Part 22

Sacrifices are contrary to the tenets of the faith, but the practices of other Hindus are to some extent copied. When laying the foundations of a house, a cocoanut is broken, incense offered and camphor burnt. When setting up the main door frame, a ceremony called Dwara Pratishta is performed. On that day, or a subsequent day, an iron nail is driven into the frame, to prevent devils or evil spirits from entering the house. After the house is completed, the ceremony of Graha Pravesam takes place. With all Lingayat ceremonies the most important feature is the worship of the jangam, and in this instance the house is sprinkled with water, in which the Jangam's feet have been washed. Jangam's friends and relatives are then entertained and fed in the house.

Theoretically, any one may become a Lingayat by virtue of investiture with the lingam. But in practice very few outsiders are admitted. The priests do not proselytise. The elders of the community sometimes persuade a relative or friend to join the fold. In the Bellary district, it is believed that the religion is not spreading. The contrary seems to be the case in the Bombay Presidency. The Bijapur Gazetteer states that the wearing of the lingam, and the desertion of Brahmans for Jangams as priests, are still spreading among the Brahmanical castes of Bijapur, and adds "In Mr. Cumine's opinion few castes have remained beyond the influence of the new sect, and between Lingayatism and Islam, Brahmanism will in a few centuries be almost extinct." According to Mr. C. P. Brown, the Jangams insist upon any candidate for admission undergoing a probation of ten or twelve years. The authorities at Ujjini state that there is a recognised scale of probation ranging from three years for the Brahman to twelve years for the Sudra, but the Jangams admit that no Brahmans are ever converted now, and the probation period is probably not enforced. The castes from which outsiders occasionally come are the various sub-divisions of the Kapu or Reddi caste. It is not uncommon to find all the Neredi Kapus in one village wearing the lingam, while the people of the same caste in a neighbouring village are not Lingayats. The Pakanati Kapus illustrate the same rule. Lingayat and non-Lingayat Kapus who are relatives eat together, and in some cases intermarry.

Lingayatism has recently made converts from other castes. In the last century, many weavers of Tuminkatti in the Dharwar district of Bombay were converted by a Jangam from Ujjini, and are now known as Kurvinavaru. They have abandoned all social intercourse with the parent caste.

According to Basava's teaching, even the lowest castes could join the community, and obtain equality with other Lingayats. The Abbé Dubois wrote that, "even if a Pariah joins the sect, he is considered in no way inferior to a Brahman. Wherever the lingam is found, there they say is the throne of the deity, without distinction of class or rank. The Pariah's humble hut containing the sacred emblem is far above the most magnificent palace where it is not." These were undoubtedly the views of the founder, but his orders are not followed at the present day. The authorities at Ujjini deny that any Mala or Madiga can become a Lingayat, and say that, even if he wears a lingam, it has not been given him by a Jangam. There is a class of Malas called Chalavadis, whose duty it is to accompany Lingayat processions, and ring a bell. These Chalavadis wear the lingam. It is, however, the accepted rule amongst Lingayats of the present day that a Mala or Madiga cannot wear lingam.

In a note on the relations between Lingayats and Brahmans, [124] Mr. T. V. Subramanyam refers to the long-standing differences between them in the Bellary district. "The quarrel," he writes, "has reference to the paraphernalia the former may carry in their religious processions, and has its origin in a legend. The story runs that Vedavyasa, the author of the Mahabharata and a fervent devotee of Vishnu, once went to Benares with the object of establishing the superiority of his favourite deity in that stronghold of Saivism. Within the precincts of the temple, he raised his hands aloft, proclaiming that Vishnu was the supreme God, when, to the consternation of the assembled worshippers, Nandi, the trusted servant and vehicle of Siva, whose sculptured image is found in every temple sacred to his master, rose up in indignation, and cut off the right hand of the blasphemous sage. The principal insignia claimed to be used in Lingayat processions are makaratoranam, pagaladivitti, svetachhatram, nandidhvajam, and vyasahastam. No objection is raised by the Brahmans to the use of the first three of these, which are respectively a banner with the representation of a tortoise embroidered thereon, torches carried during the day, and a white umbrella. The nandidhvajam consists of a long pole, at the upper end of which floats a flag with a representation of Nandi, and to which is affixed an image of Basava, the founder of the sect. The vyasahastam is a similar pole, from which a wooden arm is suspended. The assertion of the prowess of Nandi, and the perpetuation of the punishment alleged by the Lingayats to have been inflicted on Vyasa for daring to declare the supremacy of Vishnu, as symbolised by these emblems, are equally offensive to all classes of Brahmans, as the sage is reverenced equally by Vaishnavas, Madhvas, and Smartas. Besides these emblems, the Lingayats claim that, during their processions, they are entitled to ring a bell, which is usually suspended from the flat end of a large ladle-like object. The Brahmans object to this, however, as the bells are carried by low-caste persons, who ring them with their feet, to the accompaniment of chants intended to insult the Brahmans and their religious creeds. They contend also that the hollow of the ladle is designed in mockery of the Brahmakapala (or skull of Brahma), which is very sacred in their eyes.... In the year 1811, a dispute arose regarding the display of the nandidhavajam and the vyasahastam, an enquiry into which was held by the Judge of Bellary, who issued a proclamation for general information throughout the district, prohibiting the procession altogether, and declaring that no person should attempt it, on pain of being put in irons, and sent to take his trial before the Court of Circuit.... When the Sringeri Swami, known as Jagadguru or spiritual head of the universe, visited Bellary in 1888, certain Lingayats petitioned the District Magistrate, praying that, if he was to be allowed to enter the town displaying his usual paraphernalia, their gurus must also be allowed a similar privilege during their processions. The petitioners were directed to meet the agent of the Sringeri Swami, and they agreed with him, to quote from the Collector's order, in a spirit of mutual consideration that the processions of the gurus of the Smarta Brahmans and of the Lingayats should be peaceably conducted, and that, in the latter, neither the nandidhvajam nor the vyasahastam should be used. In 1899, it was decided in a Civil Court that the bells used in the processions of the Lingayats should be rung with the hands and not with the feet, and that the Chalavadis, or bell-ringers, should not utter any cries or chants offensive to the feelings of the Brahmans. In 1901, the Collector negotiated a compromise between the Lingayats and the Brahmans of Rayadrug, by which the display of all insignia, except the vyasahastam, was permitted to the former. Apparently, the Brahmans have not been satisfied with the terms of this compromise, as, subsequent to 1901, they have started civil litigation, in which it is contended that the use of nandidhvajam is itself objectionable. At the present moment, therefore, the Brahman Lingayat controversy is exactly where it was a hundred years ago."

Non-Lingayats, wishing to join the faith, have to undergo a three days' purification ceremony. On the first day they get their face and head shaved, and take a bath in cow's urine and ordure. Except these articles, they are under a prohibition to drink or eat anything else that day. On the second day they bathe themselves in dhulodaka, i.e., water with which a Jangam's feet have been washed, and eat sugar and drink cow's milk. On the third or last day, they take a panchamrutham bath, i.e., they apply to the head and body a paste made of plantains, cow's milk, ghi (clarified butter), curds and honey, and wash it off with water; they drink the water (thirtham) in which a Jangam's feet have been washed; the lingam is tied on by the Jangam, and the convert eats with other Lingayats. Women also undergo this ceremony, but in their case shaving is omitted.

Disputes are settled by a panchayat (council) headed by one of the community called Yejaman or Setti, assisted by the Reddi or headman called Banakara. Where there is no Setti, the Reddi takes his place. The Setti is appointed by the community, after the office itself has been created by the Simhasanadhipati of the mutt. The other members of the panchayat are not permanent, but are selected for the occasion. The panchayat also tries offences against caste rules, and imposes fine on the culprit. The money, when collected, is given to some mutt or temple. Failure to pay is punished by excommunication. Any one may be appointed Setti, but the post is hereditary. It is an honorary post carrying no remuneration, and the enquiries of the panchayat entail no expense, except in the cost of supplying pansupari (betel leaves and areca nuts). The panchayat is not limited in numbers, all the leading members of the community being invited to attend. Appeals from the decisions of the panchayat lie to the mutt to which the village is subordinate. In Bellary appeals go to Ujjini. The orders of the mutt are final. The Ujjini authorities say that the only punishment that can be inflicted is to interdict the offender from all social intercourse. He is practically "put into Coventry"; but is released on payment of a fine to the guru, so the punishment is in fact a fine. The appointment of a new Setti is a solemn function, resembling the instalment of a church dignitary. The priests and Settis of neighbouring villages assemble, and instal the new man. The following is the order of precedence amongst them:--

(1) Matadaya. (2) Matapati. (3) Ganachari. (4) Sthavaria or Gunari. (5) Setti. (6) Patna Setti. (7) Kori Setti. (8) Wali Setti.

A ceremony called Diksha is said by some to be compulsory with Jangams, male and female, in their eighth year, and the same is also said to be required for lay Lingayats. The ceremony is performed in order to impart to the recipient the sacred mantram called Panchakshari. This is whispered in the ear by the guru. The rite is evidently in imitation of the Brahman practice of imparting the Gayatri mantram at the time of the Upanayanam or thread-tying ceremony. The term Diksha is sometimes used to express the conversion ceremony used in the case of a new-comer. It is an essential of the faith that the sacred spell should be whispered in the ear by the guru, and this explains the three word motto or "guru, linga and Jangam." But, in the case of lay Lingayats and of women, it does not appear that Diksha is universal, and the sacred spell is whispered in the ear when the lingam is tied.

Pollution periods are not observed. The indifference displayed by Lingayats to the purification ceremonies prescribed by Hindu custom is noticed by the Abbé Dubois, who quotes the Hindu proverb which says "There is no river for a Lingayat."

A simple ceremony is performed when a girl comes to maturity. This lasts only one day. The girl takes an oil bath, and puts on clean clothes and ornaments. Married women come and place in her lap two cocoanuts, two dates, five limes, five areca nuts, five betel leaves, and some rice. They sing some bright song, and then pass round her head three times the wave offering (arati) of a light. They then depart, after being presented with food and betel. This ceremony is evidently copied from other castes, and with well-to-do Lingayats is sometimes prolonged for several days. Holy water (thirtham) is sprinkled over the head of the girl. No ceremonies are observed at subsequent menstrual periods, as no pollution is attached to them.

No special diet or customs are observed during pregnancy by husband or wife. The woman in her confinement is attended by her female relatives and the village midwife. At the birth of a child, all the female members of the family, and other women who attend the confinement, bathe and give a bath to the mother and child. On the second and third day, from five to ten women are invited. They bring boiled water and turmeric paste to apply to the body of the mother. On the third day a ceremony called Viralu is performed. Viralu means the worship of the afterbirth. The midwife buries it at the outer door, throws over the grave a piece of thread, dipped in turmeric water, and some rice, turmeric powder, kunkuma (red powder) and nim (Melia Azadirachta) leaves. She offers to it kitchade, a mess made of broken cholam (millet: Sorghum) and a dish of greens, and breaks a cocoanut. The mother, who wears on the right wrist a piece of thread with a piece of sweet flag (Acorus Calamus) tied to it, worships the grave with joined hands. The women who have brought boiled water also wear similar threads on the right wrists, and eat the cholam and the greens. The midwife takes away the offering made to the grave, and gets also her money perquisites. The Viralu ceremony is observed in the belief that the mother's breasts will thereby be fruitful of milk. The mother for the first time, on the day after the ceremony is over, suckles the child. Both of them receive dhulodaka (water from a Jangam's feet). The child also receives from the Jangam the lingam, which is to be his personal property for life and for eternity.

The name is given to a child on the sixteenth day after birth. Five married women go to a well or river, where they worship Gangamma, and return with a new pot filled with water. The mother receives it at the entrance, and places it on some cholam under the cradle. After this, the child is put into the cradle, and is given a name. The child's maternal uncle or aunt gives the name, and at once all the women present assault the namer with their fists. After this the Jangam and guests are fed, and guggeri (fried grain) is distributed.

Marriage is both infant and adult. There is no difference in this respect between Jangams and other Lingayats. Sexual license before marriage is neither recognised nor tolerated. Open prostitution is not permitted. On the other hand, it is condemned as a moral sin and a social offence, and the party is punished by excommunication. There are Basavis (dedicated prostitutes) amongst Lingayats. Polygamy is permitted. Polyandry is strictly prohibited. Among the Lingayats, marriage between brothers' children is strictly prohibited. Similarly, sisters' children cannot marry. Marriage between some classes of second cousins is also prohibited, i.e., a man's children may not marry the children of his paternal uncle or of his maternal aunt. A man may marry his sister's daughter, but, in the case of children of the younger sister, such marriages are looked on with disfavour. The

## parties to a marriage have no freedom of choice. It is arranged for

them by their parents or by the elders of their family, who come to an agreement as to the amount of teravu that should be paid to the bride's family. This marriage price usually amounts to 12 pagodas or 42 rupees, but is often more. In the case of a second marriage, the amount is double. The presents to the bridegroom generally consist of a pair of cloths, a turban, and a gold ring. These gifts are not compulsory, and their amount and value depend upon the circumstances of the bride's family.

For a betrothal, the bridegroom's family come to the bride's house on an auspicious day in company with a Jangam. They bring a sire (woman's cloth), a kuppasa (jacket), two cocoanuts, five pieces of turmeric, five limes, betel leaf and areca nut. They also bring flowers for the susaka (a cap of flowers made for the bride), gold and silver ornaments, and sugar and areca nut for distribution to guests. The bride puts on the new cloths with the ornaments and flowers, and sits on a folded kumbli (blanket), on which fantastic devices have been made with rice. Some married women fill her lap with cocoanuts and other things brought by the bridegroom's party. Music is played, and the women sing. Five of them pick up the rice on the kumbli, and gently drop it on to the bride's knees, shoulders and head. They do this three times with both hands. Sugar and betel are then distributed, and one of the bride's family proclaims the fact that the bride has been given to the bridegroom. One of the bridegroom's family then states that the bride is accepted. That night the bride's family feed the visitors on sweet things; dishes made of hot or pungent things are strictly prohibited.

The marriage ceremony, which often takes place some years later, occupies from one to four days according to circumstances. In the case of a four-day marriage, the first day is spent in worshipping ancestors. On a second day, rice and oil are sent to the local mutt, and oil alone to the relatives. New pots are brought with much shouting, and deposited in the god's room. A pandal (booth) is erected, and the bridegroom sits under it side by side with a married female relative, and goes through a performance which is called Surige. An enclosure is made round them with cotton thread passed ten times round four earthen pitchers placed at the four corners. Five married women come with boiled water, and wash off the oil and turmeric, with which the bride and the bridegroom and his companion have been anointed. The matrons then clothe them with the new cloths offered to the ancestors on the first day. After some ceremonial, the thread forming the enclosure is removed, and given to a Jangam. The Surige being now over, the bridegroom and his relatives are taken back to the god's room. The bride and her relatives are now taken to the pandal, and another Surige is gone through. When this is over, the bride is taken to her room, and is decorated with flowers. At the same time, the bridegroom is decorated in the god's room, and, mounting on a bullock, goes to the village temple, where he offers a cocoanut. A chaplet of flowers called bashingam is tied to his forehead, and he returns to the house. In the god's room a panchakalasam, consisting of five metal vases with betel and vibhuti (sacred ashes) has been arranged, one vase being placed at each corner of a square, and one on the middle. By each kalasam is a cocoanut, a date fruit, a betel leaf and areca nut, and one pice (a copper coin) tied in a handkerchief. A cotton thread is passed round the square, and round the centre kalasam another thread, one end of which is held by the family guru, and the other by the bridegroom who sits opposite to him. The guru wears a ring made of kusa grass on the big toe of his right foot. The bride sits on the left hand side of the bridegroom, and the guru ties their right and left hands respectively with kusa grass. Hastapuja then follows. The joined hands of the bride and bridegroom are washed, and bilva (Ægle Marmelos) leaves and flowers are offered. The officiating priest then consecrates the tali and the kankanam (wrist-thread), ties the latter on the wrists of the joined hands, and gives the tali to the bridegroom, who ties it round the bride's neck, repeating some words after the priest. The tying of the tali is the binding portion of the ceremony. Before the tali is given to the bridegroom, it is passed round the assembly to be touched by all and blessed. As soon as the bridegroom ties it on the bride, all those present throw over the pair a shower of rice. The bridegroom places some cummin seed and jaggery (crude sugar) on the bride's head, and the bride does the same to the bridegroom. Small quantities of these articles are tied in a corner of the cloth of each, and the cloths are then knotted together. The bride worships the bridegroom's feet, and he throws rice on her head. The newly married couple offer fruits to five Jangams, and present them with five pice. The relatives worship the bride and bridegroom, wash their feet and offer presents, and the proceedings of the day terminate. On the third day, friends and relatives are fed, and on the fourth day bride and bridegroom ride in procession through the village, on the same bullock, the bride in front. On return to the house they throw scented powder (bukkittu) at each other, and the guests join in the fun. Then follows the wedding breakfast, to which only the near relatives are admitted. The married couple worship Jangams and the elders, and take off the kankanam or consecration thread from their wrists, and tie it at the doorway. The five matrons who have assisted are given presents and dismissed, and the marriage is now complete. In a one-day marriage, the above ceremonies are crowded into the short time allotted. The remarriage of widows was one of the points on which Basava insisted, and was probably one of the biggest bones of contention with the Brahmans. Widow remarriage is allowed at the present day, but the authorities at Ujjini see fit to disregard it. They say that amongst Jangams it is prohibited, and that amongst the other classes of Lingayats it is growth of custom.

The practice of widow remarriage is widely followed even among Jangams, but amongst the stricter classes, who are probably under the influence of their Brahman friends, it is discountenanced. The parties to such a marriage are not allowed to take part in the marriage ceremonies of others. A great deal can, however, be done when money is forthcoming, and in one case a girl has recently been remarried according to the form in use for original marriages. Every Jangam probably has his price.