Part 60

Both points might be illustrated by the Chertsey charters. In Domesday Book St. Peter of Chertsey is credited with many hides in divers parts of Surrey[1620]. A charter is forthcoming whereby Edward the Confessor confirms the abbey's possession of these estates[1621], and in the main the number of 'manses' that this charter locates in any village is the number of 'hides' that the abbey will have there in the year 1086. The two lists are not and ought not to be identical, for there have been rearrangements; but obviously the manse of the one is the hide of the other. Then the monks have books which profess to come from the seventh century[1622] and to show how Frithwald the kingling of Surrey endowed their monastery. These books may be forgeries; but the scale on which they are forged is the scale of the Confessor's charter and of Domesday Book. It has been thought that they are as old as Edgar's day[1623]; but at any rate their makers did not suppose that in order to tell a profitable story they must portray Frithwald bestowing four manses for every hide that the abbey possessed.

[Examples from charters of Malmesbury.]

Or look we at the estates of St. Aldhelm. The monks of Malmesbury have a book from the Confessor[1624] which agrees very accurately, perhaps too accurately, with the Domesday record[1625]. The latter ascribes to their house (among other lands) 10 hides at Dauntsey, 5 at Somerford, 5 at Norton, 30 at Kemble 35 at Purton. The Confessor has confirmed to them (among other lands) 10 'hides' at Dauntsey given by Æthelwulf, 5 at Somerford and 5 at Norton given by Æthelstan, 30 at Kemble and 35 at Purton given by Ceadwealla. Then behind this book are older books. Here is one dated in 931 by which Æthelstan gives _quinque mansas_ at Somerford and _quinque mansas_ at Norton[1626]. Here is another dated in 850 by which Æthelwulf gives _decem mansiones_ at Dauntsey[1627]. Here is a third by which in 796 Egfrith restores that _terram xxxv manentium_ at Purton[1628]. Here from 682, from the days of Aldhelm himself, is a deed of Ceadwealla bestowing _xxxii cassatos_ at Kemble[1629]. It is pretty; it is much too pretty; but it is good proof that the Malmesbury monks know nothing of any change in the conveyancer's unit[1630].

[Permanence of the hidation.]

If we examine any reputable set of land-books, those of Worcester, for example, or those of Abingdon and try to trace the history of those very hides the existence of which is chronicled by Domesday Book, we shall often fail. This was to be expected. Any one who has 'read with a conveyancer' will know that many difficulties are apt to arise when an attempt is made to identify the piece of land described in one with that described in another and much older document. In the days before the Conquest many causes were perplexing our task. We have spoken of them before, but will recall them to memory. New assessments were sometimes made, and thenceforth an estate which had formerly contained five hides might be spoken of as having only four. New villages were formed, and the hides which had been attributed to one place would thenceforth be attributed to another. Great landlords enjoyed a large power of rearranging their lands, not only for the purposes of their own economy, but also for the purposes of public finance. In some cases they had collected their estates into a few gigantic _maneria_ each of which would pay a single round sum to the king[1631]. Lastly, the kings gave and the kings took away. The disendowment of churches and simple spoliation were not unknown; exchanges were frequent; no series of land-books is complete. But when some allowance has been made for the effects of these causes, we shall see plainly that, if the charters are to account for the facts displayed by Domesday Book, then the manses of the charters, even of the earliest charters, can not have been of much less extent than the hides of the Norman record. We know of no case in which a church, whatever its wealth of genuine and spurious parchments, could make a title to many more manses than the hides that it had in 1086[1632].

[Gifts of villages.]

Another test of continuity may be applied. In the Conqueror's day a village in the south of England will very commonly be rated at five or some low multiple of five hides, ten, fifteen or twenty[1633]. Now we have argued above that the land-book of an Anglo-Saxon king generally, though not always, disposes of an integral village or several integral villages, and if we look at the land-books we shall commonly see that the manses or hides which they describe as being at a single place are in number five or some low multiple of five. We open the second volume of the Codex Diplomaticus and analyze the first hundred instances of royal gifts which do not bear a condemnatory asterisk and which are not gifts of small plots in or about the towns of Canterbury and Rochester. In date these land-books range from A.D. 840 to A.D. 956. In sixty out of a hundred cases the number of manses is 5 or a multiple of 5. In eighteen it is 5; in sixteen 10; in six 15; in thirteen 20; in three 25; in one 30; in one 80; in two 100. There are a few small gifts; one of a yokelet; six of 1 manse; four of 2 manses; five of 3. The great bulk of the gifts range from 5 to 25 manses. Only four out of 100 exceed 25; of these four, one is of 30, another of 80, while two are of 100. At this rate of progress and if the manse had no more than some 30 acres, we shall have extreme difficulty in accounting for the large territories which on the eve of the Conquest were held by the churches of Wessex, and by those very churches which have left us cartularies that are only too ample. This is not all. If these manses were but yard-lands, then, unless we suppose that the average village was a tiny cluster, it is plain enough that the kings did not usually give away integral villages, and yet a church's lordship of integral villages and even of divers contiguous villages is one of the surest and most impressive traits that the Conqueror's record reveals.

[Gifts of manses in villages.]

Parenthetically we may admit that the king is not always giving away a whole village. Nasse has contended that when a land-book professes to dispose of a certain number (_x_) of manses at the place called _X_, and then sets forth the boundaries of _X_, we must not infer that the whole of the land that lies within those boundaries is comprised in the grant[1634]. The proof of this consists of a few instances in which, to all appearance, two different tracts of land are conveyed by two different books and yet the boundaries stated in those two books are the same. We will allege one instance additional to those that have been mentioned by others. In 969 Bishop Oswald of Worcester gave to his man Æthelweard seven manses, whereof five lay in the place called Tedington. The book which effected this conveyance states the bounds of Tedington[1635]. In 977 the same bishop gave to his man Eadric three manses at Tedington by a book which describes the boundaries of that place in just the same manner as that in which they were set forth by the earlier charter[1636]. Some care, however, should be taken before we assume that the two deeds which deal with land at _X_ dispose of different tracts; for book-land had a way of returning to the king who gave it; also the gift of one king was sometimes confirmed by another; and even if the one book purports to convey _x_ and the other _y_ manses, we must call to mind the possibility that there has been a reassessment or a clerical error. Still it seems to be fairly well proved that there are cases in which the _x_ manses which the donor gives are but some of the manses that lie within the meres drawn by his deed of gift. This certainly deserves remark. At first sight nothing could look more foolish than that we should painfully define the limits of the village territory and yet leave undefined the limits of that part of the village territory which we are giving away. But this practice is explicable if we remember the nature of a manse in a village. It consists of many scattered strips of arable land and of rights over uncultivated waste. To define the limits of the whole territory is important, for the donee should know how far his cattle can wander without trespass. To specify each acre-strip would, on the other hand, be a tedious task and would serve no profitable end. However, there can be little doubt that very generally what a charter bestows is the whole of the land of which the boundaries are described, and therefore the whole territory of a village or of several neighbouring villages.

[The largest gifts.]

But at the moment the charters which will be the most instructive will be those which attribute to a single place some large number of hides. In these the champions of a small hide have found their stronghold. They see perhaps 100 hides ascribed to the place called _X_; they look for that place in modern maps and gazetteers and then tell us that in order to pack our 100 hides within the parochial boundary we must reduce the size of the hide to 30 acres at the most.

[The Winchester estate at at Chilcombe.]

The dangers that beset this process may be well illustrated by the documents relating to one of the most interesting estates in all England, the great Chilcombe estate of the church of Winchester, which stretched for many a mile from the gates of the royal city of the West Saxon kings. Let us follow the story as the monks told it in a series of charters, few of which have escaped Kemble's asterisk. In the first days of English Christianity, Cynegils, king of the West Saxons, gave the Chilcombe valley to St. Birinus. King after king confirmed the gift, but it was never put into writing until the days of Æthelwulf. He declared by charter that this land should defend itself for one hide. This was part of that great tithing operation which puzzles the modern historian[1637]. In 908 Edward the Elder confirmed this act by a charter in which he declared that the land at Chilcombe (including that at Nursling and Chilbolton) contained 100 manses, but that the whole was to be reckoned as a single manse. He also remarked that the land included many _villae_[1638]. The next book comes from Æthelstan; the whole valley (_vallis illuster Ciltecumb appellata_) with all its appendages was to owe the service of a single manse[1639]. Two charters were obtained from Edgar. However much land there might be at Chilcombe, it was to defend itself for one hide[1640]. A writ of similar import, which Kemble has accepted, was issued by Æthelred the Unready[1641]. It said that there were a hundred hides at Chilcombe and proceeded to allot them thus:--

Æstun 4 Easton Afintun and Ufintun 5 Avington and Ovington Ticceburn 25 Titchbourne Cymestun 5 Kilmiston Stoke 5 Bishopstoke Brombrygce and Oterburn 5 Brambridge and Otterbourne Twyfyrde 20 Twyford Ceolbandingtun 20 Chilbolton Hnutscilling 5 Nursling

This territory extends along the left-hand bank of the Itchen from Kilmiston to Titchbourne, thence past Ovington, Avington, Easton, Chilcombe, and Winchester itself, Twyford, Brambridge, Otterbourne to Bishopstoke. If we journeyed by straight lines from village to village we should find that our course was a long twenty miles. Then, to complete the 100 hides, Nursling which is near Southampton and Chilbolton which is near Andover are thrown in. But all these lands lie 'into Ciltecumbe.'

[The many hides at Chilcombe.]

It is to be feared that these charters tell lies invented by those who wished to evade their share of national burdens. And they seem to have failed in their object, for in the Confessor's day, though a very large estate at 'Chilcombe' with nine churches upon it was rated at but one hide, several of the other villages that we have mentioned were separately assessed[1642]. But to lie themselves into an immunity from taxes, this the monks might hope to do; to lie themselves into the possession of square leagues of land, this would have been an impossible feat, and the solid fact remains that their church was the lord of a spacious and continuous block of territory in the very heart of the old West Saxon realm, just outside the gates of the royal burg, along the Itchen river, the land that would be seized and settled at the earliest moment. The best explanation that they could give of this fact was that the first Christian kings had bestowed mile after mile of land upon the minster. What better theory have we[1643]?

[The Winchester estates at Downton and Taunton.]

The truth seems to be that some of the very earliest gifts of land that were made to the churches might, if we have regard to the size of the existing kingdoms, be fairly called the cession of provinces, the cession of large governmental and jurisdictional districts. The bishops want a revenue, and in the earliest days a large district must be ceded if even a modest revenue is to be produced, for all that the king has to give away is the chieftain's right to live at the expense of the folk and to receive the proceeds of justice. Therefore not only whole villages but whole hundreds were given. Chilcombe was by no means the only vast estate that the bishop of the West Saxons acquired in very early days. Domesday Book shows us how at Downton in Wiltshire the church of Winchester has had a round 100 hides[1644]. For these 100 hides we have a series of charters which professes to begin in the days when the men of Wessex were accepting the new faith. They bear the names of Cenwealla[1645], Egbert[1646], Edward[1647], Æthelstan[1648], Edred[1649], Edgar[1650], and Æthelred[1651]. Kemble has accepted the last four of them. They tell a consistent story. There were 100 manses at Downton, or, to speak more accurately, 55 at Downton itself and 45 at Ebbesborne (the modern Bishopston) on the other side of the Avon[1652]. We might speak of other extensive tracts, of Farnham where there have been 60 hides[1653], of Alresford where there have been 51[1654], of Mitcheldever where there have been 106[1655], of Taunton where there have been 54 and more[1656]. Whenever the West Saxons conquer new lands they cede a wide province to their bishop. But perhaps we have already said more than enough of these cessions, though in our eyes they are very important; they are among the first manifestations of incipient feudalism and feudalism brings manorialism in its train. We have recurred to them here because the Winchester charters which describe them testify strongly to the continuity of the hide and also indicate the weak point in the arguments that are urged by the advocates of little hides[1657].

[Kemble and the Taunton estate.]

Kemble has argued that it is impossible for us to allow the hide of Domesday Book or the hide or manse of the charters as many as 120 acres. Take a village, discover how many hides are ascribed to it, discover how many acres it has at the present day, you will often find that the whole territory of the village will not suffice to supply the requisite number of hides if the hide is to have 120 or even 60 acres. Kemble illustrates this method by taking nine vills in Somerset and Devon. One of them is Taunton. Modern Taunton, he says, has 2730 acres, the Tantone of 1086 had 65 hides[1658]; multiply 65 even by so low a figure as 40 and you will nearly exhaust all Taunton's soil[1658]. This argument involves the assumption that the limits of modern Taunton include the whole land that is ascribed to 'Tantone' in the Conqueror's geld-book. Strangely different was the result to which Eyton came after a minute examination of the whole survey of Somersetshire. The 'Tantone' of Domesday covers some thirteen or fourteen villages and is now represented not by 2730 but by 24,000 acres[1659]. The editor of the Anglo-Saxon charters should have guessed that many hides 'lay in' Taunton which as a matter of physical geography were far off from the walls of the bishop's burg[1660]. There are counties in which the list of the places that are mentioned in Domesday is so nearly identical with the list of our modern parishes, that no very great risk would be run if we circumspectly pursued Kemble's method; but just in those counties to which he applied it the risk is immeasurably great, for it is the land where many villages are often collected into one great _manerium_ and all their hides are spoken of as lying in one place. Not until we have compared the whole survey of the county with the whole of its modern map, are we entitled to make even a guess as to the amount of land that a place-name covers. Often enough in those shires where there are large and ancient ecclesiastical estates, those shires in which the feudal and manorial development began earliest and has gone furthest, hides 'are' in law where they are not in fact. They 'lie into' the hall at which they geld or the moot-stow to which they render soke, and this may be far distant from their natural bed[1661].

[Difficulty of identifying parcels.]

As we go backwards this danger is complicated by another, namely, by the growth of new villages. The village of Hamton has been a large village with 20 hides. Some of its arable land has lain two or three miles from the clustered steads. A partition of its fields is made and a new cluster of steads is formed; for housebuilding is not a lengthy or costly process. And so Little Hamton or 'Other' Hamton with 5 hides splits off from the old Hamton which has 15. We must not now try to force 20 hides into the territory of either village[1662]. And as this danger increases, the other hardly diminishes, for we come to the time when a king will sometimes give a large jurisdictional district and call it all by one name. If the once heathen Osric of the Hwiccas gave to a church '100 _manentes_ adjoining the city that is called the Hot Baths,' he in all probability gave away the 'hundred' of Bath; he gave Bath itself and a territory which in the eleventh century was the site of a dozen villages[1663]. We have the best reason for believing that when a king of the eighth century says that he is giving 20 manses in the place called Cridie he is giving his rights over a tract which comprises ten or twelve of our modern parishes and more than the whole of the modern hundred of Crediton[1664].

[The numerous hides in ancient documents.]

We have given above some figures which will enable our readers to compare the hides and the teamlands of a county with its modern acreage. Also we have confessed to thinking that we can hardly concede to every teamland that Domesday mentions 120 statute acres of arable land[1665]. On the other hand, we do not think that there would in general be much difficulty in finding 120 arable acres for every fiscal hide, though perhaps in the south the average size of the acre would be small[1666]. However, we have admitted, or rather contended, that before the middle of the eleventh century the hides of the fiscal system had strayed far away from the original type, and the sight of an over-hided vill would not disconcert us. But unfortunately we can not be content with such results as we have as yet attained. We have already seen that the hides attributed to a district show a tendency to increase their number as we trace them backwards[1667], and there are certain old documents which deal out hides so lavishly that we must seriously face the question whether, notwithstanding the continuity of the land-books, we must not suppose that some large change has taken place in the character of the typical tenement.

[_The Burghal Hidage._]

We have said above that we have inherited three ancient documents which distribute hides among districts. We call them in order of date (1) The Tribal Hidage, (2) The Burghal Hidage, (3) The County Hidage. Of the youngest we have spoken. We must now attend to that which holds the middle place. It states that large round numbers of hides belong to certain places, which seem to be strongholds. The sense in which a large number of hides might belong to a _burh_ will be clear to those who have read the foregoing pages[1668]. This document has only come down to us in a corrupt form, but it has come from a remote time and seems to represent a scheme of West-Saxon defence which was antiquated long years before the coming of the Normans. We will give its effect, preserving the most important variants and adding within brackets some guesses of our own.

THE BURGHAL HIDAGE[1669] Hides. to Heorepeburan, Heorewburan[1670] 324 to Hastingecestre [Hastings] 15 or 500 to Lathe, Lawe [Lewes][1671] 1300 to Burhham [Burpham near Arundel] 726 to Cisseceastre [Chichester] 1500 to Portecheastre [Porchester] 650 to Hamtona and to Wincestre [Southampton and Winchester] 2400 to Piltone, Pistone[1672], Wiltone [Wilton] 1400 to Tysanbyring [Tisbury][1673] 700 to Soraflesbyring, Soraflesburieg, Sceaftesbyrig [Shaftesbury] 700 to Thoriham, Tweonham, Twenham [Twyneham][1674] 470 to Weareham [Wareham] 1600 to Brydian [Bridport or more probably Bredy][1675] 1760 to Excencestre [Exeter] 734 to Halganwille, Hallgan Wylla [Halwell][1676] 300 to Hlidan, Hlida [Lidford] 140 to Wiltone Wisbearstaple, Piltone wið Bearstaple [Pilton[1677] with Barnstaple] 360 to Weted, Weced [Watchet][1678] 513 to Orenbrege, Oxenebrege, Axanbrige [Axbridge] 400 to Lenge, Lengen [Lyng][1679] 100 to Langiord, Langport [Langport] 600 to Bathan, Badecan, Baderan [Bath] 3200(?) to Malmesberinge [Malmesbury] 1500 to Croccegelate, Croccagelada [Cricklade] 1003 or 1300 to Oxeforde and to Wallingeforde [Oxford and Wallingford] 2400 to Buckingham and to Sceaftelege, Sceafteslege, Steaftesege [Buckingham and ?][1680] 600 or 1500 to Eschingum and to Suthringa geweorc [Southwark and Eashing][1681] 1800

These figures having been stated, we are told that they make a total of 27,070 hides[1682]. And then we read 'et triginta[1683] to Astsexum [_al._ Westsexum], and to Wygraceastrum mcc, hydas. to Wæringewice [_al._ Parlingewice] feower and xxiiii. hund hyda.'

[Meaning of _The Burghal Hidage._]