CHAPTER XLV

Of other customs of these peoples, and in regard to their marriage, dowries, children, and issue

484. It is not known whether these natives divided the time into hours, days, weeks, months, or years, or made any other division of time. As this was necessary to them for the reckoning of their commerce, trade, and contracts (in which they all engaged), they used for reckoning their times of payment, and for other transactions and business of their government--for the hours, the state of the sun in the sky, the crowing of the cock, and the laying time of the hens, and several other enigmas which are still employed in the Tagálog speech. To keep account of the changing of seasons, they knew when it was winter or summer by the trees, and their leaves and fruit. They knew of the division into months or years by moons. Consequently, in order to designate the date of payment, they said "in so many moons, in so many harvests, or in so many fruitings of such and such a tree." These were the methods employed in their trading and government.

485. The days were reckoned by the name of the sun, namely, arao. Thus the Tagálogs now reckon ysang árao, "one day;" dalauang árao, "two [days]," and so on until they have the difference of weeks, which they call by the name Domingo, saying "so many Domingos." [355] The night is called gab-ì; and the day arao, from the name of the sun. The months were named and reckoned by the name of the moon, namely, bovan in Tagálog. Thus did they divide the seasons after their own manner, and in their own speech. Only there are no terms to indicate the hours of the clock [in their speech]; and now the Castilian [names of] hours are Tagalized, in order to indicate the hours of time. They call the clock horasan, that is, "a thing in which one sees the hours;" whether in its place or in the instrument made for it.

486. They expressed "the year" in their old speech by the word taòn. It is metaphorical, for it really means "the assembling of many," and that they have joined together months to make one year. They had a word to signify seasons and climates, namely panahon. But they never knew the word "time" [tiempo], in its general sense, and there is no proper Tagálog word for it; but they use the Spanish word only, corrupted after their manner, for they make it tiyempo.

487. Their business and contracts were for the greater part illegal, filled with usury, interest, and tricks; for each one thought only of increasing his own profits, and paid no attention to his nearest relatives. Consequently, loans with interest were very common and generally practiced (and even yet this archipelago is not free from this abuse, nor have the difficulties experienced in the confessional ceased); and the interest increases to a very high figure, the debt doubling and increasing for so long a time as the debt is delayed, until it results that the debtor, his wealth, and his children, are all slaves. Their general business was the bartering of one product for another (and it is still much in vogue)--food, mantas, birds, stock, lands, houses, fields, slaves, fisheries, palms, nipa-groves, woodlands, and other similar products. Sometimes those products were sold for a price, which was paid in gold, according to the terms of the agreement. Thus they traded among themselves with the products of their own lands, and with foreigners from other nations for products peculiar to them; and for this they were wont to have their deferred payments, their days of reckoning, and their bondsmen who were concerned therein--but with exorbitant profits, because they were all usurers.

488. In regard to money of silver or gold they did not possess it in that [early] time. Those metals were employed in their trading only by the weight, which was used alone for silver and gold; and that weight they called talaro, and was indicated by balances, like ours. They reckoned and divided by this. And after they learned about money they gave to each piece its proper name, taking the coin that we call "tostòn," or "real of four," as the basis for greater sums. This they called salapì, although that is the common term for all kinds of money. They divided the salapì into two cahàtis, the cahàtis into two seycapat, the seycapat into two seycávalos, the seycávalo into two calatíos, the calatìo (which they call aliu) into the cuding, etc. All this division was regulated by tostòns in this manner: the cahàti signifies one-half tostòn; seycàpat, the fourth part; seycávalo, the eighth; calatìo is the Tagálog cuartillo; [356] and so on. In order to say "three reals," they say tatlongbahagui, that is, three parts of the tostòn. From the tostòn on, they count up to ten, and from ten to twenty, etc. Consequently, in their language they use this expression for ours, saying, "I ask ten and one more," or "I ask one for twenty;" and so on. But now since they know what pesos are, that is, reals of eight, some of them reckon by pesos, which is more familiar to the Spaniards. But most of them do not forget their salapìs, nor the method of reckoning used by the ancients.

489. The gold, which they call guinto, was also reckoned by weight. The largest weight is the tàhel, which is the weight of ten reals of silver--or, as we say, of one escudo. The half-tàhel is called tingà, which is the weight of five reals. The fourth part is called sapaha, which is two and one-half reals. They also used other metaphorical terms (as the Spanish do the term granos), and said sangsàga, which is the weight of one red kidney-bean [frixolillo] with a white spot in the middle.

490. In order to weigh bulkier things, such as wax, silk, meat, etc., they had steelyards, which they called sinantan, which was equivalent to ten cates, of twenty onzas [i.e., ounce] apiece. The half of that they called banal, which was five cates; and the half of the cate they called soco. Consequently, these old weights having been adjusted to the Spanish weights by the regulations of the year 1727, one cale is equivalent to one libra, six onzas; one chinanta to thirteen libras, and twelve onzas; hence one quintal, of eighty of the old cates, corresponds to four arrobas and ten libras of our weight. A pico of one hundred cates is equivalent to five arrobas, twelve and one-half libras, in the new arrangement. As in the case of gold, one tàhel must weigh one and one-fourth onzas in our weight.

491. In regard to the measures of quantity which the ancients used, they were the same as those we now see: cabàn, ganta, half-ganta, and chupa. The city has regulated them by the Spanish measures in the following manner. The caban, which signifies "box" [arca] in their own Tagalog speech, is equivalent to one fanega of the standard of Toledo. The ganta (gantang in Visayan, and salòp in Tagálog) is equivalent to one half of a Toledo almud, which is the hal-zelemin in other territories. The half-ganta is equivalent to one cuartillo, which is called pitìs or caguiina in Tagálog. The chupa is the eighth of the half-almud of Toledo, which is called gàtang in Tagálog, and also gahinan, for it is the ration of cleaned rice sufficient for each meal of a man. The act of measuring in this manner is expressed by the word tàcal among the Tagálogs. When the king issues orders for rice, it is reckoned by cabàns of twenty-four gantas apiece; and now it is known that it is of pálay rice, which is rice with the husk and uncleaned. When vouchers are issued for the stipends and the support of the religious ministers, the reckoning is by fanegas, at the rate of two cabàns of twenty-four gantas each, of the said pálay rice uncleaned. And because his Majesty chooses that they give it to us very clean, it is now ruled in the royal accountancy that forty-eight gantas of the fanega of pálay is equivalent to a basket of twenty gantas of bigàs, which is the name for cleaned rice. Henge the king in his charity, in order to give us our sustenance in the rice without waste, gives valuation to the measure at his own pleasure, for the rice with husk, so that the quantity may be doubled. The estimation of the king in this is not the same as looking into the hollow measure in its strict capacity, as has been already explained.

492. They also measure by brazas and palmos (but for the vara, I find no proper Tagálog term, but only the Spanish). The braza is called dipa; that of the city is of sixty points, into which the six feet contained in it are divided. The palmo is called dancal. Tumòro is one jeme. [357] Sangdamàc is the whole width of the hand with the five fingers. Sangdali is the width of one finger; and sucat is the act of measuring in this manner. [358]

493. So was their usage in their business. Although there are no arithmetical numbers among their characters, such as we use, they counted with little stones, making small heaps of them, and made use of the natural words of their own speech, which are very expressive in Tagálog; and they did not feel their ignorance of the numbers written in their own characters; for they could express the highest number very clearly by word of mouth.

494. The maritime folk were wont to go out upon many raids, and those ashore to set strange ambushes for their robberies, to the great loss of life. Their arms were bow and arrow, and a short lance resembling a dart, with the iron head of innumerable shapes; and some without iron, the points being made from the bamboos themselves, or from stakes hardened in the fire. They used cutlasses; large and broad daggers, of excellent quality, with sharp edges; and long blowpipes, through which they discharged arrows dipped in poison. Their defensive arms were wooden shields, breastplates of rattan or thick cord, and helmets of the same material.

495. Among so many barbaric customs, the universality of their vices prevailed; and they were infidel, tyrannical, and unchaste. They regarded virginity as an opprobrium, and there were men who received a salary for the office of deflowering [the girls] of their virginity. No woman, married or single, assured her honor and credit, unless she had some sweetheart; and although this was so honorable for the women, it was considered a dishonor to give the liberty of her body freely. Now the women are modest in their behavior, but easy, if they are sought, as the smoke from the fire of their beginnings still endures. At the birth of males, and even the females, the midwives themselves made easier for them the carnal act, by cutting off I know not what from their organs. And now that the midwives do not do it, there is no lack of the introduction of this abuse among the boys; but it is assured that this is not the circumcision of the Jews. The devil influenced them in other curious ways for the greater sensuality and duration in their carnal acts, methods which are now completely extinct. But they have sufficiently caught the plague of sodomy from the Japanese and Chinese; and I have already seen some persons burned, in my time. In short, men and women never think of being chaste, so that among the most holy all their thought is of their marriages.

496. At the present time we have always tried to see that the brides and grooms are always of equal rank and condition. It was not usual for them to have more than one own wife, and one own husband; but those who were chiefs and wealthy were allowed to have some slaves as concubines, especially if their own wives did not prove fruitful. Only among the Visayans did the first religious ministers of the gospel find established the custom of one man having many legitimate wives, and that of large dowries, which was no small obstruction to the planting of the gospel. The general rule was for each man to have one legitimate wife; and they tried to obtain one who was of their own family, and even very closely related to them, barring out the first degree, for that was always a direct impediment to their marriage. Their marriages were not indissoluble, as are those of Christians. For if the consorts returned the dowry, one to the other, the one at fault to the one without blame, that was sufficient for repudiation; and they could marry others, unless the couple had children, in which case all the dowry was given to these. If profits had been made with the lapse of time, while they had lived together, those profits were divided between them both, if the gains were in common. But if they were the secret gains of one of them, then that one kept them.

497. The dowry, which is called bigaycàya, was always given by the man (and it is even yet given), the parents of the girl determining the sum beforehand, at the time when they discussed the marriage. The parents of the bride received that dowry, and neither the bride nor her parents contributed any fund. The dowry was set according to the rank of the contracting parties; and if, perchance, the parents of the bride asked more than the ordinary sum, they were under obligations to bestow some gift to the married couple to suit the occasion as, for instance, a couple of slaves, some small gold jewel, or a bit of cleared land--for cultivation, as I have seen practiced even yet, and which they called pasonòr. In this bigaycaya was included what they called panhimùyat, which was the sum that had to be paid to the mother of the bride in return for her care and labor in the rearing and education of her daughter. In it was also included the pasòso, or the sum that was to be paid to the chichiva, or nurse, who had reared her. At present, if perhaps there is no bigaycaya in any marriage, for any reason, they never fail to collect these revenues from the groom, upon which there is generally a suit.

498. This dowry or bigaycaya was and is given before the marriage with all the solemnity that they can muster up, amid a great concourse of maguinoos, relatives, and friends of the lovers. The latter are given the crosses on the money to kiss, which is counted and exhibited in public, in confirmation of the pact; and then the marriage is immediately celebrated with feasting and rejoicing. The employment of this bigaycaya is not the same in all the villages. In some it is all converted into the property of the parents of the bride, by way of trade, they selling their daughter (as do those of Mesopotamia) for a reasonable price. If the men do not possess the wherewithal with which to buy them promptly, innumerable sins follow and the two live in improper relations, even to the knowledge of the parents themselves--the young man serving as a servant in the houses of the latter to do their will, but in the capacity of a son, as far as familiarity and permission for evil are concerned. Many efforts are employed to extirpate this diabolical abuse, but it still costs great toil. Under the title of catipàdos (thus they call those who are engaged for marriage) are some concubinages legitimate for all time, for which the bigaycàya is not necessary. Having given up the bigaycàya, the poor couple are left destitute, for the parents of the bride take charge of everything.

499. That money is better used in some villages; for it serves to provide all kinds of clothes for the bride, and for one-half the expenses of the wedding (which are generally very great), and the parochial fees of the marriage, so that scarcely any is left for the parents of the couple. This is the practice that I have seen observed where I have been. These and other ogalis (which are customs) can only have their origin in the past, and come from father to son, and even there is variety in them, according to their distinct origins.

500. That which in España is called "the exchange of rings," in order to give security to the marriage contract and the wishes of those who are to contract it, has also been observed here, the couple giving each other some jewel. This has been called talingbòhol. This was followed by the habìlin, which is the sign that they have given the dowry which they had promised. And this was like the sign in shops to show that the price was fixed and that the article could not be sold at another price. Some fathers have maintained the custom of asking the same price for their daughter as they paid for the mother when they were married; but as fortunes are unequal, this cannot be maintained inexorably, nor at all times, nor with all.

501. The dowry was never returned to the one who gave it, unless the son-in-law were so obedient to his parents-in-law that he should win their affection, in which case they returned him the dowry, at the death of any one; but this was rather a matter of charity than of obligation, as all confess. If the woman who was to be married was alone, and had neither parents nor grandparents, she herself and no other received the dowry. At present, the greed of the Indians must be greater; for this poor lone woman is never without either the chichiva who gave her the breast, who will not be left without her payment, or uncle, aunt, or other relative in whose care she has been because of the loss of her legitimate parents. And since the above consider themselves as her parents in this matter (the pinaca ama, as the Indians call it) they take upon themselves the place of her parents, and get all the money, just as if they were the true parents.

502. All the relatives and friends who go to weddings were also wont to take each some little present. These gifts were set down very carefully and accurately, in an account, noting whatever each one gave. For if Pedro So-and-so gave two reals at this wedding, two reals were also given to him if he had another wedding in his house. All this money is spent, either in paying, if anything is due for the wedding, or as an aid in the expenses. Or if the parents of both the young couple are niggardly, they divide it and keep it. If they are generous, they use it in the pamamuhay, or furnishing of the house of the couple. Consequently, there is no regular custom in this. The nearest relatives give the couple a jewel as a mark of affection, but do not give money. These jewels belong to the bride, and to no one else.

503. Three days before the wedding all the relatives of both parties assemble at the house where it is to be celebrated, to make the pàlapàla, which is a sort of bower, by which they make the house larger so that all the guests may be accommodated easily. They spend three days in making this. The next three days are those customary to the wedding and its feast. Consequently, there are six days of expense, of racket, of reveling, of dancing and singing, until they fall asleep with fatigue and repletion, all helter-skelter without any distinction. Often from this perverse river the devil in turn gets his little harvest--now in quarrels and mishaps which have happened, and now in other more common sins; the greatest vigilance of the father ministers is insufficient to stop these wrongs, and there are no human forces (although there ought to be) which can banish these pernicious ogalis.

504. In the olden days they employed certain ridiculous ceremonies, which had but little decency attending the intercourse of the couple upon the night of the wedding, customs which have now been totally uprooted. The least indecent was the coming of the catalona or babaylana to celebrate the espousals. They brought a hog for this purpose, and with it and on it performed their rites as in other sacrifices. The young couple seated themselves on their bridal bed, in the laps of certain old women who played the part of godmothers of the espousal. These women fed the young couple with their own hands from one dish, and they both drank from one vessel. The groom said that he loved the bride, and she that she loved the groom. Thereupon the shouts of joy broke out, and cries, and there was singing and dancing and drinking. Then the catalona arose with great gravity, and so many were the blessings that she showered down upon the young couple that, according to some that I have heard among these natives, they would exceed without any doubt the flatteries of our gypsy men and women, when they tell the fortune of one who has given them a large reward.

505. If the recently-married couple did not agree well, the groom danced, spear in hand, before a hog, and then gave it the death-thrust, praying meanwhile to his anito, and this was sufficient to make the young couple agree. Now the couple go in festal procession in the manner of a masquerade, to the house where they are to live. Then they form another such procession, in order to convey the godparents to their abodes, and with this the festival is at an end. And after so great expense, they usually remain indebted for the small parochial marriage fees, if the father minister has not been very prompt.

506. In regard to heirs, all the legitimate children equally inherited all the property of their parents. If there were no legitimate children, then the nearest relatives inherited. If one had two or more children by two wives, all legitimate, each child inherited what belonged to his mother, both of the wealth of her time, and of the profits made from it, which could have belonged to her. As to the dowry, it is inferred that the child's grandparents received it, and spent it at the time of the wedding. If there were other children who were not legitimate, who had been had by a free woman, they had one-third of the property, and the legitimate children the other two thirds. But in case that there were no legitimate children, then the illegitimate children of a free woman were the absolute heirs. Some property was given to the children of slave women according to the wishes of the legitimate heirs, and the mother became free, as has been stated above--as did the children also, in the manner already explained.

507. They were also accustomed to have adopted children, and they are still much addicted to this; but the adoption was purchased by the one adopted, who gave the adopter a certain sum of gold, and, without any other intricacies of law, the latter kept the one adopted, although otherwise he had his own legitimate father. This was the contract made in such cases. If the adopter reared the one adopted during his life (whether he had other children or not), the one adopted was to inherit the sum that had been given for his adoption--increased by a like sum, obtaining in the inheritance twenty, if ten had been given. But if the one adopted died first, the total obligation of the adopter expired, even to the heirs of the one adopted. Over and above the inheritance obligation, the adopter generally left the one adopted something else, such as a jewel or a slave, if his services had been good, as a reward for his faithfulness and affection. If however, the one adopted was disagreeable, the adopter gave him up by giving back the sum that had been given for his adoption, and the contract was annulled.

508. If children were had in adultery, they all lived with the mother. If the party aggrieved had been paid and satisfied by the culprit with gold, according to their custom, the children were declared legitimate, and inherited equally with the real legitimate children in the inheritance of the father; but they inherited nothing from the mother. But if the injury were not atoned for, they had no inheritance, and were not regarded as legitimate.

509. These children, and those had by one's own slave woman (notwithstanding the liberty which she and her children enjoyed), and much less the children had by a slave of another master (notwithstanding that gold was paid for her during her pregnancy), did not succeed to the nobility of their parents, nor to their privileges; but were always considered as people of low birth, and were enrolled among the timavas in the villages. The legitimate children alone could inherit nobility, and even posts. Hence if the father were absolute lord in one barangay, his sons succeeded to that office, according to priority of birth; and if there were no sons, then the daughters, and after them the nearest relatives; and it was unnecessary to appoint or name them in their wills. They have never had the custom of making wills, and at most leave a list of their wealth and obligations. However, the custom is now coming in of making some testamentary memoranda before the village clerk, so that it may be legal in court.

NOTES

[1] Domingo Zabálburu de Echevarri (see Vol. XVII, p. 294).

[2] For description of Borneo, see Vol. XXXIII, p. 353, note 419. Malayo refers to a portion of the Malay Peninsula. For the origin, settlement, and distribution of the native peoples in the Philippines, see Barrows's account in Census of Philippine Islands, i, pp. 411-417, 447-477; cf. Crawfurd's Dictionary of Indian Islands, pp. 249-253.

[3] João de Barros, the great Portuguese historian, was born at Vizeu in 1496 and became page to the crown prince (afterward João III), for whose amusement he wrote his three-volume romance, Cronica de Emperador Clarimundo (Coimbra, 1520). João III appointed him captain of the fortress of San Jorge de Mina, governor of the Portuguese possessions in Guinea, and (1533) treasurer and general agent for Portuguese India. An attempt to colonize a grant of land in Brazil (received 1539) failed, and was abandoned. Barros died in 1570. The book referred to in the text was his Decados, a history of Portuguese India, written in fulfilment of a royal commission. The first "decade" was completed in nine years (1552), the second soon after, and the third ten years later. The fourth was left unfinished at his death, but was completed later by Diogo do Conto, who added eight more volumes. A complete edition was printed at Lisbon in twenty-four volumes (1778-88). Barros was a conscientious writer and a good stylist. (New International Encyclopædia.)

[4] An apparent error for the word "kasis," and here wrongly used (see Vol. XVI, p. 134, note 161).

[5] Thus (sur) in text; but, as a matter of fact, Paragua stretches northeast from the north point of Borneo, and the Sulu archipelago in the same direction from its northeast side.

[6] Sumatra is on the whole deficient in lakes. The largest is Lake Singkara, about twenty miles in length by about twelve to fifteen in breadth, with a depth of twenty-four fathoms, and is the source of the Indragiri River. Another lies near the foot of the mountain Mârapi, and is called Danau Sapuluh kota, or "Lake of the ten forts." There are two others in the country of the Korinchi Malays; and still another in the country of the Lampungs, toward Java, and called the Ranu (Javanese synonym for "water"). It is about sixteen miles long and eight miles wide. Colin evidently refers to either the first or the last of these. See Crawfurd's Dictionary, p. 416.

[7] India citra Gangem (if we accept Marco Polo's division) would correspond to Greater India, or the country extending from the Ganges to the Indus. India extra Gangem, or Lesser India, included the territory between the eastern coast of the peninsula of India, and that of Cochinchina or Champa. See Wright's edition of Travels of Marco Polo (London and New York, 1892), p. 435, note. Colin says (p. 1), that India extra Gangem or Farther India included the coasts of the rich kingdoms of Malacca, Sian, Camboja, Champa, Cochinchina, Tunquin, and China, as far as the confines of Oriental Tartary. The allusion to an Asiatic Ethiopia is hopelessly confused, and may have arisen from Marco Polo's second division of India, which includes Abyssinia.

[8] Of the Manguianes, or more properly the Mangyan, Pardo de Tavera says in Etimologia de las nombres de razas de Filipinas (Manila, 1901): "In Tagálog, Bícol, and Visaya, manguian signifies 'savage,' 'mountaineer,' 'pagan negroes.' It may be that the use of this word is applicable to a great number of Filipinos, but nevertheless it has been applied only to certain inhabitants of Mindoro. In primitive times, without doubt, the name was even then given to those of that island who to-day bear it, but its employment in three Filipino languages shows that the radical ngian had in all these languages a sense to-day forgotten. In Pampango this radical ending still exists and signifies 'ancient,' from which we can deduce that the name was applied to men considered to be the ancient inhabitants, and that these men were pushed back into the interior by the modern invaders in whose languages they are called the 'ancients.'" They live in the mountains of Mindoro and are probably a mixture of the Negritos with other Filipinos, and possibly in some localities there may be a small infusion of white blood. They are non-Christian, and are very timid. Their dress consists of the "gee" string, with the addition, in the case of the younger girls, of some forty or eighty yards of bejuco (rattan) wrapped around the waist. They are divided into several tribes, chief among which are the "Buquit," "Bangon," and "Batanganes," who roam in bunches or by families, the oldest acting as chief. They are willing workers, and make nearly all the bancas used in the province. They have no knowledge whatever of agriculture, and do not know the value of money. The census of 1903 shows a population of 7,269. See Census of the Philippines, i, pp. 472, 473, 547, and 548; and ii, p. 15.

[9] The Chinese carried on a fairly active trade in the Philippines three centuries before Magellan's discovery of the archipelago. The articles traded by them for the products of the country consisted of pottery, lead, glass beads, iron cooking-pans, and iron needles. Some of them may have gone north above Manila. See Census of Philippines, i, p. 482.

[10] See David P. Barrows "History of the Population of the Philippines," published in vol. 1, of Census of Philippines, for valuable material in regard to the peopling of the Philippines. See also Crawfurd's Dictionary.

[11] Diodorus, surnamed Siculus, or "the Sicilian," was a Greek historian, a native of Agyrion, Sicily, who lived in the time of Cæsar and Augustus. After long travels in Asia and Europe he wrote his Bibliotheca, a universal history in 40 books, covering a period from the oldest time to 60 B. C. Books 1-5 and 11-20, besides other fragments, are still extant. The early portion of the work is ethnological, but the later is in the annalist style. (Seyffert's Dictionary of Classical Antiquities.)

[12] Either Iamblichus the Syrian Greek romance writer, who lived in the second century A. D., or Iamblichus the Greek philosopher from Chalcis in Syria, who was a pupil of Porphyrius, and the founder of the Syrian school of Neo-Platonic philosophy, and who died about 330 A. D. The latter justified Oriental superstition and had the reputation of working miracles. (Seyffert's Dictionary of Classical Antiquities.)

[13] See Vol. XVI, p. 117, note 135.

[14] Señor Don Antonio Graiño, a bookman in Madrid, Spain, has an unpublished MS. history by Pedro Chirino, probably a copy of the one mentioned by Colin.

[15] See Vol. XII, p. 237.

[16] This should be compared with the Ave Maria as given by Chirino (see Vol. XII, p. 237). Colin also gives the same in the Visayan tongue, but as it differs so slightly from the version as given by Chirino ("ginoon" in place of "guinoon," line 2, second word; "sancta," in place of "santa," line 5, first word; "Ynahan" in place of "inahan," line 5, third word; "macasala" in place of "macasasala" line 6, fourth word; and "camatay" in place of "camatai," last line, fourth word), it is omitted here (see ut supra, p. 239). The version in the Harayan tongue that is given (ut supra, p. 238) by Chirino, is omitted by Colin. In his text we retain also his Spanish translation of the prayer.

[17] Cf. personal names and the ceremonies attendant on bestowing them among the Bornean Malays, in Furness's Home-life of Borneo Head-hunters (Philadelphia, 1902), pp. 16-53; and Ling Roth's Natives of Sarawak, ii, pp. 273-277.

[18] Light thin stuff made of silk or thread; crape. See Velázquez's New Dictionary.

[19] "Such is the wine from nipa, called Tanduay. The famous chemist (a Chinese mestizo) Anacleto del Rosario, discovered a process by which the disagreeable taste of this brandy disappears; and it becomes equal to that of Spain in color, smell, taste, and strength." (Father Pastells, in his edition of Colin, i, p. 62, note 2.)

[20] Gachas: A certain food composed of flour, milk, and water, to which is added honey or sugar, and the consistency of which is midway between starch and flour paste. (Dominguez's Diccionario.)

[21] "Their most popular traditional songs are the Cundimán, the Comintán, the Balitao, the Saloma, and the Talindao. Some are only sung; in others, they sing and dance at the same time." (Pastells, in his Colin, i. p. 63, note 1.)

[22] "The dance here described by the author is that which is called in Filipinas Moro-Moro." (Pastells, ut supra, p. 63, note 3.)

[23] Pastells (ut supra, p. 64, note 1) discusses the meaning of the word Bathala; he thinks that it is ascertained "by resolving the word into its primary elements, Bata and Ala = 'Son God, or Son of God.' This is why the first missionaries did not deprive the natives of this name when they instructed them about the existence of God and the mysteries of the Trinity, the incarnation, and redemption, as states an anonymous but very circumstantial relation written at Manila, on April 20, 1572. This is more evident in the song which the Mandayan baylanas use in their sacrifices, when they chant the Miminsad, saying: [Here follow the words of this song, for which consult our Vol. XII, p. 270, note.] ... The Mandayas believe that Mansilatan is the father of Batla (man being a prefix which indicates paternity, being, or dominion), and the Búsao who takes possession of the baylanas when they tremble, and of the Baganis when they become furious; it is a power which is derived from Mansilatan.... This interpretation of the word Bathala is confirmed by that word of the Visayans, Diuata; we always find here the same idea signified in the words Diwa and uata, differing only in their transposition.... In closing, we may note that Dewa in Malay, Déwa in Javanese, Sunda, Makasar, and Day[ak?], Deva in Maguindanao, and Djebata in Bornean, signify 'the supreme God,' or 'Divinity.'"

[24] The caverns were, in especial, formerly the usual sepulchres of the Indians. The anthropologists have profited by this circumstance for their studies, and for furnishing the museums of their respective nations with skeletons of those natives. (Pastells, ut supra, p. 66, note 1.)

[25] The Mahometans [Moros] had their mosque, or lañgà." (Pastells, ut supra, p. 66, note 3.) Legazpi says (Vol. III, p. 60): "The heathens have no [religious] law at all; they have neither temples nor idols, nor do they offer any sacrifices."

[26] A reference to the common little house or chirping lizard, which is often seen and heard on the walls of the houses. See Census of Philippines, i, p. 74.

Arthur Stanley Riggs says in a note in a forthcoming volume, The Filipino Drama: "The common or house lizard in the Philippines has a pretty, chirping note. When one hears a lizard 'sing,' as the Spaniards call the cry, it means, among the Ilocanos, an important visit of some kind. If hunting at the time one hears several lizards sing, he must turn back immediately, as disaster will inevitably follow further progress. Other curious and interesting superstitions obtain in like manner in other parts of the islands."

[27] i.e., "over and above the dowry."

[28] i.e., "Property which was given to women over and above the dowry, and remained at their own disposition."

[29] Juan Francisco Combés was born at Zaragoza on October 5, 1620. At the age of twelve he entered the Jesuit order as a novice, at Tarragona; after six years of study there, he wished to enter the Philippine missions, and was therefore sent to Mexico to await an opportunity for going to the islands. This did not come until 1643, when Diego de Bobadilla went from Acapulco with forty-seven Jesuit missionaries, of whom Combés was one; five of these died in an epidemic, which carried away one hundred and fifteen of the people on the ship. Combés completed his theological studies at Manila, and was ordained in 1645, being soon afterward sent to Zamboanga. He remained in Mindanao twelve years, often acting as ambassador of the governors to Corralat and other Moro chiefs, and ministering in various places; in 1657 he returned to Manila, where he spent two years, and then three years in Leyte. He was then recalled (1662) to Manila, and tried to induce the authorities there to maintain the forts in the Moro country; but his efforts failed. In 1665 he was sent as procurator for his order to Madrid and Rome; but he died on the voyage, December 29 of that year. (Retana and Pastells's ed. of Hist. de Mindanao, col. vi-xix.)

[30] Of the Caragas, Blumentritt says (Tribes of the Philippines, Mason's translation, p. 535): "In older works are so named the warlike and Christian inhabitants of the localities subdued by the Spaniards on the east coast of Mindanao, and, indeed, after their principal city, Caraga. It has been called, if not a peculiar language, a Visaya dialect, while now only Visaya (near Manobo and Mandaya) is spoken, and an especial Caraga nation is no longer known." It is quite probable that the term Caragas was only a local name applied by the people of this district to themselves or applied to them by the Spaniards; and if they ever did exist as a separate people they have been completely absorbed by the surrounding peoples.

[31] The Mindanaos (properly Maguindanaos, "people who come from the lake") are mentioned by Pigafetta (Vol. XXXIII, p. 239); they live now, as formerly, principally about the Rio Grande, and they gave name to the island of Mindanao. They are Mahometan Moros and were the chief obstacle of the Spaniards in Mindanao, but were finally brought under control by General Weyler, and their power and importance is now almost gone. Their political achievements are the only ones of consequence ever made by peoples of the Philippines. See Census of Philippine Islands, i, pp. 466-467.

[32] Blumentritt (Tribes of the Philippines) identities the Lutaos with the Mono of the district of Zamboanga, who are frequently called Ilanos, and adds that the name appears to be the Hispanicized form of the Malay Orang-Laút ("Men of the Sea"). The description given by Combes fits rather the Orang-Laút themselves than the Ilanos, who live along the seacoast west of Malabang, and are few in number. The Orang-Laút, called also "Sea Gypsies," "Bajau" and "Sámal-Laút" ("Sámal of the Sea") are found throughout the Malay Archipelago (in the Philippines along southern Mindanao and throughout the Sulu Archipelago), and live for mouths in their small boats. Their original home was Johore and the islands in the strait of Malacca; and they are only imperfectly Mahometanized, some being quite pagans. The Sámal living in towns in Zamboanga and the Sulu Archipelago are probably descendants of the Sámal-Laút who have abandoned their wandering life. See Census of the Philippines, i, pp. 464, 475, 476, 563.

[33] The Subanon (Spanish form "Subanos"), or "Men of the Rivers" are an important pagan tribe of western Mindanao, who are found in the mountains of Zamboanga, and extending eastward slightly into Cottabato, Misamis, and Dapitan. For a modern description that agrees essentially with that of Combés, see Census of the Philippines, i, pp. 552-560.

[34] Spanish, redentor; in religious orders, the father appointed to attend to the ransoming and return of Christians held captive by Mahometan enemies.

[35] Antonio de Abarca, S.J., was born in Villalba in the diocese of Cuenca, September 13, 1610. He entered the Society March 23, 1628, went to the Philippines in 1632, and took his final vows, January 21, 1649. He was a missionary in Mindanao and the Visayan Islands, and rector of Carigara and Cebú. While going to Rome as procurator, he died at sea (January 23, 1660), near Acapulco. (Combés, Pastells and Retana ed., col. 694.)

[36] This chief is called timoly by the Subanos; hari-hari by the Mandayas; masali campo, by the Monteses; matado, by the Manobos; bagani, by the Bagobos; and dato and sultán by the Mahometans and Moros. (Pastells and Retana's Combés, col. 655.)

[37] The so-called Dapitan nation was a Visayan tribe and lived in Mindanao in the present comandancia of Dapitán in the province of Misámis. Strictly speaking they can be called a distinct tribe with no greater accuracy than can the Caragas. See Blumentritt's Tribes of the Philippines (Mason's translation); and Pastells and Retana's Combés, col. 779.

[38] Baclayón is a village on the extreme southwest coast of Bohol. Loboc is a village of southern Bohol, and two miles inland. (Philippine Gazetteer.)

[39] The Portuguese had discovered the Moluccas before Magallanes set out on his memorable voyage in 1519. See Vol. XXXIV, pp. 39, 153.

[40] The text which we follow reads "y quan a fauor de sus nueuas." "Nueuas" may possibly be a misprint for "navios," in which case the phrase would read "how much at the mercy of their ships."

[41] Even yet infidels abandon a house in which the head of the family has died. Father Pastells says that while crossing the island of Mindanao with Father Heras in 1878, one Sálug died in the house of Silungan, a freedman recently redeemed by the said missionaries. He was baptised before death by Father Pastells. Silungan demanded from the religious the value of the house, which he proposed to abandon. The fathers, however, answered him that since the freedman had died with baptism, the house was purified. This satisfied the heathens, and they did not insist on their demand. (Pastells and Retana's edition of Combés, note 13, col. 655.)

[42] This refers to Legazpi's and not Magallanes's expedition. Pagbuaya made friendship with the former, and gave him a pilot to guide him to the inland of Panglao. In book two of Combés's Historia,