Part 55

115 – This refers to a story thus recounted in Paulinus’ Life of S. Ambrose ch. 12, ‘Among many who tried to force S. Ambrose into exile, but through God’s protection failed of their ♦purpose, one Euthymius more hapless than the rest, was stirred to such a pitch of frenzy that he hired a house close to the Church, and there kept a carriage, that he might the more readily carry off Ambrose into exile, by seizing him and putting him in the carriage. But _his wickedness fell upon his own pate_, (Ps. vii. 7.) for that very day year, he was himself put into the carriage and from the same house was carried into exile, confessing that it was by the just judgment of God that his wickedness had recoiled on himself, and he was carried into exile in the very chariot which he had prepared for the Bishop. And the Bishop did much to comfort him, by giving him money, and other necessaries.’

116 – The word is ‘curiales.’ See Footnote 81 on Lett. xviii. To the authorities there referred to add Bingh. Antiq. iv, 4, 4, where Gothofred’s enumeration of their duties is given in full in the notes.

117 – Zech. v. 1 [E.V. a flying roll. Vulg. volumen volans.]

118 – i. e. by causing them to commit sacrilege.

119 – There is a play here on the word ‘aerarios,’ as connected with ‘aerarium’ the treasury. The aerarii were the lowest class of people at Rome, and so S. Ambrose calls the ‘pauperes Christi’ his aerarii, while at the same time they are the treasures of the Church.

120 – S. Augustine mentions in his Confessions (ix. 7.) S. Ambrose’s introduction both of Hymns and chanting during this period of trial. ‘Then was it first instituted that, after the manner of the Eastern Churches, Hymns and Psalms should be sung, lest the people should wax faint through the tediousness of sorrow; and from that day to this the custom is retained, divers, yea, almost all Thy Congregations throughout other parts of the world following herein.’ Oxf. Transl. He speaks in the same passage of the behaviour of the people: ‘The devout people kept watch in the Church, ready to die with their Bishop Thy servant.’ He also dwells on the effect produced on himself, these events happening shortly before his conversion. ‘How did I weep in Thy Hymns and Canticles, touched to the quick by the voice of Thy sweet-attuned Church! The voices flowed into mine ears, and the Truth distilled into mine heart, whence the affections of my devotion overflowed, and tears ran down, and happy was I therein.’ Ib. ix. 6. It is quite possible that some of the twelve Hymns, acknowledged by the Benedictine Editors as genuine, were then first sung. Among them are the well-known ‘Aeterna Christi munera,’ ‘Aeterne rerum Conditor,’ ‘Deus Creator omnium,’ and others, whose strains are now familiar in English versions.

121 – This is said to be the Church now called ‘S. Ambrose the greater.’ The Roman Church is the one called in the previous letter the ‘New Basilica,’ and also the Church of the Apostles. It was probably called ‘Romana’ from being near the Porta Romana.

122 – S. Augustine says that it was revealed to him in a dream.

123 – These were ἐνεργούμενοι, or persons possessed by evil spirits. On them see Bingh. Antiq. iii. 4, 6. The laying on of hands was part of the rite of exorcism.

124 – The text stands ‘arriperetur urna,’ nor is there any variation of MSS. noted. But it seems absolutely necessary to read ‘una.’ An ‘urna’ could have nothing to do with the matter. It might hold ashes, but surely not the bones of two men of marvellous size. The histories founded on the letter all tacitly adopt the emendation, and speak of ‘a woman among the possessed.’ See Fleury. B. xviii. 46. Tillemont in Vit.

125 – now of S. Vitalis and S. Agricola Fleury p. 104. Eng. Tr.

126 – This is distinctly asserted by S. Augustine in all the three passages referred to in the Introduction.

127 – The word is ‘Enneacaidecateris.’ Mr. Hensley remarks in his article on Easter, ‘It has been often stated that the Council established a particular cycle, that of nineteen years, but this is a mistake.’

128 – ‘Nam incipit ♦esse contrarium.’ According to Ducange ‘incipio’ is used in late Latin in the sense of the Greek verb μέλλω, and here, as it would seem, with the force with which that verb is so often used as equivalent to ‘it is likely’ or ‘it is sure’ that such and such is the case: see Lidd. and Scott. μέλλω, ii. 3, 4.

129 – An allusion to Virg. Georg., 1, 276.

Ipsa dies alios alio dedit ordine luna Felices operum; quintam fuge, etc.

130 – Days immediately following the Kalends, Nones or Ides, considered unlucky by the Romans. See A. Gellius, v. 17. What the ‘Egyptian days’ were is not ascertained.

131 – This is the ordinary phrase for the day of the lunar month. See Bright Early Engl. Ch. Hist. p. 195.

132 – S. Ambrose’s Latin is ‘mensis novorum.’ The LXX has ἐν μηνὶ τῶν νέων. The Vulgate ‘in mense novarum frugum.’

133 – bitter herbs E.T. Ex. xii. 8.

134 – The Era of Diocletian was the prevalent one at this time, and till the general adoption of the Christian Era, which did not become established until the 8th Century. See Mr. Hensley’s article ‘Era’ in Dict. of Christ. Antiq. He gives there the rule for reducing the Era of Diocletian, the epoch of which is Aug. 29th A.D. 284, to the Christian Era, viz. to add 283 years and 240 days to the given date of Diocletian’s Era. According to this the Easter of the 89th year of Diocletian would be A.D. 373, and that of the 93rd would be A.D. 377. The ‘times lately past’ would probably refer to A.D. 383, when, as may be seen by the Table, the ‘fourteenth moon’ fell on a Sunday.

135 – There is a slight error here. The interval is 32 days, not 31.

136 – There is some uncertainty about the reading here. The original reading in the text was ‘biennium,’ and, as this clearly did not agree with the facts the Benedictine Editors adopted a suggestion that ‘biennium’ was a mistaken rendering of a MS. which had ‘vi-ennium.’ But the period of 6 years would not be precise, as the year referred to must be A.D. 379, (see table,) which would be seven years before.

137 – The precise words are not found in either of these passages.

138 – in haste E.T.

139 – against all the gods of Egypt E.T.

140 – This would seem to be not quite correct. Mr. Hensley remarks that in A.D. 360. Easter day was on April 23rd but that the ‘fourteenth moon’ of that year was a Monday and not on a Sunday. The question is discussed in Ideler Chronol. vol. II. p. 254–257.

141 – i. e. as Bishop.

142 – The Juthungi were a German tribe settled on the north bank of the Danube, in what is now Austria Proper and Moravia. It is uncertain whether they were, as Ammianus Marcellinus describes them, a sept of the Alemanni, or whether they were Goths. It has been suggested that the name is only another form of Gothi or Gothones, (Dict. of Antiq.) The want of a detailed and accurate history of these times, which are just beyond the range of Ammianus, makes it difficult to make out clearly the allusions which S. Ambrose here makes. Tillemont explains them thus, ‘Bauton seeing the Juthungan Alemanni ravaging Rhaetia, while the Roman soldiers were engaged in guarding the passes of the Alps against Maximus, summoned the Huns and Alans to make war on them. These tribes accordingly pillaged the territories of the Alemanni up to the frontiers of Gaul. But on Maximus complaining that they had been brought against him, Valentinian, to deprive him of any pretext for breaking off the peace, induced them to retire in the midst of their victories by presents of money.’ He also considers that the reason why the Juthungi came to pillage Rhaetia that year was the extraordinary fertility, and that it is this invasion to which allusion is made in Letter xxiv, 21, where S. Ambrose says that Rhaetia Secunda ‘drew down an enemy on herself by her abundance.’

143 – S. Ambrose means Maximus’ brother.

144 – He seems to mean that pity for the dead should move him to less harsh treatment. But perhaps the word ‘tuam’ may have dropped out, and we should read ‘tu tuam causam considera,’ ‘do you consider your own case.’

145 – It seems necessary here to read ‘allegabis’ for ‘allegabas,’ as the past tense would be unmeaning.

146 – Cabillonum is the ancient name of Châlons-sur-Saône.

147 – He refers to the Bishops Idacius and Ithacius, who had induced Maximus to put Priscillian and others of his party to death, in spite of the remonstrances of S. Martin, who urged Maximus to be content with their having been condemned by ecclesiastical sentence. Priscillian ‘had adopted a strange compound of various errors,’ (Prof. Bright Hist. p. 160.) chiefly Manichean. There is a full account of Maximus’ dealings with them in Fleury, xviii. 29, 30. Newman’s Transl. vol. 1, p. 66–69. S. Ambrose in Letter xxvi. condemns the conduct of these Bishops, and the appeal to the civil sword in Ecclesiastical cases, in still stronger terms.

148 – The Benedictine Editors consider him to be referring to the Novatians.

149 – S. Ambrose’s Latin is ‘scribe hoc viros abdicatos.’ The Vulg. has ‘scribe virum istum sterilem.’ The LXX. γράψον τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦτον ἐκκήρυκτον.

150 – abdicati.

151 – Fleury remarks on this, ‘We must remember that the canonical penances inflicted for great crimes were at that time so very severe, that they were equal to a rigorous punishment.’

152 – See Footnote 147 on Letter xxiv.

153 – S. Ambrose makes the same statement again, De Spirit. iii. 17. ‘It is important then to notice _where_ the Lord maintained this argument, for oft-times His oracles derive their value from the quality of the place where He was.’

154 – nevel.

155 – These words are not in the Heb. In LXX they take the place of the half-homer of barley, γομὸρ κριθῶν καὶ νέβελ οἴνου. S. Ambrose combines both.

156 – It was said just afterwards, if the story of the woman taken in adultery be in its right place, which is doubtful.

157 – Leah means ‘wearied,’ and the name is supposed to refer to her ‘tenderness’ or weakness of eyes. (Gen. xxix. 16). S. Ambrose gives a mistaken meaning to the name Rachel, which really means ‘ewe.’

158 – S. Ambrose often gives this exposition of the name ‘Shechem.’

159 – Isaac means ‘laughter.’ Gen. xxi. 6.

160 – He is here referring to Virg. Ecl. 5, 77. Dumque thymo pascuntur apes, dum rore cicadae.

161 – Here again he is thinking of Virg. Georg. 3, 328. Et cantu querulae rumpent arbusta cicadae.

162 – Here again S. Ambrose is thinking of Virg. Georg. 2, 154. Squameus in spiram tractu se colligit anguis.

163 – Perhaps quoted from memory from S. John iv. 26.

164 – ‘Veri vana.’ This is simply one of the Virgilian expressions of which S. Ambrose is so full. It is taken from Aen. x. 630, Nunc manet insontem gravis exitus, aut ego veri Vana feror.

165 – The Engl. Vers. is ‘Prepare war, wake up the mighty men.’ The Vulg. ‘Sanctificate bellum, suscitate robustos.’

166 – This refers to Ps. xix. 5. where the sun, that _rejoiceth as a giant to run his course_, is usually interpreted by the Fathers of the Messiah. It was a very favourite thought with S. Ambrose. In his Hymn ‘De Adventu Domini’ he adapts the language of the Psalm to it in words of beautiful simplicity,

Procedit e thalamo suo, Pudoris aulâ regiâ Geminæ Gigas substantiæ Alacris ut currat viam. Egressus Ejus a Patre, Regressus Ejus ad Patrem, Excursus usque ad Inferos, Recursus ad sedem Dei.

In the De Incarn. ch. v. he gives a fuller explanation. ‘Him the Prophet Daniel describes as a Giant, because being of a twofold nature, He partaketh in one Person both of the Godhead and of a human Body, and exulted in going forth as a Bridegroom from His chamber, like a Giant, to run His course. He is Bridegroom of the soul as being the Word, He is a Giant of earth because He fulfilled all the duties of our daily life, and, though He was ever the eternal God, took upon Him the Mystery of the Incarnation.’

167 – The English Version has ‘_The partridge sitteth on eggs and hatcheth them not_.’ S. Ambrose is referring to § 11 of the preceding Letter, where he applies the text to Satan. He makes the same application of it in Letter xlvi. 14.

168 – perdendo.

169 – contrarius.

170 – judicio.

171 – judicio.

172 – judicium.

173 – ‘Cornici oculum effodere’ was a familiar Latin proverb for overcoming craft with craft. See Cic. pro Mur. 11, pro Flacco, 20.

174 – primitivus.

175 – primogenitus.

176 – Horontianus appears to have been, like Irenæus, a pupil of S. Ambrose, and to have been ordained by him, and to have been, as the Benedictine Editors say, ‘In clericorum contubernio educatus ab infantia.’ Nothing more is known of him. See Letter lxx. 25.

177 – ἐντελέχεια.

178 – propria corporis.

179 – Sun, E. V. Sol, Vulg.

180 – primitias.

181 – primogenita.

182 – The difference in the original is only the punctuation; in the first case, ‘Nam quod videt quis quid, et sperat:’ in the second, ‘Nam quod videt quis, quid et sperat?’

183 – S. Ambrose is evidently referring to his mission to Maximus, and the persecution of Justina.

184 – There is another reading of several MSS., ‘et ille profecto gemitus,’ which seems to offer a better sense, ‘and that groaning is indeed truly unutterable, etc.’

185 – Canaan. E.V.

186 – The Vulgate has, ‘Trahitur autem sapientia de occultis.’ The E.V. is, ‘The price of wisdom is above rubies.’

187 – This is referred by the Benedictine Editors to Prov. xxii. 7. but it does not agree with either the Sept. or Vulgate.

188 – τοῦ πνεύματος is inserted in a few MSS, and Spiritus is in the Vulgate.

189 – The story of Calanus and Alexander is related in Arian vii. 2. It is also more briefly alluded to by Plutarch. Alex. 65. Neither writer mentions this letter.

190 – vibulamina. Gr. μοσχεύματα.

191 – i. e. the three children in the furnace.

192 – S. Ambrose is here imitating the consolation offered by Ser. Sulpicius to Cicero on the death of his daughter. See Ep. ad Div. iv, 5, 4.

193 – distinxisti ei.

194 – ‘Oriens’ or ‘the East’ was the title of the great civil ‘diocese’ which included Syria, Palestine, Cilicia, Cyprus, Mesopotamia, and some adjacent districts, and corresponded to the Patriarchate of Antioch in the ecclesiastical division. It was originally under one chief called ‘Comes orientis,’ but it would appear from this passage, as is asserted by Gothofred, that the civil and military functions had been divided, and there were now two officers, ‘Comes orientis militarium partium,’ and ‘Comes orientis civilium partium.’ The subject is somewhat obscure.

195 – Callinicum was in Osrhoene, a name given to the north-western part of Mesopotamia.

196 – Socrates, B. v. ch. 13., mentions that Nectarius’ house was burnt by the Arian party in the same year in which this letter was written.

197 – See a note in Newman’s Fleury, p. 160.

198 – Andragathius, who commanded a fleet in Maximus’ interest expecting Theodosius to come to Italy by sea.

199 – The Benedictine editors say ‘tota hæc pericope in uno Cod. Reg. desideratur: forte non male.’ It is difficult to elicit any sense from it.

200 – Siscia, now Sissek, was a large town in upper Pannonia, on the south bank of the Save. Petavio, now Pettau, was on the Drave. It seems likely that ‘in Sicilia’ should be omitted, as being only a false meaning for ‘Sciscia.’ There is no mention of Sicily being in any way connected with the war. But see Tillemont, Theod. art. xlv.

201 – S. Ambrose is quoting from memory and slightly varies the facts from the narrative in book of Judges.

202 – See a learned note in Newman’s Fleury vol. 1 p. 162, on the exemption of the Clergy from municipal offices, compare also Letter xviii. 14, and the note there.

203 – i. e. the Count of the East.

204 – This refers to the famous sedition at Antioch, when the mob, enraged at the imposition of new taxes, overthrew the Emperor’s statues, and dragged them through the city. After a period of suspense, during which S. Chrysostom preached the Homilies on the Statues, Theodosius, who had at first been violently enraged, sent them a free pardon. This was in the previous year.

205 – i. e. of Maximus.

206 – spiritum.

207 – sacramentum.

208 – refrigerat.

209 – The Latin title is ‘Magister equitum et peditum.’ When the Præfecti Prætorio became civil rather than military officers, the chief command of the armies was transferred to two high officers, called, one ‘Magister equitum,’ and the other ‘Magister peditum.’ When the empire was divided these became four, and eventually the number was increased to eight, who were all called ‘Magistri equitum et peditum.’ See Gibbon ch. xvii. 3.

210 – i. e. the ‘Comes Orientis,’ under whose jurisdiction the matter was, and who had sent the report to the Emperor. See Lett. xl. 6.

211 – sospitatis indicio.

212 – This sentence as it stands in the text is incomplete, the ‘quia’ having no correlative. The ‘at vero quia’ seems like ‘at enim’ in Classical Latin, or perhaps the ‘quia’ should be omitted.

213 – See Letter xix, 7. S. Ambrose in De Abraham B. 1. c. 9, 93 alludes to the use of the veil in Christian marriages.

214 – This name appears in the reply of the Milan Synod as Plotinus, which is probably the true form.

215 – There are three laws in the code of Theodosius directed against the Manichees, one of the year 372 A.D. which forbade them to hold assemblies, one of 389 A.D. and one of 391 A.D. ordering their banishment. It is probably the second of these that is referred to, though Gothofred refers it to the third, in which case the date of the Letter must be altered.

216 – All these names except Geminianus occur in the list of Bishops present at the Council of Aquileia. See p. 60.

217 – νοῦς.

218 – This whole passage is full of expressions borrowed from Virgil.

219 – This title seems here to be applied especially to the constellations of the Pleiades and Hyades, each of which consisted of seven stars.

220 – See note on Letter xxvi. 9.

221 – morsus hominum. E. V. ‘principal men.’

222 – Devoravit mors praevalens. The E. V. is, ‘He will swallow up death in victory.’ The Vulg. has, ‘Praecipitabit mortem in sempiternum.’

223 – The word ‘vitae’ is here inserted as necessary to the sense, and to the accuracy of the quotation.

224 – νοῦς.

225 – diminuit.

226 – ampliavit.

227 – This agrees with the LXX, καὶ ἄνθρωπός ἐστι καὶ τίς γνώσεται αὐτόν;

228 – specie.

229 – puerum.

230 – ‘Ecce ego mittam servum meum, Oriens nomen Ejus.’ Vulg. has ‘Ecce ego adducam servum meum Orientem.’ ‘Oriens nomen Ejus’ comes in v. 12. ‘Behold I will bring forth my servant the Branch.’ The same word in the original is used also in Is. iv. 2. Jerem. xxiii. 5. xxiii. 15. and in all those passages the Vulg. renders it by ‘Germen.’ In the passages of Zech. and Jerem. the LXX. have the word ἀνατολή. The word in the original means ‘a sprout’ or ‘shoot.’

231 – See Letter xxxii. 1.

232 – He is quoting from a letter of Cicero’s. Ep. ix. 3. Longi subsellii, ut noster Pompeius appellat, judicatio et mora.

233 – He is here quoting from Cicero De off. iii. 1, where Cicero gives as a saying of Scipio Africanus, on the authority of Cato, ‘numquam se minus otiosum esse quam quum otiosus, nec minus solum quam quum solus esset.’ It is quoted again by S. Ambrose in De off. Min. iii. 1, 107.

234 – This is the reading of most MSS, according to the Benedictine Editors. And, though the connection of ideas is somewhat abrupt, they explain it to be, that, as the gift of faith was bestowed on Abraham the Chaldean, so the gift of prophecy was bestowed on Balaam. All the other Editions have ‘Balaam’ instead of ‘Abraham’. This makes the connection easier, but then ‘adscitur ad fidem’ is strangely applied to him, and it could only mean, ‘is employed to utter the truth.’ He might be called a Chaldean as the common name among the Romans for Eastern diviners generally.

235 – The Magister officiorum was a sort of Chief Secretary of state, both for home and foreign affairs. A summary of his duties may be seen in Gibbon ch. xvii, iv, 2. It was the influence which this post gave him over Theodosius which enabled Rufinus to stir the Emperor’s passionateness to the crime of Thessalonica.

236 – The adjective Portuensis generally refers to the town called Portus, which grew up in the times of the Emperors on the harbour of Ostia. It is probable therefore that the reference is to some work of which the person spoken of had the superintendence.

237 – As Lake Larius was sometimes called Lacus Comacinus in the times of the Emperors, (Dict. of Geogr. voc. Comum.) it is probable that the ‘Comacinæ rupes’ were some familiar rocks on its margin. The comparison to a bull is simply an adaptation of Virgil’s ‘Et faciem tauro propior,’ Georg. iii. 58.

238 – The word ‘bonis’ must certainly here be inserted in the text, ‘uterque alienae magis ordinationis vitiis quam suis bonis fretus,’ as suggested by the Benedictine Editors. It occurs just below in the corresponding sentence, ‘suis potius bonis quam alieno vitio defendi.’

239 – He is sometimes spoken of as Bishop of Nairsus in Dacia Mediterranea (see Note in p. 67.) but Tillemont (note 43 in Life of S. Ambrose) has made it probable that there were two Bishops of the name of Bonosus, one of Nairsus, and the other of Sardica, the latter of whom is the one dealt with by the Synod of Capua.

240 – He is referring to the ‘Memorial of Symmachus.’ p. 94. The ‘two petitions,’ libellos duos, are Letters 17 and 18.

241 – He means that the reason why he declines all communication with Eugenius, who wished to secure his great political influence on his side, was, that he felt sure that Eugenius, though at present temporising with both parties, would in the end yield to the pressure of the pagan party, and restore the revenues to the heathen temples. ‘Extorquendum’ is, in accordance with late Latin idiom, a mere future passive.

242 – confusus fuerit.

243 – confundar.

244 – See Letter xliv. 9, and note c there.

245 – compares.

246 – The argument here turns on the Latin words. ‘Avunculus,’ uncle, is a mere diminutive of ‘avus,’ grand-father; and the one word ‘neptis’ is used both for niece and grand-daughter without any distinction.