527. For the _arepennis_ see Meitzen, op. cit. i. 278, where an explanation derived from the Irish laws is given of its name.

[1533] See above, p. 451.

[1534] The lords of Cambridgeshire may have done good service during the campaign in the Isle of Ely.

[1535] Pearson's _valuit_ is £491; his _valet_ £736.

[1536] The appearance of the curious _hida_ may lead to the guess that if the geld be at two shillings, it is the Leicestershire _hida_, not the Leicestershire _carucata_ which pays this sum. But (1) if the _hida_ contains 18, or even 12, carucates we shall then have on our hands a case of extreme under-taxation; and (2) this will not account for the fact that an exceedingly small value is given to the land that a team ploughs.

[1537] D. B. i. 233.

[1538] At the end of the account of the land between Ribble and Mersey (i. 240) we are told that there were altogether 79 _hidae_ which T. R. E. were worth £145. 2_s._ 2_d._ This would give a very small value for the carucate, if the _hida_ of this district had six carucates; and in many cases 2_s._ 8_d._ is the value assigned to the carucate. If to a two-shilling geld the _hida_ paid but two shillings, this is a bad, though not unprecedented, case of under-taxation. On the other hand, if the carucate paid two shillings, its value has been stated in some abnormal fashion. I do not think it out of the question that the _hidae_ of Leicestershire and Lancashire are modern arrangements designed to give relief in some manner or another to districts which have been too heavily burdened with carucates.

[1539] It may, however, have been applied to the conquered West Wales from an early time. See above, p. 467.

[1540] See above, p. 427.

[1541] D. B. i. 293 b.

[1542] And two sokemen with two teams.

[1543] The artificiality or traditionality of the teamland is even more obvious in D. B. than it is in our statement. At Okeham are 4 hides; land for 16 teams. The men have 37. The king has 2 in his demesne 'et tamen aliae quatuor possunt esse.' So what is land for 16 teams is not only stocked but insufficiently stocked with 39. The manor of one carucate held by Leuenot seems to be another infringement of the traditional scheme, unless that carucate has been already reckoned among the four at Okeham.

[1544] Many other instances suggesting the artificiality of _B_ might be given from northern counties; e.g. in Northampton (i. 227) we have five consecutive entries in which _A_ = 2, 2, 2, 0·5, 4; _B_ = 5, 5, 5, 1·25, 10; _C_ = 3, 2, 5, 1, 8. See also Round, Feudal England, 90.

[1545] D. B. i. 323 b.

[1546] D. B. i. 299 Walesgrif £56; 299 b Poclinton £56; 309 Ghellinghes £56; 305 Witebi £112. It will be remembered that, as our hundred-weight (112 lbs) shows, 112 can be called a hundred.

[1547] Pipe Rolls, 2. 3. 4. 5. Hen. II. In a few cases the earlier _donum_ includes a composition 'for murders and pleas.' That from Yorkshire is partly paid by York, that from Gloucestershire by Gloucester.

[1548] Nearly.

[1549] Except the 'hides,' if hides they be, of Leicestershire and Lancashire.

[1550] D. B. i. 35 (Surrey).

[1551] D. B. i. 49 b (Hants).

[1552] D. B. i. 364 (Lincoln).

[1553] See above, p. 394.

[1554] This part of the evidence is set out in Mr Round's Feudal England, 37-44. I have gone through all the calculations. His results are hardly different from those which I have obtained and therefore I dwell no longer on this part of the case, for it has been well stated.

[1555] D. B. i. 192; iv. 107. The Inquisitio Eliensis puts the number of cottiers at 18, while Domesday gives 28. See Hamilton's edition, p. 119.

[1556] Downham, Witchford, Sutton, 'Helle,' Wilburton, Stretham, Stuntney, Doddington.

[1557] Wichford, D. B. i. 192; iv. 507; Hamilton, 119.

[1558] Witcham, Whittlesey, Lindon, Wentworth, Chatteris, Wisbeach, Littleport.

[1559] Wisbeach, 3-1/2 H. + 1 V. + 150 A. + 2-1/2 H. = 10 H.

[1560] In giving the sum of the particulars I add hides to hides, virgates to virgates, acres to acres, but I make no assumption as to the number of acres or virgates in the hide.

[1561] D. B. iv. 4, 9, 16.

[1562] D. B. iv. 22.

[1563] D. B. iv. 1, 6, 13.

[1564] D. B. iv. 3, 8, 15 (Melchesham).

[1565] D. B. iv. 3-4, 9, 15 (Chinbrige).

[1566] D. B. iv. 61-2-3.

[1567] D. B. iv. 23 (Hunesberge); see also Langeberge on the same page.

[1568] Round in Domesday Studies, i. 212: 'I have worked through the _Inquisitio Geldi_ with this special object, but found to my disappointment that the odd acres which paid geld on this occasion did not pay at a uniform rate, some paying twice as much as others.'

[1569] D. B. ii. 19: 'Ratendunam tenuit S. Adelred T. R. E. ... pro 20 hidis. Modo pro 16 hidis et dimidia.... Et 30 acras tenet Siward de S. Adelred. Modo tenet Ranulfus Piperellus de rege, set hundret testatur de abbatia. Et 3 hidas et 30 acras quas tenuit ecclesia et Leuesunus de ea T. R. E. modo tenet Eudo de abbate.' I think that this involves the statement:

16-1/2 H. + 30 A. + 3 H. + 30 A. = 20 H.

[1570] D. B. ii. 3, 11, 33, 63 b, 78 b, and in many other places.

[1571] Ibid. 31.

[1572] Ibid. 6 b, 42 b.

[1573] Ibid. 46.

[1574] Ibid. 48.

[1575] Ibid. 6 b, 49, 60.

[1576] Ibid. 43.

[1577] Ibid. 74.

[1578] Ibid. 1 b.

[1579] Ibid. 11 b, 30 b, 31, 47 b.

[1580] Ibid. 72.

[1581] Ibid. 21 b.

[1582] Ibid. 16, 15.

[1583] D. B. ii. 79.

[1584] Some other fractions into which a hide would easily break by inheritance and partition can be expressed in various ways. Thus two-thirds of a hide can be expressed as 80 A. or as 'half a hide and 20 acres.' Three-quarters of a hide appears sometimes as 'half a hide and 30 A.,' sometimes as 'a hide less 30 A.' We might add to our other arguments derived from Essex that used by Morgan (op. cit., p. 31). It seems fairly clear that the holding of Roger 'God Bless the Dames', which is called 3 V. in one place is called 1/2 H. + 30 A. in another place (D. B. iv. 21 b, 96 b).

[1585] D. B. i. 141 b, Wallingtone.

[1586] D. B. i. 141, Stuterehele.

[1587] D. B. i. 165. There is here a transition from geldable area to real area. This land is rated at a hide, but when you come to plough it, you will find only 64 acres.

[1588] D. B. i. 93 b, Dudesham; iv. 396.

[1589] D. B. i. 79 b. Eyton, Dorset, 16, says that this is a clumsy way of describing 1 H. + 1 A. Round, Domesday Studies, i. 213, makes some just remarks on Eyton's treatment of this passage.

[1590] D. B. i. 95 b, Ecewiche; iv. 333.

[1591] D. B. ii. 389 (Cratingas). In Northamptonshire also there is talk of virgates; e.g. D. B. 225 b, 226 b: 3V. - 1 B.; 2 V. + 1 B.

[1592] D. B. ii. 377 b.

[1593] D. B. i. 276 b, 278.

[1594] If I hold two and a half acres in one place and three roods in a neighbouring place and you ask me how much land I have, I may tell you that I have two and a half acres and three roods. If you ask me how much money I have in my purse, I may tell you that I have half-a-crown and three shillings. But returns to governmental inquiries would not be habitually made in this way.

[1595] D. B. i. 13: 'pro uno solin se defendit; tria iuga sunt infra divisionem Hugonis et quartum iugum est extra.'

[1596] D. B. i. 2.

[1597] Elton, Tenures of Kent, 133-4.

[1598] D. B. i. 12 b.

[1599] D. B. i. 9 b.

[1600] D. B. i. 12.

[1601] Kemble, Saxons, ch. iv. and App. B.

[1602] Saxons, i. 490.

[1603] D. B. iv. 42. Cf. D. B. i. 81 b.

[1604] Robertson, Hist. Essays, 95, 96. He has entirely misunderstood the entry touching the hundred of Ailestebba. The equation involved in it is merely the following: 16 H. (i.e. 10 + 4-1/2 + 1-1/2) + 37 H. + 20 H. = 73 H.

[1605] Eyton, Dorset, 15; Bound in Domesday Studies, i. 213.

[1606] Dr Isaac Taylor, The Ploughland and the Plough, in Domesday Studies, i. 143. Of this paper there is an excellent review by W. H. Stevenson in Engl. Hist. Rev. v. 142.

[1607] Domesday Studies, 150; D. B. i. 324.

[1608] D. B. i. 311 b.

[1609] Round, Feudal England, 60.

[1610] See above, p. 397.

[1611] See above, pp. 402, 435.

[1612] See above, p. 471.

[1613] See above, p. 480.

[1614] Dial. de Scac. i. 17.

[1615] The appearance in D. B. of a few 'hides' which apparently consist altogether of wood-land (e.g. ii. 55 b) is one of the many signs that the fiscal hide has diverged from its original pattern. A block of wood-land would not be 'the land of one family.'

§ 3. _Beyond Domesday._

[The hide beyond Domesday.]

We have now seen a good deal of evidence which tends to prove that the hide has had for its model a tenement comprising 120 acres of arable land or thereabouts. Some slight evidence of this we have seen on the face of the Anglo-Saxon land-books[1616]. A little more evidence pointing in the same direction we have seen in the manorial extents of a later day[1617]. And now we have argued that the fiscal hide of the Conqueror's day is composed of 120 (fiscal) acres. From all this we are inclined to infer that the hide has, if we may so speak, started by being a tenement which, if it attained its ideal, would comprise a long-hundred of arable acre-strips, and thence to infer that in the very old days of conquest and settlement the free family or the free house-father commonly and normally possessed a tenement of this large size.

We have now to confess that this theory is open to attack, and must endeavour to defend it, or rather to explain why we think that, when all objections have been weighed, the balance of probability still inclines in its favour.

[Arguments in favour of the small hide.]

That all along from Bede's day downwards Englishmen have had in their minds a typical tenement and have been making this idea the framework of their scheme of government can not be doubted. Nor can we doubt that this idea has had some foundation in fact. It could not occur to any one except in a country where a large and preponderant number of tenements really, if roughly, conformed to a single type. Therefore the contest must be, and indeed has been, between the champions of different typical tenements, and in the main there are but two theories in the field. The one would give the Anglo-Saxon hide its long-hundred of acres, the other would concede to it but some thirty or forty, and would in effect equate it with the virgate rather than with the hide of later days[1618]. Perhaps we may briefly state the arguments which have been urged in favour of this small hide by saying that small hides are requisite (1) if we are to find room enough within the appropriate areal boundaries for the hides that are distributed by Domesday Book and the Anglo-Saxon charters, (2) if we are to explain the large quantities of hides or family-lands which are assigned to divers districts by Bede and by that ancient document which we call The Tribal Hidage, (3) if we are to bring our own typical tenement into line with the typical tenement of Germany, (4) if we are not to overdo our family or house-father with arable acres and bushels of corn.

[Continuity in the hide of the land-books.]

A 'name-shifting' must be postulated. Somehow or another, what was the hide becomes the virgate, while the name 'hide' is transferred to a much larger unit. Now in such a name-shifting there is nothing that is very improbable, if we approach the matter _a priori_. Thought has been poor and language has been poor. The term 'yard of land' may, as we have seen[1619], stand for a quarter-acre or for a much larger space. But this particular name-shifting seems to us improbable in a high degree. For when did it happen? Surely it did not happen after the Norman Conquest. We have from Edward the Confessor quite enough documents to warrant our saying with certainty that the hides and manses of his charters are the hides of Domesday Book. Suppose for a moment that all these parchments were forged after the Conquest, this would only strengthen our case, for stupid indeed must the forger have been who did not remember that if he was to make a title-deed for the abbey's lands he must multiply the hides by four or thereabouts. This argument will carry us far. We trace the stream of land-books back from Edward to Cnut, to Æthelred, to Edgar, to Offa, nay, to the very days of Bede; nowhere can we see any such breach of continuity as that which would appear had the hypothetical name-shifting taken place. The forgers know nothing of it. Boldly they make the first Christian kings bestow upon the church just about the number of manses that the church has in the eleventh century if the manse be Domesday's hide.

[Examples from charters of Chertsey.]