Part 20

The actual date of Basava's birth is uncertain, but is given by some authorities as 1106 A.D. The story of his career is told in the sacred writings of the Lingayats, of which the principal books are known as the Basava Purana and the Channabasava Purana. The former was apparently finished during the fourteenth century, and the latter was not written till 1585. The accounts are, therefore, entirely traditionary, and, as might have been expected, are full of miraculous occurrences, which mar their historical value. The Jain version of the story is given in the Bijjalarayacharitra, and differs in many particulars. The main facts accepted by Lingayat tradition are given by Dr. Fleet in the Epigraphia Indica [Vol. V, p. 239] from which the following account is extracted. To a certain Madiraja and his wife Madalambika, pious Saivas of the Brahman caste, and residents of a place called Bagevadi, which is usually supposed to be the sub-divisional town of that name in the Bijapur district, there was born a son who, being an incarnation of Siva's bull, Nandi, sent to earth to revive the declining Saiva rites, was named Basava. This word is the Canarese equivalent for a bull, an animal sacred to Siva. When the usual time of investiture arrived, Basava, then eight years of age, having meanwhile acquired much knowledge of the Siva scriptures, refused to be invested with the sacred Brahmanical thread, declaring himself a special worshipper of Siva, and stating that he had come to destroy the distinctions of caste. This refusal, coupled with his singular wisdom and piety, attracted the notice of his uncle Baladeva, prime minister of the Kalachurya king Bijjala, who had come to be present at the ceremony; and Baladeva gave him his daughter, Gangadevi or Gangamba, in marriage. The Brahmans, however, began to persecute Basava on account of the novel practices propounded by him, and he consequently left his native town and went to a village named Kappadi, where he spent his early years, receiving instruction from the God Siva. Meanwhile his uncle Baladeva died, and Bijjala resolved to secure the services of Basava, whose ability and virtues had now become publicly known. After some demur Basava accepted the post, in the hope that the influence attached to it would help him in propagating his peculiar tenets. And, accompanied by his elder sister, Nagalambika, he proceeded to Kalyana, where he was welcomed with deference by the king and installed as prime minister, commander-in-chief and treasurer, second in power to the king himself; and the king, in order to bind him as closely as possible to himself, gave him his younger sister Nilalochana to wife. Somewhere about this time, from Basava's unmarried sister Nagalambika there was born, by the working of the spirit of Siva, a son who was an incarnation of Siva's son Shanmukha, the god of war. The story says that Basava was worshipping in the holy mountain and was praying for some gift, when he saw an ant emerge from the ground with a small seed in its mouth. Basava took this seed home, and his sister without Basava's knowledge swallowed it, and became pregnant. The child was called Channabasava, or the beautiful Basava, and assisted his uncle in spreading the new doctrines. Indeed, he is depicted as playing a more important part than even Basava himself.

The two Puranas are occupied for the most part with doctrinal expositions, recitals of mythology, praises of previous Siva saints, and accounts of miracles worked by Basava. They assert, however, that uncle and nephew were very energetic promoters of the faith, and that they preached the persecution and extermination of all persons (especially the Jains), whose creed differed from that of the Lingayats. Coupled with the lavish expenditure incurred by Basava from the public coffers in support of Jangams or Lingayat priests, these proceedings aroused in Bijjala, himself a Jain, feelings of distrust, which were fanned by a rival minister, Manchanna, although the latter was himself a Vira Saiva, and at length an event occurred which ended in the assassination of Bijjala and the death of Basava.

At Kalyana there were two specially pious Lingayats, whom Bijjala in mere wantonness caused to be blinded. Thereupon Basava left Kalyana, and deputed one of his followers Jagaddeva to slay the king. Jagaddeva, with two others, succeeded in forcing his way into the palace, where he stabbed the king in the midst of his court. Basava meanwhile reached Kudali-Sangameshvara, and was there absorbed into the lingam, while Channabasava fled to Ulvi in North Canara, where he found refuge in a cave.

The above story is taken mainly from the Basava Purana. The account given in the Channabasava Purana differs in various details, and declares that Bijjala was assassinated under the orders of Channabasava, who had succeeded his uncle in office. The Jain account states that Basava's influence with the king was due to Basava's sister, whom Bijjala took as a concubine. The death of Bijjala was caused by poisoned fruit sent by Basava, who, to escape the vengeance of Bijjala's son, threw himself into a well and died. The version of Basava's story, which is found in most books of reference, makes him appear at Kalyan as a youth flying from the persecution of his father. His uncle, Baladeva, sheltered him and eventually gave him his daughter; and, when Baladeva died, Basava succeeded to his office. This seems to have been copied from the account given by Mr. C. P. Brown, but later translations of the Purana show that it is erroneous. When Basava came to Kalyan, Bijjala was in power, and his arrival must therefore have been subsequent to 1156 A. D. If the date of birth be accepted as 1106, Basava would have been a man of fifty years of age or more when summoned to office by Bijjala. The latter resigned in favour of his son in 1167, and may have been assassinated shortly afterwards. On the other hand, Baladeva could not have been Bijjala's minister when he came to Basava's upanayanam ceremony, for this event occurred in 1114, long before the commencement of Bijjala's reign. There is no reason, however, for crediting the Purana with any great historical accuracy, and, in fact, the evidence now coming to light from inscriptions, which the industry of archæologists is giving to the world, throws great doubt upon the traditional narrative.

An inscription on stone tablets which have now been built into the wall of a modern temple at Managoli, a village in the Bijapur district of the Bombay Presidency about eleven miles to the north-west of Bagevadi, the supposed birth place of Basava, contains a record of the time of the Kalachuri king, Bijjala. Two dates are given in the inscription, and from one of them it is calculated with certainty that Bijjala's reign began in 1156 A.D. The record gives a certain date as "the sixth of the years of the glorious Kalachurya Bijjaladeva, an emperor by the strength of his arm, the sole hero of the three worlds." The corresponding English date is Tuesday, 12th September, 1161 A.D., so that Bijjala must have come into power, by the strength of his arm, in 1156. But a still more important piece of information is furnished by the mention of a certain Basava or Basavarasayya as the builder of the temple, in which the inscription was first placed, and of one Madiraja, who held the post of Mahaprabhu of the village when the grants in support of the temple were made. The record runs as follows. [120] "Among the five hundred of Manigavalli there sprang up a certain Govardhana, the moon of the ocean that was the Kasyappa gotra, an excellent member of the race of the Vajins. His son was Revadasa. The latter had four sons.... The youngest of these became the greatest, and, under the name of Chandramas, made his reputation reach even as far as the Himalaya mountains. To that lord there was born a son, Basava. There were none who were like him in devotion to the feet of (the God) Maheshvara (Siva); and this Basava attained the fame of being esteemed the sun that caused to bloom the water-lily that was the affection of the five hundred Brahmans of Manigavalli. This Basavarasayya came to be considered the father of the world, since the whole world, putting their hands to their foreheads, saluted him with the words 'our virtuous father'; and thus he brought greatness to the famous Manigavalli, manifesting the height of graciousness in saying this is the abode of the essence of the three Vedas; this is the accomplishment of that which has no end and no beginning; this is the lustrous divine linga."

Dr. Fleet suggests that we have at last met with an epigraphic mention of the Lingayat founder, Basava. This is eminently satisfactory, but is somewhat upsetting, for the inscription makes Basava a member of the Kasyapa gotra, while Madiraja is placed in an entirely different family. As regards the latter, the record says; (l. 20) "in the lineage of that lord (Taila II, the leader of the Chalukyas) there was a certain Madhava, the Prabhu of the town of Manigavalli, the very Vishnu of the renowned Harita gotra;" and later on the same person is spoken of as the Mahaprabhu Madiraja. If Basava and Madiraja, herein mentioned, are really the heroes of the Lingayats, it is clear that they were not father and son, as stated in the Lingayat writings. But it must be borne in mind that this is the only inscription yet deciphered which contains any allusion whatever to Basava, and the statement that "he caused to bloom the water-lily that was the affection of the five hundred Brahmans of Manigavalli," is directly opposed to the theory that he broke away from the Brahman fold, and set up a religion, of which one of the main features is a disregard of Brahman supremacy. The fact that the inscription was found so near to Basava's birthplace is, however, strong evidence in favour of the presumption that it refers to the Basava of Lingayat tradition, and the wording itself is very suggestive of the same idea. The record gives a long pedigree to introduce the Basava whom it proceeds to extol, and puts into his mouth the noteworthy utterance, which ascribes godly qualities to the "lustrous divine linga." The date of this record is contemporary with the events and persons named therein, and it must therefore be far more reliable than the traditionary stories given in the Puranas, which, as already indicated, are not at all in accordance with each other. Dr. Fleet is of opinion that the Purana versions are little better than legends. This is perhaps going too far, but there can be no doubt that later research will in this, as in the case of all traditionary history, bring to knowledge facts which will require a considerable rearrangement of the long accepted picture.

Another inscription, discovered at Ablur in the Dharwar district of the Bombay Presidency, is of great importance in this connection. It is dated about A.D. 1200, and mentions the Western Chalukya king Somesvara IV, and his predecessor the Kalachurya prince Bijjala. It narrates the doings of a certain Ekantada Ramayya, so called because he was an ardent and exclusive worshipper of Siva. This individual got into controversy with the Jains, who were apparently very powerful at Ablur, and the latter agreed to destroy their Jina and to set up Siva instead, if Ramayya would cut off his own head before his god, and have it restored to his body after seven days without a scar. Ramayya appears to have won his wager, but the Jains refused to perform their part of the contract. The dispute was then referred to king Bijjala, himself a Jain, and Ramayya was given a jayapatra, or certificate of success. This king and his Chalukyan successor also presented Ramayya with lands in support of certain Siva temples. It is noteworthy that the story is told also in the Channabasava Purana, but the controversy is narrated as having occurred at Kalyan, where Ramayya had gone to see king Bijjala. The same passage makes Ramayya quote an instance of a previous saint, Mahalaka, having performed the same feat at a village named Jambar, which may conceivably be the Ablur of the inscription. But the interest and importance of the inscription centre in the fact that it discloses the name of another devout and exclusive worshipper of Siva, who, it is said, caused this man to be born into the world with the express object of "putting a stop to the hostile observances of the Jains and the Buddhists who had become furious" or aggressive. Dr. Fleet considers that, making allowance for the supernatural agency introduced into the story, the narrative is reasonable and plain, and has the ring of truth in it; and, in his opinion, it shows us the real person to whom the revival of the ancient Saivaite faith was due. The exploits of Ramayya are placed shortly before A.D. 1162, in which year Bijjala is said to have completed his usurpation of the sovereignty by assuming the paramount titles. Ramayya was thus a contemporary of Basava, but the Ablur inscription makes no mention of the latter.

This fresh evidence does not appear to run counter to the commonly accepted story of the origin of the Lingayats. It confirms the theory that the religion of Siva received a great impetus at this period, but there is nothing in the inscription ascribing to Ramayya the position of a reformer of Saivaite doctrines. He appears as the champion of Siva against the rival creeds, not as the Saivaite Luther who is attacking the priestly mysticism of the Saivaite divines; and, as Dr. Fleet points out, there is nothing improbable in the mention of several persons as helping on the same movement. Both Ramayya and Basava are, however, represented in these inscriptions as being the chief of Saivaite Brahmans, and there is no mention of any schism such as the Protestant revolt which is associated with the name of Luther. It is possible, therefore, that the establishment of the Lingayat sect may have been brought about by the followers of these two great men--a fact that is hinted at in Lingayat tradition by the very name of Channabasava, which means Basava the beautiful, because, according to the Channabasava Purana, he was more beautiful in many respects than Basava, who is represented as receiving instruction from his superior nephew in important points connected with their faith. The two inscriptions and numerous others, which have been deciphered by the same authority, are of the greatest value from a historical point of view, and paint in bold colours the chief actors in the drama. The closing years of the Western Chalukyan kingdom are given to us by the hand of an actor who was on the same stage, and, if the birth of the Lingayat creed is still obscured in the mist of the past, the figures of those who witnessed it stand out with surprising clearness.

It has been already stated that one of the principles of the religion is a disregard of caste distinctions. The prevailing races were Dravidian, and it is an accepted fact that the theory of caste as propounded by Manu is altogether foreign to Dravidian ideas. Historians cannot tell us how long the process of grafting the caste system on to the Dravidian tree lasted, but it is clear that, when Basava appeared, the united growth was well established. Brahmans were acknowledged as the leaders in religious matters, and, as the secular is closely interwoven with the religious in all eastern countries, the priestly class was gradually usurping to itself a position of general control. But, as was the case in Europe during the sixteenth century, a movement was on foot to replace the authority of the priests by something more in accordance with the growing intelligence of the laity. And, as in Europe, the reformers were found amongst the priests themselves. Luther and Erasmus were monks, who had been trained to support the very system of priestcraft, which they afterwards demolished. Basava and Ramayya, as already stated, were Saivaite Brahmans, from whom has sprung a race of free thinkers, who affect the disregard of caste and many of the ceremonial observances created by the Brahman priesthood. The comparison may even be carried further. Luther was an iconoclast, who worked upon men's passions, while Erasmus was a philosopher, who addressed himself to their intellects. Basava, according to the traditionary account, was the counterpart of Luther. Ramayya may be fairly called the Indian Erasmus.

This freedom from the narrowing influence of caste was doubtless a great incentive to the spread of the reformed religion. The lingam was to be regarded as the universal leveller, rendering all its wearers equal in the eye of the Deity. High and low were to be brought together by its influence, and all caste distinctions were to be swept away. According to Basava's teaching, all men are holy in proportion as they are temples of the great spirit; by birth all are equal; men are not superior to women, and the gentle sex must be treated with all respect and delicacy; marriage in childhood is wrong, and the contracting parties are to be allowed a voice in the matter of their union; and widows are to be allowed to remarry. All the iron fetters of Brahmanical tyranny are, in fact, torn asunder, and the Lingayat is to be allowed that freedom of individual action, which is found amongst the more advanced Christian communities. Even the lowest castes are to be raised to the level of all others by the investiture of the lingam, and all Lingadharis, or wearers of the divine symbol, are to eat together, to intermarry, and to live at unity.

But social distinctions inevitably asserted themselves later. As the Lingayats, or Panchamsalis as they styled themselves, increased in importance, number and wealth, elaborate forms of worship and ceremony were introduced, rules of conduct were framed, and a religious system was devised, on which the influence of the rival Brahman aristocracy can be freely traced. Thus, in course of time, the Panchamsalis became a closed caste, new converts were placed on a lower social footing, the priests alone continuing as a privileged class to dine freely with them. This development is alleged to have occurred about the close of the seventeenth century.

Among the many ceremonies introduced in the course of the changes just described, one known as the ashtavarna or eight-fold protection is of special importance.

These rites consist of--

1. Guru. 2. Linga. 3. Vibhuti. 4. Rudraksha. 5. Mantra. 6. Jangam. 7. tirtha. 8. Prasada.

Among the greater number of Lingayats, after the birth of a child, the parents send for the guru or spiritual adviser of the family, who is the representative of one of the five Acharyas from whom the father claims descent, or in his absence of his local agent. The guru binds the linga on the child, besmears it with vibhuti (ashes), places a garland of rudraksha (fruits of Elæocarpus Ganitrus) round its neck, and teaches it the mystic mantra of "Namah Shivaya." The child being incapable of acquiring the knowledge of the sacred text at this early stage of its existence, the mantra is merely recited in its ear by the guru. The child has then to be presented to the god Siva in the person of a Jangam, or Lingayat priest, who is summoned for the purpose; on his arrival, the parents wash his feet. The water in which the feet are washed is described as the tirtha or charana tirtha of Siva. This tirtha is next poured over the linga attached to the infant. The Jangam is fed, and a portion of the cooked food from the dish is placed in the child's mouth. This final ceremony is known as prasada. (I am informed that it would be considered by Tamil Lingayats sacrilege to wash the lingam with the tirtha.) Occasionally the double character of guru and Jangam are combined in one person.

According to some accounts, the rites described above form the basis of the present social organization of the Lingayat community. They are divided into those entitled to ashtavarna, and those who are not. The first of these divisions is again sub-divided into several groups, which may for convenience be designated Panchamsalis who are descendants of the original converts, and non-Panchamsalis or later converts.

This explanation will throw some light on the scheme of classification adopted in the Bombay Gazetteer (see volumes Bijapur and Dharwar) where the smaller groups are shown as--

1. Pure Lingayats. 2. Affiliated Lingayats. 3. Half Lingayats.

These divisions, of which the full significance is not clearly conveyed by the titles, may perhaps be expanded with advantage by the addition to each of the alternatives already explained, viz., Panchamsalis, non-Panchamsalis with ashtavarna rites, and others, including the unclean castes attached to the Lingayat community by reason of performing its menial services, e.g., Dhors, Chalvadis, etc. It is the modern practice to deny to these low castes the right to style themselves Lingayats at all. It must be further explained that there are seven divisions of Panchamsalis, and that these stand to each other in the relation of hypergamous groups, that is to say, members of the higher orders may wed the daughters of those beneath them, which suggests the probable former existence of free intermarriage. Members of the lower orders among these Panchamsalis may rise to the higher by performing certain religious ceremonies, constituting a form of initiation. In the second and third divisions, i.e., non-Panchamsalis and "others," the sub-castes are functional groups and are endogamous, i.e., intermarriage is prohibited. It seems probable that the members of these divisions became converts to Lingayatism some time after the initiation of the reforms, to which it gave birth, when the crusade against caste distinctions had lost much of its pristine vigour, and ceased to be a living part of the fundamental doctrine of the sect.

At the present day, marriage is both infant and adult, and the

## parties to the contract have practically no choice. Widows are indeed