CHAPTER IV

THE WESTERN FRONT--LOOS

I. 1ST BATTALION

The history of the 1st Battalion for June and July, 1915, is without any very striking incident, though abounding in what only a year before would have been considered as such. On the 10th June, for instance, the huts near Poperinghe, in which the men were resting, were heavily shelled and Lieut. W. F. Taylor and 10 men killed and 5 more wounded; whilst on the 19th of the same month, when in trenches in the salient east of Ypres, the battalion was badly bombarded with gas shells, while more gas was pumped from the enemy’s lines, necessitating the wearing of gas helmets for four hours and causing the death of 5 and injury of 19 men. Then 2 more were killed on the following day and 4 wounded and 5 gassed. Between this date and the end of the month 10 more died and 39 were wounded. On the 2nd July Corpl. John Dormer of A Company, who had covered himself with glory as a scout, paid the last penalty. And so the weary business went on.

Sir John French’s despatches contain the following remarks:--

“Since my last despatch a new device has been adopted by the enemy for driving burning liquid into our trenches with a strong jet. Thus supported, an attack was made on the trenches of the 2nd Army at Hooge, on the Menin road, early on 30th July. Most of the infantry occupying these trenches were driven back, but their retirement was due far more to the surprise and temporary confusion caused by the burning liquid than by the actual damage inflicted.

“Gallant endeavours were made by repeated counter-attacks to recapture the lost section of trenches. These, however, proving unsuccessful and costly, a new line of trenches was consolidated a short distance further back.

“Attacks made by the enemy at the same time west of Bellewaarde Lake were repulsed.

“On the 9th August these losses were brilliantly regained, owing to a successful attack carried out by the 6th Division. This attack was very well executed and resulted in the recapture, with small casualties, not only of the whole of the lost trenches, but an addition of four hundred yards of German trench north of the Menin road.”

In connection with this incident mentioned by the Commander-in-Chief, Major-General Congreve, V.C., commanding the 6th Division, addressed the 1st Buffs on the 5th August: it was necessary, he pointed out, to retake the trenches previously lost at Hooge. It was a case either of going forward or going backward, owing to the nature of the ground. The commander of the 2nd Army had selected the 6th Division for the task because it was the best one in his command. He would not minimize the difficulties of the job, but the battalion would remember their past record and the fact that the eyes of Kent were upon them. He concluded by wishing the battalion a successful issue and a safe return.

[Illustration:

_Imperial War Museum_ _Crown Copyright_

ROAD NEAR HOOGE]

Consequent on this a brigade order was issued on the 8th August, of which the following are extracts, and it may be as well to explain here that all over the fighting front the soldiers had given names to the different trenches in order to distinguish them, and that these names, which were often those of London streets, but sometimes of a comic nature, became officially recognized and used.

“The brigade will attack the enemy’s position at Hooge from the crater to Q.20 inclusive.

“The York and Lancaster will attack on the left and the K.S.L.I. on the right.

“1st Buffs’ 2 machine guns in southern branch of Oxford Street at end east. D Company and 2 machine guns in F.2.

“A Company and 1 machine gun to dig themselves in in line eighty yards in rear of Headquarters’ trench.

“B Company and Headquarters to occupy position end of Oxford Street by 1.15 B and D.

“All companies to be in position 12.30 a.m., 9th.

“The 1st Leicesters will be in support in the ramparts of Menin Gate, Ypres.

“The right attack is allotted to the 18th Brigade, and the 17th Brigade will be in divisional reserve.

“The K.S.L.I. can call on C Company The Buffs for support, if necessary, and the Y. and L. on D Company.

“Should the enemy drive us back and follow on, these two companies must counter-attack at once without hesitation.”

The battalion took its places at 6.30 p.m. on the 8th. A Company, so as to be ready to occupy the positions vacated by C and D should they be called upon to move up, and B Company remaining as battalion reserve. At 2.45 a.m. on the 9th the British bombardment opened and a terrific fire was brought to bear on the hostile lines. The infantry attack followed about 3.10, the assailants having already crept up close to the enemy’s lines, and the brave men from Yorkshire and Shropshire suffered pretty heavily, but were completely successful. D Company of the Buffs was called up to help by the York and Lancaster Regiment. The K.S.L.I. had rushed into the crater with great rapidity and found much hand-to-hand fighting to do when they got there. The telephone lines were soon useless, being cut to pieces by the incessant fire. In the small hours of the 10th August the Buffs were ordered to relieve both the York and Lancasters and the Shropshires. D Company, therefore, advanced obliquely to its right flank and took over the crater and half the recaptured line which belonged to its brigade, the remainder being occupied by A Company, under Captain Gould, who placed one platoon in support of both these advanced companies at H.12. C Company remained where it was and B, with Battalion Headquarters, came up to a ruined farm, a tactical point in the neighbourhood. Heavy shelling occurred during the night, but the expected German counter-attack did not eventuate. A and D Companies found great difficulty in getting into touch with friends on either flank. It is true that some troops of the neighbouring 18th Brigade had, during the previous day, got into the crater and stables, but these were themselves now adrift from their units.

Four machine guns had been placed at intervals along the whole front, and these, to judge by German prisoners’ letters, had a discouraging effect on the projected enemy counter-attack, but nevertheless the position occupied by the two forward Buff companies was very far from being a satisfactory or pleasant one: the trenches and crater were full of dead and wounded, chiefly German, but with many English, too, and this fact impeded free movement; shell fire was heavy and continuous, and the Heavy artillery enfilade fire from the direction of Hill 60 was in particular very annoying and dangerous; while the supply of bombs, food and water was precarious and difficult owing to the lack of proper communication trenches to the rear. The want of water was particularly felt, and made worse by the fact that the men were within easy sight and distance of the Bellewaarde Lake.

The night of the 10th/11th was a very busy one. Every kind of work was urgent and of great importance. The removal of the wounded was no easy task, and great praise was due to Captain Jones, the Buffs’ Medical Officer, who did wonders. Indeed, this officer was remarkable for his coolness and gallantry, and continued his business, though wounded twice himself, in a manner which has become a sort of tradition amongst our army doctors. He was admirably backed by the regimental stretcher-bearers. There were dead to be buried everywhere; there was no doubt in anyone’s mind of the urgency of this. Communications in rear were organized, the trenches were improved, and many other matters made this night a busy one. The night was, moreover, by no means peaceful. The German bombers were persistent and dangerous on the left of A Company, but a somewhat serious bomb attack just before midnight in this quarter was repelled by Captain Gould, though not without loss. D Company was also being heavily bombarded by high explosive and shrapnel, and Captain R. W. Homan was struck on the head and fatally wounded. He had exposed himself with great gallantry in organizing the defence, and his death was much felt. The 11th August passed like the previous day and was a strenuous one. There was abnormally heavy shelling. The parapets were destroyed both in A and D Companies’ portions of the line, and one shell, landing where the supporting platoon lay, demolished the telephone dug-out and destroyed the operators, but not the instrument. Pte. Wilson came forward and continued to work this, the nearest telephone to the firing line, and as from here all messages had to be carried, Corpl. Foote of A Company greatly distinguished himself at this task. D Company was under a most accurate fire this day, but was materially aided by the French artillery.

About 10 p.m. a violent bomb attack took place on the left of A Company, both from a small side trench on the left of ours, which was still in the enemy’s hands, and from Germans who had crawled out from their retained line in rear. These latter were made to suffer somewhat severely. 2nd Lieut. Ferguson led a counter-attack under somewhat critical circumstances and was twice wounded. However, the enemy’s attempt was repulsed, and at 11.30 a relief of the battalion was successfully accomplished under company arrangements, superintended by the commanding officer, Lt.-Colonel Finch Hatton, aided by Captain Lucas (second-in-command) and Lieut. Birrell (adjutant). The battalion retired to the ramparts of Ypres by the Menin Gate, having lost since the 5th of the month 25 killed, 162 wounded and 5 missing.

At this period not only the Buffs, but the 16th Brigade generally, were suffering badly from the lack of senior and experienced officers. A considerable period of routine work was now the fate of the battalion. As a rule, billets in or about Poperinghe alternated with trench duty, generally at La Brique. This trench duty continued to take its toll of casualties and was not without its deeds of daring, notably the rescue and bringing in of the body of Captain Colville of the Shropshire Light Infantry, who was killed in front of Forward Cottage near La Brique on the 21st September, 1915, for which act Lieut. Clouting and C.S.M. Baker received the M.C. and D.C.M. respectively.

II. LOOS

In order to understand the parts taken in the battle of Loos by the 2nd, 6th and 8th Battalions of the Buffs, it would be well to have a general idea of why the battle was fought. Turning, therefore, to Sir John French’s despatches we find that after a serious consultation with General Joffre and a full discussion of the military situation it was arranged that the Allies should make a combined attack from certain points of their line during the last week in September.

Very many brave soldiers died in the prolonged and desperate struggle which followed, and which is known as the battle of Loos, though it was in reality a series of bloody combats. It still remains a question whether the British sacrifices there made were worth the results obtained.

The reinforcements the British had recently received enabled our Commander-in-Chief to comply with several requests that the French had made as to taking over additional portions of their line.

“In fulfilment of the rôle assigned to it in these operations, our army attacked the enemy on the morning of the 25th September. The main attack was delivered by the 1st and 4th Corps between the La Bassee Canal on the north and the village of Grenay on the south; at the same time the 5th Corps making a subsidiary attack on Bellewaarde Farm to the east of Ypres in order to hold the enemy to his ground; other attacks with a similar object were made by the 3rd and Indian Corps north of the canal and along the whole front of the second army.

“In co-operation with the French 10th Army on the right, the 1st and 4th Corps went up to the attack. A strong reserve was kept in hand owing to the great length of front to be assailed, and the general commanding the Second Army was directed to draw back the 28th Division to Bailleul and hold it in readiness to meet unexpected eventualities.

“Opposite the front of the main line of attack the distance between the enemy’s trenches and our own varied from about one hundred to five hundred yards. The country over which the advance took place is open and overgrown with long grass and self-sown crops. From the canal southwards our trenches and those of the enemy ran roughly parallel upon an almost imperceptible rise to the south-west. From the Vermelles-Hulluch road southward the advantage of height is on the enemy’s side as far as the Bethune-Lens road. There the two lines of trenches cross a spur in which the rise culminates, and thence the command lies on the side of the British trenches.

“To the east of the intersection of spur and trenches and a short mile away stands Loos (which is about twenty-eight miles south of Ypres). Less than a mile further south-east is Hill 70, which is the summit of the gentle rise in the ground.

“Other notable tactical points on our front were:--

“_Fosse 8_ (a thousand yards south of Auchy) which is a coal mine with a high and strongly defended slag heap.

“_The Hohenzollern redoubt._ A strong work thrust out nearly five hundred yards in front of the German lines, and close to our own. It is connected with their front line by three communication trenches abutting into the defences of Fosse 8.

“_Cite St. Elie._ A strongly defended mining village lying fifteen hundred yards south of Haisnes.

“_The Quarries_ lying half-way to the German trenches west of the Cite St. Elie.

“_Hulluch._ A village strung out along a small stream lying less than half a mile south-east of Cite St. Elie and three thousand yards north-east of Loos.

“_Puits 14 Bis._ Half a mile north of Hill 70; another coal mine possessing great possibilities for defence when taken in conjunction with a strong redoubt situated on the north-east side of Hill 70.”

The attack was admirably delivered, and it is noteworthy that a complete division of the new armies took a distinguished part in it. This was the 47th, a Scottish unit. Loos and Hill 70 were gained, and altogether the first day was a success and caused Field-Marshal French’s apprehension that a dangerous gap might occur between ourselves and the French to be considerably modified. He now ordered the Guards Division up from Nœux les Mines and the 28th to move south from Bailleul. At nightfall, after a heavy day’s fighting and numerous German counter-attacks, the line ran from the Double Crassier south of Loos by the western part of Hill 70 to the western exit of Hulluch, thence by the quarries and western end of Cite St. Elie, east of Fosse 8, back to the original line.

Our hold on Fosse 8, backed as it was by the strong defences and guns of Auchy, was distinctly precarious.

In the course of the night of 25th/26th September the enemy delivered a series of heavy counter-attacks along our new front, and near the Quarries they were more or less successful, though repulsed elsewhere.

On the 26th the 7th Division retook the Quarries, but attacks on Hulluch and on the redoubt on the east side of Hill 70 were anticipated by the enemy, who organized a very strong offensive from that direction. These attacks drove on the advanced troops of the 21st and 24th Divisions (in the latter of which the 8th Buffs were serving) which were then moving forward to attack. Sir John French adds these words: “Reports regarding this portion of the action are very conflicting, and it is not possible to form an entirely just appreciation of what occurred on this part of the field.”

During the 29th and 30th September and the early days of October, fighting was almost continuous along the northern part of the new line, particularly about the Hohenzollern Redoubt and neighbouring trenches, to which the enemy evidently attached great value. His attacks, however, almost invariably broke down with very heavy loss under the accurate fire of our infantry and artillery. Nevertheless, the enemy recaptured part of the Hohenzollern Redoubt on the 3rd October. There was particularly severe fighting in this direction on the 8th and 9th, the hostile attack being repulsed with enormous loss. The Commander-in-Chief reports in his despatches that we attacked about noon on the 13th October, with troops of the 11th and 4th Corps, against Fosse No. 8, the Quarries and the German trenches on the Lens-La Bassee road. The objective of the 12th Division (in which were serving the 6th Buffs) was the Quarries.

The day began with an artillery bombardment of the objectives in which the French assisted. Shortly before the attack was launched at 2 p.m. smoke was turned on all along our front, and under cover of this smoke the attack was started. At the same time the heavy artillery lifted to further objectives, while the enemy’s front trench system was subjected to shrapnel fire. At 2.45 the 4th Corps reported having captured 1,200 yards of trenches on the Lens-La Bassee road, but as the left battalion of the corps had failed, the Corps Commander did not consider it practicable to undertake any further offensive towards Hulluch. The information received during the remainder of the day was very conflicting, though it was known that one battalion of the 12th Division had gained the south-west edge of the Quarries. In the course of the next two days the whole attack died down without attaining the objective aimed at, and the situation on that part of the line remained much the same for some considerable time.

III. 8TH BATTALION

The 8th Battalion of the Buffs, under Colonel Romer, C.B., C.M.G., landed in France, as we have seen, on the 1st September, or twenty-four days only before the battle of Loos. After two days at Boulogne it went into billets at Maninghem, near Etaples, and there remained a fortnight, completing divisional training, and marching on the 21st to take part in the concentration prior to the battle of Loos with the rest of the 72nd Brigade, which was commanded by Br.-General B. M. Mitford, C.B., D.S.O., himself an old Buff. The march to Bethune, which was reached in the very early morning of the 25th September, was a trying one done by night, mostly over bad roads. On the second night no less than twenty-two miles were covered and the Buffs recorded only one man as falling out. Other battalions had many more--even as many as two hundred.

At 11 a.m. on the day of arrival at Bethune the battalion formed up and Colonel Romer addressed his men. “I am not going to make a speech to you,” he said, “but only to ask you to remember that you are ‘The Buffs.’” The battalion then moved forward towards the fighting line, gradually approaching Vermelles. That very night it had orders for a night attack on Hulluch, which was, however, stopped in order to allow of artillery preparation. The first casualty occurred at this time: 2nd Lieut. Hon. H. E. J. Robinson was so badly hit that he died next day in hospital. The attack being thus postponed, the battalion got into what were the original German second-line trenches and remained there till 11 a.m. on the 26th.

At 10.30 a.m. orders came for the division to attack at 11, and then this unit of the regiment went “over the top” to take its part in a severe action only three weeks after arrival in France and without having gone through the apprenticeship and instruction under fire in the trenches, which was the rule in all cases of fresh troops arriving in the country.

The brigade, in which our battalion was a unit, advanced from the approach-trenches, which had been German and which it was then holding, to the objective, which was the third line of the German fortification running north from a point about a thousand yards east of Hulluch, which place the 1st Division was to attack simultaneously, while on the right the 21st Division had another portion of the enemy’s third line assigned to it.

The 8th Buffs were in the second line, following the 9th East Surrey, who were on the brigade right in touch with the above-named division. On the left of the Surreys were the 8th Royal West Kent, with the 8th Queen’s behind them.

There was a steady and persistent shelling on all these battalions as they advanced, and when our men got down to the depression running south of Hulluch they came under enfilade fire from several guns and machine guns, and the further they advanced up the eastern slope the more severe became the fire. All the battalions of the 72nd Brigade reached the trenches which were their objective. There they found the wire entanglement still quite intact, the wire being abnormally thick and difficult to cut. Endeavours were made to get over or under this obstacle, but to no purpose. Meanwhile the division on the right retired, leaving our people to be heavily enfiladed, with the result that the latter also had to fall back, which they did to some trenches five or six hundred yards to the west and south-west of Hulluch, and there, for four and a half hours, they were heavily bombarded.

When night came on parties were sent out to remove the killed and wounded, but the Germans after dark reoccupied their old trenches along the Hulluch-Lens road and the rescue parties therefore failed to get at the eastern slope of the shallow valley, in which Hulluch lies: the fatal slope on which the greater number of our casualties occurred. Only a dozen or so of the more lightly wounded of the Buffs managed to crawl back after nightfall.

This assault was made in daylight and over open country, and the German third-line trench which was the objective was nearly a mile away.

The men had started in what is termed artillery formation, but the lines, owing to the intensity of the fire encountered, had to be extended almost at once. The advance was carried forward very rapidly, and in half an hour the Buffs had arrived within twenty-five yards of the enemy’s wire.

No gaps could be observed, and for twenty minutes the attempts to cut it were continued without avail.

It was at 11.55 that an order came to withdraw, and from that moment the hostile fire, especially from the left flank, became hotter than ever and, of course, the casualties heavier. The Buffs--what was left of them--were relieved during the night of the 26th/27th and rested in a field close by Sailly la Bourse, remaining till 7 p.m. on the latter date, when they marched to Nœux les Mines and bivouacked in very wet weather.

The casualties in the awful fight briefly described above were tremendous. That gallant old soldier Colonel Romer was early shot in the shoulder, but continued in his place, showing an example to all, till he was killed by a bullet through his heart. What a death for a hero of sixty-four! Though he was not originally a Buff, he was one indeed when he died, and his name will ever be remembered with those of Lathom, Moyse and so many others, from Sir Philip Sidney downwards, who have covered our regiment with glory in all quarters of the globe. With their colonel were killed, or soon after died of wounds, Captains Curtiss, A. M. C. Hollist, W. Howard, J. Kekewich and T. R. M. Shervinton; Lieuts. E. F. Corner, B. H. Pickering, Hon. H. E. J. Robinson and J. R. S. Pensley (R.A.M.C.), together with too many of the gallant men who followed them so well. Lieut. E. T. Smith was also killed in the trenches near Ypres on the 19th October. Altogether, counting killed, wounded and missing, the casualties amounted to the astounding figure of 24 officers and 610 other ranks.

Would any man a few years ago have believed that a time was close at hand when a battalion of the regiment was to suffer more casualties than fell to the lot of the Buffs at Albuera? Only one officer, Lieut. J. Vaughan, came out of the hell untouched, and he was given a right well-earned M.C. for bringing his unit out of action. Four of the men’s names were sent in for distinguished bravery, but were not accepted by the War Office because they were prisoners of war; but the D.C.M.’s recorded later as bestowed on Sergt.-Major Brooker and Pte. Peet were bravely earned upon this day.

The remnants of the battalion were somewhat cheered by being informed, as they were on the morning of the 27th, that their attack drew off sixteen battalions of the enemy who were reinforcing the German line opposite the French, thus considerably helping the latter to capture Souchey and 14,000 prisoners.

The battalion was removed by train to Mollinghem, thence to Houtkerque, and later to Reninghelst. On the 4th October it was inspected by the G.O.C. of the division, who spoke of the way in which the regimental traditions had been maintained.

The usual instruction in trench warfare began on the 5th October, and Major Trueman took over command on the 7th.

On the 18th of this month the battalion passed to the 17th Infantry Brigade and two days afterwards took over the usual trench duty on its own account, and began its long acquaintance with the filthy life such duty meant: a life of danger, stinks, rats, lice, discomfort and misery such as no Englishman had ever conceived it possible that he should one day be called on to endure.

[Illustration: NEIGHBOURHOOD OF LOOS]

IV. 2ND BATTALION

In connection with this great battle of Loos, the 28th Division, with which, it will be remembered, was the 2nd Battalion, had come, as has been seen, from Bailleul and was, on the 27th September, placed at the disposal of the First Army, arriving at Vermelles at 1 p.m.

The following description of the part the battalion played in the struggle would be somewhat difficult to follow without the accompanying sketch of the ground about the Hohenzollern Redoubt and the Dump.

At 2 o’clock A and D Companies, under Major Beevor, were ordered to relieve certain parties just north of Fosse 8, the situation at which point, it may be remembered, was described by the Commander-in-Chief as being “distinctly precarious.”

Finding that the position in question had been abandoned, these companies were ordered by their brigadier, who accompanied them, to establish themselves in the Hohenzollern Redoubt.

Finding that the normal approach to this, that is, the communication trench, was too congested with troops to use, the Buffs quitted it and reached their appointed place across country, being very heavily shelled _en route_. In fact, both Br.-General Pereira and his brigade major, Captain Flower, were wounded, as was Lieut. Cory-Wright, who commanded D Company. On arrival, a platoon of this company charged the enemy vigorously and accounted for a score.

The companies remained in situation all night, during which our bombers had to be very active, while the wounded--and there were very many of different units--were being removed, a matter of great difficulty on account of heavy rain and the distance they had to be carried. During this night the rest of the 85th Brigade came up and B and C Companies took up a position behind A and D.

After a contradictory order or two, an assault on the dump of Fosse 8 was arranged for 9.30 a.m. on the 28th, to be preceded by fifteen minutes’ artillery fire.

The Buffs began at the hour named to file up the trenches, A Company leading, with D just behind.

The congested state of these avenues, due to dead, wounded and troops waiting to be relieved, rendered progress very slow, and many casualties were suffered from shell fire. The place from which one of the companies was to start the attack was still in the hands of the enemy, and all these circumstances prevented the men from getting into their approximate positions till after 10 a.m. The Middlesex Regiment was in support of the Buffs.

When the time came B and C Companies, followed by A, charged across the open and were greeted with the fire from machine guns massed on either flank, also shell and rifle fire. At least eleven machine guns were afterwards counted firing from the Miners’ Cottages and Slag Alley. B and C Companies, every man cheering, gained the edge of the Dump and, clambering up the crumbling slopes of that 30-foot-high mound, gained the summit. On the way Captain W. R. Davis (commanding B Company) was killed and Lieut. S. C. Swayne and 2nd Lieut. M. Selby mortally wounded. Lieut. H. Mantle, 2nd Lieuts. C. H. B. Budd, G. E. Boon, Captain M. M. Brice (commanding C Company) and 2nd Lieut. G. E. A. Steggall were all wounded and the latter taken prisoner.

The Dump was then plastered with shells of all descriptions both from our own guns and those of the enemy and the attack was broken. The companies crossed the large expanse of the Dump summit and attempted to reach the enemy in the trenches at the foot. It was a hopeless task, and those who attempted it were shot or grenaded. The companies re-formed and returned to the original trenches, leaving over one hundred men killed or wounded on the Dump.

The guns ceased fire and the bomb fighting commenced. Making use of all their trenches leading into their old lines, the Germans advanced swiftly under cover of showers of bombs and their machine guns. The enemy effected a gap (see sketch) between the Middlesex and Buffs and from it bombed both ways. Thus the Buffs found themselves to the south-east of the point where the enemy had penetrated and separated from their supporting battalion, the Middlesex, who were to the north-west of the gap. Here the struggle was fought out for a long period chiefly by the use of bombs, which were obtained with difficulty, having to be passed up the shallow trench from troops in rear. Barricades had to be built at certain points to keep the enemy in check.

Slag Alley was almost in complete possession of the Germans when A Company, charging repeatedly and with the greatest vigour, drove them back and accounted for about fifty. At this time 2nd Lieut. F. A. Booth was shot dead while accepting the surrender of a German officer. The enemy’s supply of bombs was so superior to our own that the whole of A Company’s gains could not be retained, but the men built a barricade across Slag Alley to secure the portion they could hold.

The fiercest fighting now took place at the gap in Dump trench. 2nd Lieut. W. T. Williams took charge of the bombers at this point and for 17½ hours kept the enemy in check. The greatest difficulty was experienced in obtaining a sufficient supply of bombs. The enemy’s machine guns and snipers were particularly active and the advanced trenches were very shallow. Lt.-Colonel C. A. Worthington,[14] commanding the battalion, and 2nd Lieut. T. Penington were killed by the same bullet.

The command devolved on the adjutant, Captain J. V. R. Jackson, in the absence of Major M. Beevor. The latter officer had been ordered to remain at Point 35 until the two rear companies of the Middlesex had filed past. As, however, the Germans had established themselves so strongly in the gap, Major Beevor had perforce to remain with the Middlesex. On the death of Colonel Neale of the latter regiment, he conducted operations on the other side of the gap and along South Face. As night fell the rain commenced again and never ceased. Shell and rifle fire slackened, but the bomb throwing was stronger than ever. Our bomb throwers were nearly all killed or wounded, and others were borrowed from neighbouring units. Owing to the rain, the fuses were damp, matches gave out, and the only way to light the fuses was by means of keeping cigarettes alight. The organization of the enemy as regards this weapon was astounding. He threw at least five to our one and of a much more powerful description. During the night every endeavour was made to get in the wounded. Neither rations nor water were obtainable. Attempts were made to dig in, but the mud rendered it a slow and laborious task. Dawn showed no cessation in the bomb throwing. Captain Jackson had sent messages for bombs and assistance: two messengers were killed, and finally an answer came that two companies of the York and Lancs were coming in relief and the Buffs were to make their way to Big Willie. At 8.30 a.m. the relief was just entering the Dump trenches at Point 50 when the supply of bombs gave out altogether while the enemy kept up an incessant shower. The Buffs were forced back to the fork and filed down the advanced trench, whilst their relief filed in, leaped out of the trenches and held the enemy. During this critical period a little ground was lost owing to lack of bombs. Captain Jackson could not emerge from a deep dug-out near the gap from which he was conducting operations, and he was taken prisoner.

The balance of the regiment made its way back by Big Willie trench to near its junction with the South Face. Here Major Beevor took command. The Middlesex was being pressed back, and there being no room between them and the 3rd Royal Fusiliers, the Buffs filed back into the old front-line British trench, where they were able to materially assist the units in front by means of rifle fire. The night was spent in reorganizing and at midnight the battalion left the trenches and marched to Annequin.

Casualties. Officers, killed:--Lt.-Colonel C. A. Worthington, Captain W. R. Davis, 2nd Lieuts. F. A. Booth, T. Penington and N. E. Wood. Died of wounds: Lieut. S. C. Swayne and 2nd Lieut. M. Selby. Wounded: Captain M. M. Brice, Lieuts. G. Cory-Wright, H. Mantle; 2nd Lieuts. G. E. Boon, C. H. B. Budd and W. T. Williams. Taken prisoner: Captain J. V. R. Jackson and 2nd Lieut. G. E. A. Steggall (wounded).

Other ranks: killed, 57; wounded, 168; missing, 133. The majority of the latter are believed to have been killed or wounded on the Dump.

On the 1st October the battalion marched back to billets and began to reorganize after its terrific experience. Drafts from England arrived on the 2nd, 3rd, 9th and 15th of October, and a period of training and instructional parades of all sorts commenced. A turn at trench work, but a very short one, came on the 17th, but on the 21st startling orders arrived: no less than instructions to entrain on the following day for Marseilles for conveyance to the East.

No time was lost. On the 22nd the battalion marched to Fouquereuil, near Bethune, entrained there, arrived at the great port at 1.30 p.m. on Sunday 24th, and at 4 p.m. embarked, complete with transport, animals, vehicles and all, on the troopship _Transylvania_ for conveyance to Egypt. Twenty-seven officers and 907 other ranks reached Alexandria on the 30th and marched to Sidi Bishr Camp.

During the European tour of this battalion, which lasted only nine months, 101 officers and 3,738 men had served in its ranks. Of these, 22 officers and 298 other ranks had been killed; 34 officers and 1,011 other ranks had been wounded; 5 officers and 199 other ranks had been taken prisoners; and 2 officers and 297 other ranks had been missing.

The stay in the land of Egypt was a very short one and was mostly devoted to training and marching. The whole of the 28th Division had moved and were to move again, for, on the 22nd November, came the orders for Salonica, the new base for operations against the Bulgarian forces. Salonica is a Greek port, but the monarch of that country was in secret a friend of the Germans, and the inhabitants proved none too friendly to the French and English forces which were making so free with Salonica.

[Illustration: HOHENZOLLERN REDOUBT AND THE DUMP]

The move of the division was a somewhat slow and gradual business, but at last the infantry got into camp at Lembet, about four and a half miles from the port. The weather was awful: heavy snow and gales of wind, as well as a most persistent fog, which hung about for days and which greatly interfered with reconnaissance. Early in December the authorities were apparently very undecided as to whether to remain at Salonica at all, and at one time all arrangements were made for re-embarkation. The attitude of the Greek officials was one of passive resistance and formal protest, but they were civil enough. Road-making was the first job and a most necessary one, for nothing but tracks were found inland. This work was, however, varied by the building of long defence lines, which were afterwards known as the bird-cage. The Buffs’ section of these lines was near the village of Baldza, and the most important of the works was called Beevor’s Redoubt, in honour of the commanding officer who had succeeded the gallant Worthington.

So ended the most tremendous year in the history of the 2nd Battalion of the Buffs, which had been raised in 1857 by Colonel F. F. Maude, V.C., the father of the great general of whom we shall shortly read.

V. 6TH BATTALION

We left the 6th Battalion at Meteren, near Bailleul, which place it reached early in June, 1915.

On the 12th of that month it moved up to Armentieres to undergo the usual instruction in trench warfare under a more experienced unit, and here occurred the first casualty. The remainder of the summer was passed in trench fighting, and many incidents might be recorded in connection with mining operations and small but boldly executed patrol adventures, particularly one by Corpl. Craven. Mines were sprung by the enemy and the craters occupied, and these had to be reconnoitred to ascertain for what further offensive work they were to be used. It would be impossible, however, without publishing long and somewhat monotonous journals, to describe fully the daily trench work of the several battalions. This important service was done, practically speaking, by half the troops engaged, the other half resting, as it was called, in billets in rear. These billets were mostly leaky barns with many of the tiles off the roofs, furnished with closely packed tiers of beds one above the other, like bunks in a ship’s cabin, each bunk being floored with fine wire-netting. There was not quite such a dearth of munitions by this time, and on the last day of July there was a very heavy and important burst of artillery fire on our part, the battalion being then in the Ploegsteert Wood.

Life was fairly monotonous, however, until the 23rd September, on which day careful instructions were given in the art of the production of heavy smoke, from which it was hoped that an attacking party would be able to emerge unseen. After much conference, detailed instructions were issued on this same day regarding the proposed occupation of the German salient at Le Touquet, and it seemed as if the battalion, and indeed the whole brigade, was to take part in a great battle immediately. The 12th Divisional operation orders received at 9.30 a.m. on the 24th gave colour to this idea, and at 2 p.m. a trench-mortar bombardment of Le Touquet commenced, but the result proved disappointing and, no damage being done to the enemy’s wire, an attack in force proved impracticable. The 26th brought an artillery bombardment on both sides and our people raised a smoke curtain which appeared to be more or less satisfactory, but the following night the whole brigade was relieved by other troops and billeted in Armentieres, and, on the last day of the month, the battalion was in Vermelles relieving the Coldstream Guards, and it then moved into what had been the German line just south of the Hulluch road.

On the 11th October the Germans recovered part of the Hohenzollern Redoubt, an object they had been struggling for for some days, and they made a resolute attack near Loos which was repulsed with enormous loss.

Two days after this operation, orders were issued by the 12th Division for an attack on Hulluch. These orders were very complete and abounded in map references of the most detailed description. They point to a well-organized advance to secure an advanced line and put it in a state of defence.

The 37th Brigade, in which, it will be remembered, the 6th Buffs were serving, was to be strengthened by one company of the Northamptonshire Regiment and the 69th Field Company of the Engineers, was awarded a distinct task and was to join up with the 35th Brigade.

The divisional and attached artillery to cover the whole operation.

The start to be made from the trenches.

Orders were given for creating a smoke screen for about 1,200 yards.

This was to be most intense ten minutes before the start for the assault.

Although the men’s packs were left behind, they had much to carry, as it was intended to occupy what the assault had secured. The artillery was to open fire, and did so, at 12 noon, and at 1 p.m. gas and smoke commenced, the former till 1.50 and the latter till 2 p.m., at which hour the assault was launched.

The 7th East Surrey were ordered to detail a party to carry up tools, sandbags and wire, wherewith to consolidate the position when won. This battalion, together with the Buffs, was to hold what was captured.

The Buffs were, by map reference, given a separate and distinct part of the enemy’s trenches to assail and to make good; one end of their appointed portion was the east end of the Quarries, and the battalion was to join up with the East Surreys on their right and with the 35th Brigade on their left. Prior to the attack all troops were to wear smoke helmets with the fronts raised ready to be adjusted at a moment’s notice.

On these elaborate and clear instructions Colonel Eaton based his battalion orders, giving each company its place of assembly and all detail. The fifth paragraph of these orders reads: “The assault led by A Company will take place immediately the 35th Brigade reaches the line ‘54 to 82.’” Two hundred and fifty bombs were carried by each company.

The account of the actual fighting is necessarily meagre, for it was all over in a very short time, and during the struggle it was very difficult to get any information at headquarters as all the wires were soon broken. In fact, the Headquarter telephone dug-out was blown in before the advance had even commenced. The smoke, so carefully arranged, soon blew off and by 2 o’clock the air was clear again. Exactly at the hour, however, the battalion dashed forward, A, C and D Companies leading, with B a little way in rear in support. The keenness to attack and the precision and order with which the companies went over the top were wonderful to see. But, alas! the enemy’s protecting wire was found to be uncut, and a withering fire was opened from front and both flanks as our men tried to hack their way through with the wire-cutters carried by the leading troops. The greatest gallantry was shown and the attack was renewed again and again by ever-diminishing numbers, but it was of no avail, and of the three leading companies but very few men returned. The enemy’s machine guns were the cause of most of our casualties in this fight, as they so often were in later engagements.

Thirteen officers led the 6th Battalion into its first battle, and of these ten died in their duty, namely, Majors B. E. Furley and A. Soames, D.S.O.; Captains C. E. G. Davidson and H. W. Brodie; Lieuts. J. P. Phillimore and C. W. B. Marsh; 2nd Lieuts. C. G. Jelf, D. Lambert and C. Bainbridge. 2nd Lieut. Birkett was severely wounded. There were no less than four hundred casualties amongst the brave men of Kent who had volunteered so blithely to serve Old England at her need, and among these were the company sergeant-majors of A and C Companies, Burnett and Glover. On the 20th October the G.O.C. Division (Major-General Scott) congratulated the battalion on the gallant work it had done, and three days later the corps commander pointed out that it was because of the glorious effort made that it became possible for the regiments on the right and left to capture the enemy’s trenches. To the end of the month the battalion, very weak in numbers, was mostly employed on fatigue work, such as carrying packs for the R.E.; but in November it saw some fighting in and around the Hohenzollern Redoubt, and it suffered a particularly wet and cold tour in the trenches at Givenchy and Festubert in December, where the water was waist-deep. Colonel Eaton was invalided home in November and replaced by Major H. R. H. Pratt, Northamptonshire Regiment. Eaton departed to the great regret of all and with the enthusiastic cheers of those who recognized his worth. As in the cases of all the other battalions of the regiment, a period of monotony set in in the winter of 1915–16 with the gallant 6th. It was a weary time indeed and took its toll of human life.

VI. 7TH BATTALION

During the earlier portion of their history at the seat of war the experiences of the 7th Battalion were not quite as exciting as were those of their comrades in the others. Unlike the 6th and 8th, there was no violent action to record during the first few months. The story is, in fact, the usual one of trench warfare. The regular instruction in this branch of warfare commenced on the 11th August, 1915, and company by company went up in the firing line at Carnoy from that date until all had had the experience, and, of course, the battalion very soon had trenches of its own to be responsible for. It was, as the 2nd Battalion so often was, so unfortunate at first as to take over from French troops. This is not pleasant, as these have not the same ideas on the subject of sanitation as we have, and they do not bury their dead in a satisfactory manner when the burial is of necessity an informal ceremony. In addition, they were frequently not bullet-proof and very badly loopholed.

On the 1st September a German mine was exploded under the Buffs’ front-line trench, followed by an outburst of fire and a small attack, with the idea of capturing the crater. D Company had 4 killed, 5 wounded and 6 missing that day. The men behaved in the most gallant and satisfactory manner under this their first experience. The position of the line occupied by the 55th Brigade was opposite the village of Fricourt and as far as La Boisselle, and in this sector the enemy seemed to have made something of a speciality of mining, which is a mode of warfare very trying to the nerves of the adversary, as it is not pleasant to live in momentary expectation of being blown up. The brigade kept two battalions always in the line, while the other remained at Dernancourt and Ville sur Ancre; eight days being the average length of each tour of trench duty. The portion occupied by the 7th Buffs was therefore miles away from the other battalions of the regiment at this time. Dernancourt is about three miles south of the town of Albert.

VII. LIFE IN AND BEHIND THE TRENCHES

Viscount French in his last despatch remarks that the exhaustion of men and materials which results after a great battle necessarily leads to a time of comparative inactivity. From August, 1914, till October in the following year the fighting, as we have seen, had been tremendous in France and Flanders, and both the Germans and ourselves had suffered casualties till then unheard of in history. It is not therefore surprising that after the comparatively unsuccessful efforts at Loos and its neighbourhood, warfare on the Western front subsided into dogged defence of the trenches occupied, into a sort of stalemate, as many people believed. It was a wearying and very trying time. The looked-for peace seemed as far off as ever. Each side appeared to be absolutely resolute to hold its own, but no progress towards a settlement could be observed. It is true that there was a good deal of fighting between the enemy and the French south of the British lines, that the Canadians made a raid south-west of Messines on the 18th November, and that another was made by British troops near Neuve Chapelle on the 12th December. It is true also that the artillery on both sides woke now and again to abnormal activity, particularly on the 30th November, and that the Germans fired, it is estimated, three thousand shells on our Ypres positions on the 10th December; but there is no first-class action to report for the remainder of the year 1915, though hundreds of interesting episodes occurred during the latter part of it, which are impossible to record here, and casualties were of daily occurrence.

People in England, both officially and by private arrangement, took care that the horrors of war should be mitigated as far as possible and that every indulgence that could be granted to our fighting men should be theirs. The greatest privilege of all and the most appreciated was a regular system of leave to England: every officer and man took his turn to go home, visit his friends and enjoy the most striking and tremendous change that can come to be the lot of man; change from the awful trenches and daily and hourly peril of life to a smiling, happy welcome in the Old Country; decent, cleanly existence for a few days; the delights of bed, baths, theatres, dinner-parties and other social delights; together perhaps with a little of the old sports and pastimes of a previous existence. Yes, leave to England was a glorious thing to live for and look forward to.

The rationing of the soldier when in France was truly marvellous. Never before had the old soldiers known the like. The food was excellent and more than sufficient and of very considerable variety. Except in cases of real emergency, too, it was punctually delivered. The Army Service Corps brought up the food, tobacco and rum to certain dumps behind the trenches; from these they were carried up by regimental transport to advanced dumps, where the stuff was packed into sandbags, eight complete rations to a bag, and carried by hand to the consumer. Half a gill of rum per man was issued in the presence of an officer two or three times a week and was naturally very much appreciated, and the Quartermaster always had a little reserve of this precious commodity in hand for emergency days.

For troops resting--that is, taking their regular turn behind the lines in billets--all sorts of sports were organized. There were divisional inter-battalion football cups to be competed for. There were long-distance cross-country races arranged and, in fact, all sorts of manly games, as well as dramatic entertainments, “sing-songs,” and even divisional cinemas. During any war the arrival of the English mail is a tremendous event, and on the Western front it was immense. Ships and shiploads of letters and parcels were constantly crossing the narrow seas and bringing loving messages and welcome presents to the fighting men.

Mrs. Hickson, whose husband, Br.-General R. A. Hickson, C.B., commanded the 2nd Battalion in the South African War, had at that time organized a fund to provide soldiers with comforts at the front, and this organization had been a marked success; so that lady, being in 1914 settled in Kent, wrote to the colonels of both the 1st and 2nd Battalions and offered to undertake the very onerous task of doing the same again. Needless to say the proposal was eagerly accepted, and Mrs. Hickson promptly sent round the necessary notices throughout East Kent and elsewhere and commenced the kindly work. The immediate response to the appeal was splendid and help was offered by very many, including Lord Harris, Sir Arthur Paget, the officers of the regiment then in England and the regimental institutes at Dover and Canterbury. Mrs. Hickson, however, had all the real work to do unaided, except by her maid; yet bales of comforts were despatched weekly and work was placed in various organized centres--notably Hawkhurst, Canterbury, Cranbrook, Benenden and Chartham.

Yes, the fighting soldiers were well looked after; but it was soon made clear that the really needy were the unfortunate prisoners of war, and, when this fact was appreciated, a Prisoners of War Fund was promptly added to the one in existence, and this brought comfort and some resignation to many a wretched captive wearing out his heart in longing for the end. This good work was kept up till the Kent Prisoners County Fund was centred at Rochester.

Nor were Mrs. Hickson and her friends the only women to give practical expression to their sympathy: Lady George Hamilton and Mrs. W. D. Johnson soon started a small fund for the prisoners of the 8th Battalion and, indeed, sent many a parcel out themselves. Mrs. Eaton followed suit, taking her husband’s 6th Battalion under her special care; and Viscountess Goschen interested herself in the 5th. The 7th was added to Mrs. Hickson’s task, she being ultimately president of a committee to administer the funds collected by very many friends for the 1st, 2nd and 7th Battalions. Mrs. Geddes worked on this committee, as did the officers of the depot. As a mark of common gratitude it would be decent to publish here the list of contributors, more especially as there appears to be no record of any formal thanks either to subscribers or those who worked so strenuously, but space forbids the publication of the names here. They appeared at intervals in the regimental newspaper.

VIII. SUMMARY

In addition to the continuous fighting in France and Flanders many tremendous and stirring events of world importance took place during the latter portion of 1915, to a few of which it may be advisable to refer briefly.

On the 3rd June a Bill was introduced in Parliament for the formation of a Ministry of Munitions, and after this event our people at war were much better fitted to compete with the enemy in weight and number of projectiles, in the number of aeroplanes, observation balloons and in other important items.

South-West Africa was finally conquered by Botha in July, and a great German offensive against Russia commenced.

There was fierce fighting in Gallipoli early in August and, on the 15th September, Kitchener was able to make the statement that eleven divisions of the new armies had now proceeded to the wars.

On the 28th a British victory was scored at Kut in Mesopotamia.

The 11th October saw Lord Derby’s new scheme of recruiting.

On the 15th of the same month Great Britain and Bulgaria were at war.

On the 11th November Lord Derby warned unmarried men of the likelihood of conscription becoming the law of the land should further recruiting prove unsatisfactory.

The Battle of Ctesiphon, twenty-five miles south-west of Baghdad, was fought on the 22nd. This was another victory for us, but our loss equalled one-third of our force. It resulted in the German Marshal, Von der Goltz, being placed in command in Mesopotamia.

The British retired to Kut on the 25th November, and the same day Salonica was selected as a base for a new theatre of war, some troops and much war material being landed at that port on the 4th December.

On the 5th the siege of Kut began, and on the 8th our troops were obliged to commence the evacuation of the Gallipoli Peninsula.

On the 15th December, 1915, General Sir John French, the Commander-in-Chief of our armies in France and Flanders, resigned his appointment and returned to England to receive the plaudits of his fellow-countrymen and the well-earned promotion to the rank of Viscount. He took over the duties of Commander-in-Chief of the troops at home, and was succeeded abroad by the most illustrious of his glorious lieutenants, Sir Douglas Haig, a man in whom the whole army believed.

The 20th December saw the successful and skilfully arranged evacuation of Anzac and Suvla, the details for which were worked out by an old officer of the Buffs, Major-General Sir A. L. Lynden-Bell. Our Gallipoli army had fought most nobly. Whether the Peninsula ought ever to have been invaded at all or, being invaded, should have been abandoned, is not a question which can be discussed in this place. We all know, however, that the final collapse of the Turks was very greatly due to the preliminary handling they had experienced here before they finally met their masters in Palestine and Mesopotamia.

On the 27th January, 1916, conscription was introduced in England, and with the exception of brave lads who between the 4th August, 1914, and this date had sufficiently grown to be capable of bearing arms, and of other young men who, still in England, had had no opportunity yet of reaching a seat of war, the future drafts were to be composed of men who originally shirked the bloody work their brothers were engaged in and who now had no longer any option in the matter.

Roughly, very roughly, speaking, the bronze star marks the volunteer. Anyhow, a man with that decoration must have been one, though it does not follow that a soldier without it was necessarily a conscript. It is not fair to hint, nor is it a fact that the pressed man proved inferior in fighting value to the volunteer, notwithstanding the old proverb anent the matter, but the possession of the star carries with it and must carry in the minds of all, the admiration due to the civilian who, being untrained to the fighting trade, offered to face all dangers and a dreadful life, or probably painful death, for the safety and honour of Old England, as well as to the regular or Territorial soldier who was always prepared to do so when called upon.