Part 28

It is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that the chief object of worship by the Balijas is Gauri, their caste deity. "It is said that the Malas are the hereditary custodians of the idol of Gauri and her jewels, which the Balijas get from them whenever they want to worship her. The following story is told to account for this. The Kapus and the Balijas, molested by the Muhammadan invaders on the north of the river Pennar, migrated to the south when the Pennar was in full flood. Being unable to cross the river, they invoked their deity to make a passage for them, for which it demanded the sacrifice of a first-born child. While they stood at a loss what to do, the Malas, who followed them, boldly offered one of their children to the goddess. Immediately the river divided before them, and the Kapus and the Balijas crossed it, and were saved from the tyranny of the Muhammadans. Ever since that time, the Malas have been respected by the Kapus and Balijas, and the latter even deposited the images of Gauri, the bull and Ganesa, which they worshipped in the house of a Mala. I am credibly informed that the practice of leaving these images in the custody of Malas is even now observed in some parts of Cuddapah district and elsewhere."

An expert Mala medicine-man has been known to prescribe for a Brahman tahsildar (revenue officer), though the consultation was conducted at a most respectful distance on the part of the honoured physician.

Mala weavers are known as Netpanivandlu (Nethapani, weaving work). According to the Census Report, 1891, the sub-divisions of the Malas, which are numerically strongest, are Arava, Kanta, Murikinadu, Pakanati, and Reddi Bhumi. To these may be added Sarindla, Savu, Saindla, and Daindla. Concerning some of these divisions, the following legend is current. A Mala married eighteen wives, one from each kulam or tribal division. The god Poleramma, objecting to the sacrifice of sheep and goats, wanted him to offer up a woman and child in substitution for the animals, and the Mala broke the news to his wives, one of whom eloped with a Reddi, and gave origin to the Reddi Bhumis (bhumi, earth). Another ran away, and gave rise to the Pakanatis (eastern country). A third hid herself, and escaped by hiding. Hence her descendants are called Daindla vandlu, concerning whom there is a proverb "Dagipoyina vandlu Daindla vandlu" or "Those who escaped by hiding are Daindlas." One of the wives, who fled to the forest, found her way out by clearing the jungle, and her descendants are called Sarindla (straight). The wife who consented to be sacrificed with her child was restored to life by Poleramma, and gave rise to the Savu (death) or Saindla (belonging to a death house) section. The Daindlas are said to be Tamil Paraiyans, who settled down in the Telugu country, and adopted the manners and customs of the Malas. Some call themselves Arava (Tamil) Malas. They are employed as servants in European houses, horse-keepers, etc.

In connection with the origin of the Malas, the Rev. S. Nicholson writes as follows. "Originally the Malas belonged to the kudi paita section of the community, i.e., their women wore the cloth over the right shoulder, but now there are both right and left paita sections, and this must be taken as the principal division. The right-hand (right paita) section is again divided into (a) Reddi Bhumalavaru, (b) Pokunativaru. The left-hand (left paita) section are Murikinativaru. The following legend professes to account for the existence of the three divisions. When Virabahuvu went to the rescue of Harischandra, he promised Kali that, if she granted him success, he would sacrifice to her his wives, of whom he had three. Accordingly, after his conquest of Vishvamithrudu, he returned, and called his wives that he might take them to the temple in order to fulfil his vow. The wives got some inkling of what was in store for them, and one of them took refuge in the house of a Reddi Bhumala, another ran away to the eastern country (Pokunati), while the third, though recently confined, and still in her dirty (muriki) cloth, determined to abide by the wish of her lord. She was, therefore, sacrificed to Kali, but the goddess, seeing her devotion, restored her to life, and promised to remain for ever her helper. The reason given for the change in the method of wearing the cloth is that, after the incident described above took place, the women of the Murikinati section, in order to express their disapproval of the two unfaithful wives, began to wear their cloths on the opposite, viz., the left, shoulder. In marriages, however, whatever the paita of the bride, she must wear the cloth over the right shoulder.

"The Reddi Bhumalu and Pokunativaru say that the reason they wear the cloth over the right shoulder is that they are descendants of the gods. According to a legend, the goddess Parvati, whilst on a journey with her lord Parameshvarudu, discarded one of her unclean (maila) cloths, from which was born a little boy. This boy was engaged as a cattle-herd in the house of Parameshvarudu. Parvati received strict injunctions from her lord that she should on no account allow the little Mala to taste cream. One day, however, the boy discovered some cream which had been scraped from the inside of the pot sticking to a wall. He tasted it, and found it good. Indeed, so good was it that he came to the conclusion that the udder from which it came must be even better still. So one day, in order to test his theory, he killed the cow. Then came Parameshvarudu in great anger, and asked him what he had done, and, to his credit be it said, the boy told the truth. Then Parameshvarudu cursed the lad and all his descendants, and said that from henceforth cattle should be the meat of the Malas--the unclean."

The Malas have, in their various sub-divisions, many exogamous septs, of which the following are examples:--

(a) Reddi Bhumi.

Avuka, marsh. Bandi, cart. Bommala, dolls. Bejjam, holes. Dakku, fear. Dhidla, platform or back-door. Dhoma, gnat or mosquito. Gera, street. Kaila, measuring grain in threshing-floor. Katika, collyrium. Naththalu, snails. Paida, money or gold. Pilli, cat. Rayi, stone. Samudrala, ocean. Silam, good conduct. Thanda, bottom of a ship.

(b) Pokunati.

Allam, ginger. Dara, stream of water. Gadi, cart. Gone, sack. Gurram, horse. Maggam, loom. Mailari, washerman. Parvatha, mountain. Pindi, flour-powder. Pasala, cow. Thummala, sneezing.

(c) Sarindla.

Boori, a kind of cake. Ballem, spear. Bomidi, a fish. Challa, butter milk. Chinthala, tamarind. Duddu, money. Gali, wind. Karna, ear. Kaki, crow. Mudi, knot. Maddili, drum. Malle, jasmine. Putta, ant-hill. Pamula, snake. Pidigi, handful. Semmati, hammer. Uyyala, see-saw.

(d) Daindla.

Dasari, priest. Doddi, court or backyard. Gonji, Glycosmis pentaphylla. Kommala, horn. Marri, Ficus bengalensis. Pala, milk. Powaku, tobacco. Thumma, Acacia arabica.

Concerning the home of the Malas, Mr. Nicholson writes that "the houses (with mud or stone walls, roofed with thatch or palmyra palm leaves) are almost invariably placed quite apart from the village proper. Gradually, as the caste system and fear of defilement become less, so gradually the distance of their houses from the village is becoming less. In the Ceded Districts, where from early times every village was surrounded by a wall and moat, the aloofness of the houses is very apparent. Gradually, however, the walls are decaying, and the moats are being filled, and the physical separation of the outcaste classes is becoming less apparent."

Mr. Nicholson writes further that "according to their own traditions, as told still by the old people and the religious mendicants, in former times the Malas were a tribe of free lances, who, 'like the tiger, slept during the day, and worked at night.' They were evidently the paid mercenaries of the Poligars (feudal chiefs), and carried out raids and committed robberies for the lord under whose protection they were. That this tradition has some foundation may be gathered from the fact that many of the house-names of the Malas refer to weapons of war, e.g., spear, drum, etc. If reports are true, the old instinct is not quite dead, and even to-day a cattle-stealing expedition comes not amiss to some. The Malas belong to the subjugated race, and have been made into the servants of the community. Very probably, in former days, their services had to be rendered for nothing, but later certain inam (rent-free) lands were granted, the produce of which was counted as remuneration for service rendered. Originally, these lands were held quite free of taxation, but, since the advent of the British Raj, the village servants have all been paid a certain sum per month, and, whilst still allowed the enjoyment of their inam lands, they have now been assessed, and half the actual tax has to be paid to Government. The services rendered by the Malas are temple service, jatra or festival service, and village service. The village service consists of sweeping, scavenging, carrying burdens, and grave-digging, the last having been their perquisite for long ages. According to them, the right was granted to them by King Harischandra himself. The burial-grounds are supposed to belong to the Malas, and the site of a grave must be paid for, the price varying according to the position and wealth of the deceased, but I hear that, in our part of the country, the price does not often exceed two pence. Though the Brahmans do not bury, yet they must pay a fee of one rupee for the privilege of burning, besides the fee for carrying the body to the ghat. There is very little respect shown by the Malas at the burning-ghat, and the fuel is thrown on with jokes and laughter. The Malas dig graves for all castes which bury, except Muhammadans, Oddes, and Madigas. Not only on the day of burial, but afterwards on the two occasions of the ceremonies for the dead, the grave-diggers must be given food and drink. The Malas are also used as death messengers to relatives by all the Sudra castes. When on this work, the messenger must not on any account go to the houses of his relatives though they live in the village to which he has been sent.

"The chief occupations of the Malas are weaving, and working as farm labourers for Sudras; a few cultivate their own land. Though formerly their inam lands were extensive, they have been, in the majority of cases, mortgaged away. The Malas of the western part of the Telugu country are of a superior type to those of the east, and they have largely retained their lands, and, in some cases, are well-to-do cultivators. In the east, weaving is the staple industry, and it is still carried on with the most primitive instruments. In one corner of a room stands the loom, with a hole in the mud floor to receive the treadles, and a little window in the wall, level with the floor, lights the web. The loom itself is slung from the rafters, and the whole can be folded up and put away in a corner. As a rule, weaving lasts for eight months of the year, the remainder of the year being occupied in reaping and stacking crops, etc. Each weaver has his own customers, and very often one family of Malas will have weaved for one family of Sudras for generations. Before starting to weave, the weaver worships his loom, and rubs his shuttle on his nose, which is supposed to make it smooth. Those who cannot weave subsist by day labour. As a rule, they stick to one master, and are engaged in cultivation all the year round. Many, having borrowed money from some Sudra, are bound to work for him for a mere pittance, and that in grain, not cash."

In a note on a visit to Jammalamadugu in the Cuddapah district, Bishop Whitehead writes as follows. [156] "Lately Mr. Macnair has made an effort to improve the methods of weaving, and he showed us some looms that he had set up in his compound to teach the people the use of a cheap kind of fly-shuttle to take the place of the hand-shuttle which is universally used by the people. The difficulties he has met with are characteristic of many attempts to improve on the customs and methods of India. At present the thread used for the hand-shuttle is spun by the Mala women from the ordinary cotton produced in the district. The Mala weavers do not provide their own cotton for the clothes they weave, but the Kapus give them the cotton from their own fields, pay the women a few annas for spinning it, and then pay the men a regular wage for weaving it into cloth. But the cotton spun in the district is not strong enough for the fly-shuttle, which can only be profitably worked with mill-made thread. The result is that, if the fly-shuttle were generally adopted, it would leave no market for the native cotton, throw the women out of work, upset the whole system on which the weavers work, and, in fact, produce widespread misery and confusion!"

The following detailed account of the ceremonies in connection with marriage, many of which are copied from the higher Telugu castes, is given by Mr. Nicholson. "Chinna Tambulam (little betel) is the name given to the earliest arrangements for a future wedding. The parents of the boy about to be married enquire of a Brahman to which quarter they should go in search of a bride. He, after receiving his pay, consults the boy's horoscope, and then tells them that in a certain quarter there is loss, in another quarter there is death, but that in another quarter there is gain or good. If in the quarter which the Brahman has intimated as good there are relations, so much the better; the bride will be sought amongst them. If not, the parents of the youth, along with an elder of the caste, set out in search of a bride amongst new people. On reaching the village, they do not make their object known, but let it appear that they are on ordinary business. Having discovered a house in which there is a marriageable girl, after the ordinary salutations, they, in a round-about way, make enquiries as to whether the warasa or marriage line is right or not. If it is all right, and if at that particular time the girl's people are in a prosperous condition, the object of the search is made known. If, on the other hand, the girl's people are in distress or grief, the young man's party go away without making their intention known. Everything being satisfactory, betel nut and leaves are offered, and, if the girl's people are willing to contract, they accept it; if not, and they refuse, the search has to be resumed. We will take it for granted that the betel is accepted. The girl's parents then say 'If it is God's will, so let it be; return in eight or nine days, and we will give you our answer.' If, within that time, there should be death or trouble of any sort in either of the houses, all arrangements are abandoned. If, when going to pay the second visit, on the journey any of the party should drop on the way either staff or bundle of food, it is regarded as a bad omen, and further progress is stopped for that day. After reaching the house of the prospective bride on the second occasion, the party wait outside. Should the parents of the girl bring out water for them to drink and to wash their faces, it is a sign that matters may be proceeded with. Betel is again distributed. In the evening, the four parents and the elders talk matters over, and, if all is so far satisfactory, they promise to come to the house of the future bridegroom on a certain date. The boy's parents, after again distributing betel, this time to every house of the caste, take their departure. When the party of the bride arrive at the boy's village, they are treated to toddy and a good feed, after which they give their final promise. Then, having made arrangements for the Pedda Tambulam (big betel), they take their departure. This ends the first part of the negotiations. Chinna Tambulam is not binding. The second part of the negociations, which is called Pedda Tambulam, takes place at the home of the future bride. Before departing for the ceremony, the party of the bridegroom, which must be an odd number but not seven, and some of the elders of the village, take part in a feast. The members of the party put on their religious marks, daub their necks and faces with sandal paste and akshinthulu (coloured rice), and are sent off with the good wishes of the villagers. After the party has gone some few miles, it is customary for them to fortify themselves with toddy, and to distribute betel. The father of the groom takes with him as a present for the bride a bodice, fried dal (pea: Cajanus indicus), cocoanut, rice, jaggery, turmeric, dates, ghi, etc. On arrival at the house, the party wait outside, until water is brought for their faces and feet. After the stains of travel have been washed off, the presents are given, and the whole assembly proceeds to the toddy shop. On their return, the Chalavadhi (caste servant) tells them to which households betel must be presented, after which the real business commences. The party of the bridegroom, the people of the bride, the elders of the caste, and one person from each house in the caste quarter, are present. A blanket is spread on the floor, and grains of rice are arranged on it according to a certain pattern. This is the bridal throne. After bathing, the girl is arrayed in an old cloth, and seated on a weaver's beam placed upon the blanket, with her face towards the east. Before seating herself, however, she must worship towards the setting sun. In her open hands betel is placed, along with the dowry (usually about sixteen rupees) brought by her future father-in-law. As the bride sits thus upon the throne, the respective parents question one another, the bride's parents as to the groom, what work he does, what jewels he will give, etc. Whatever other jewels are given or not, the groom is supposed to give a necklace of silver and beads, and a gold nose jewel. As these things are being talked over, some one winds 101 strands of thread, without twisting it, into a circle about the size of a necklace, and then ties on it a peculiar knot. After smearing with turmeric, it is given into the hands of the girl's maternal uncle, who, while holding his hands full of betel, asks first the girl's parents, and then the whole community if there is any objection to the match. If all agree, he must then worship the bridal throne, and, without letting any of the betel in his hands fall, place the necklace round the bride's neck. Should any of the betel fall, it is looked upon as a very bad omen, and the man is fined. After this part of the performance is over, and after teasing the bride, the uncle raises her to her feet, and, taking from her hands the dowry, etc., sends her off. After distributing betel to every one in the village, even unborn babies being counted, the ceremony ends, and, after the usual feast has been partaken of, the people all depart to their various homes.