Part 13

+Quot[127] hauelok, “hwan þat ye it wite. 2808 [Sidenote: Havelok says they must pass judgment on Godrich.] Nu wile ich þat ye doun site, And after godrich haues wrouht, Þat haues in sorwe him-self brouth, Lokes þat ye deme{n} him rith, 2812 For dom ne spared[128] clerk ne knith, And siþen shal ich under-stonde Of you, after lawe of londe, Manrede, and holde oþes boþe, 2816 Yif ye it wilen, and ek rothe.” Anon þer dune he hem sette, For non þe dom ne durste lette, [Sidenote: They say he is to be bound on an ass’s back, taken to Lincoln, bound to a stake, and burnt.] And demden him to binde{n} faste 2820 Vp-on an asse swiþe un-wraste, Andelong, nouht ouer-þwert, His nose went unto þe stert; And so to lincolne lede, 2824 Shamelike in wicke wede, And hwan he cam un-to þe borw, Shamelike ben led þer-þoru, Bisouþe þe borw, un-to a grene, 2828 Þat þare is yet, als[o] y wene, And þere be bunde{n} til a stake, Aboute{n} him ful gret fir make, And al to dust be brend Rith þere; 2832 And yet demde{n} he þer more, Oþer swikes for to warne, Þat hise childre{n} sulde þarne Euere more þat eritage, 2836 Þat his was, for hise utrage.

[Footnote 127: MS. Guot. Cf. l. 1954.]

[Footnote 128: _Qu._ spares.]

+Hwan þe dom was demd and seyd, [Sidenote: So he is laid on the ass, and burnt.] Sket was þe swike on þe asse leyd, And [led vn-]til[129] þat ilke grene, 2840 [Sidenote: [Fol. 218b, col. 2.]] And brend til asken al bidene. Þo was Goldeboru ful bliþe, She þa{n}ked god fele syþe, Þat þe fule swike was brend, 2844 Þat wende wel hire bodi haue shend, [Sidenote: Goldborough rejoices.] And seyde, “nu is time to take Manrede of brune and of blake, Þat ich se ride[{n}] and go: 2848 Nu ich am wreke[{n}][130] of mi fo.”

[Footnote 129: MS. “And him til,” which is nonsense. See l. 2827.]

[Footnote 130: See l. 2992.]

[Sidenote: Havelok makes the English swear fealty.] +Hauelok anon ma{n}rede tok Of alle englishe, on þe bok, And dide hem grete oþes swere, 2852 Þat he sholde{n} him god feyth bere Ageyn alle þat wore{n} liues, And þat sholde ben born of wiues.

[Headnote: THE EARL OF CHESTER MARRIES GUNILD.]

+Þa{n}ne he hauede[131] sikernesse 2856 Taken of more and of lesse, Al at hise wille, so dide he calle [Sidenote: He proposes that Earl Reyner of Chester shall marry Gunild, Grim’s daughter; and he will then always be his friend.] Þe erl of cestre, and hise men alle, Þat was yung knith wit-ute{n} wif, 2860 And seyde, “sire erl, bi mi lif, And þou wile mi {con}seyl tro, Ful wel shal ich with þe do, For ich shal yeue þe to wiue 2864 Þe fairest þing that is oliue.

[Headnote: HAVELOK REMEMBERS BERTRAM’S KINDNESS.]

Þat is gu{n}nild of grimesby, Grimes douther, bi seint dauy! Þat me forth broute, and wel fedde, 2868 And ut of denemark with me fledde, Me for to burwe fro mi ded: Sikerlike, þoru his red Haue ich liued in-to þis day, 2872 Blissed worþe his soule ay! I rede þat þu hire take, And spuse, and curteyse make, For she is fayr, and she is fre, 2876 And al so hende so she may be. Þertekene she is wel with me, Þat shal ich ful wel shewe þe, For ich giue þe a giue, 2880 Þat euere more hwil ich liue, For hire shal-tu be with me dere, Þat wile ich þat þis folc al here.” Þe erl ne wolde nouth ageyn 2884 Þe king[e] be, for knith ne sweyn, [Sidenote: [Fol. 219, col. 1.]] Ne of þe spusing seyen nay, But spusede [hire] þat ilke day. Þat spusinge was god time maked, 2888 [Sidenote: They are married, and have five sons.] For it ne were neuere clad ne naked, In a þede samened two Þat cam to-gidere, liuede so, So þey dide[{n}] al here liue: 2892 He geten same{n} sones fiue, Þat were þe beste me{n} at nede, Þat mouthe ride{n} on ani stede. Hwan gu{n}nild was to cestre brouth, 2896 [Sidenote: Havelok remembers Bertram, the earl’s cook, and makes him Earl of Cornwall.] Hauelok þe gode ne for-gat nouth Bertra{m}, þat was the erles kok, Þat he ne dide calle{n} ok, And seyde, “frend, so god me rede! 2900 Nu shaltu haue riche mede,

[Headnote: BERTRAM MARRIES GRIM’S SECOND DAUGHTER.]

For wissing, and þi gode dede, Þat tu me dides in ful gret nede. For þa{n}ne y yede in mi cuuel, 2904 And ich ne haue[de] bred, ne sowel, Ne y ne hauede no catel, Þou feddes and claddes me ful wel. Haue nu for-þi of cornwayle 2908 Þe erldom ildel, with-uten fayle, And al þe lond þat godrich held, Boþe in towne, and ek in feld; And þerto wile ich, þat þu spuse, 2912 And fayre bring hire un-til huse, [Sidenote: He is to marry Levive, Grim’s daughter, who is as fair as a rose.] Grimes douther, leuiue þe hende, For þider shal she with þe wende. Hire semes curteys forto be, 2916 For she is fayr so flour on tre; Þe heu is swilk in hire ler So [is] þe rose in roser, Hwan it is fayr sprad ut newe 2920 Ageyn þe su{n}ne, brith and lewe.” And girde him sone with þe swerd Of þe erldom, bi-forn his ferd, And with his hond he made hi{m} knith, 2924 And yaf him armes, for þat was rith, [Sidenote: They are married.] And dide him þere sone wedde Hire þat was ful swete in bedde.

[Footnote 131: MS. hauede{n}.]

[Sidenote: Havelok and Goldborough lived 100 years, and had many children.] +After þat he spused wore, 2928 Wolde þe erl nouth dwelle þore, But sone na{m} until his lond, [Sidenote: [Fol. 219, col. 2.]] And seysed it al in his hond, And liuede þer-i{n}ne, he and his wif, 2932 An hundred winter in god lif,[132] And gaten mani childre{n} samen, And liueden ay in blisse and game{n}. Hwa{n} þe maydens were spused boþe, 2936 Hauelok anon bigan ful rathe [Sidenote: The Danes are enriched.] His denshe men to feste wel Wit riche landes and catel, So þat he weren alle riche: 2940 For he was large and nouth chinche.

[Footnote 132: Between this line and the next are inserted in the MS. the words: _For he saw þat he_, which have been subsequently struck out by the same hand, and the word _vacat_ affixed.]

[Headnote: HAVELOK IS CROWNED KING OF ENGLAND.]

+Þer-after sone, with his here, [Sidenote: Havelok is crowned at London.] For he to lundone, forto bere Corune, so þat [alle] it sawe, 2944 Henglishe ant denshe, heye and lowe, Hwou he it bar with mikel pride, For his barnage þat was un-ride.

[Sidenote: The feast lasts 40 days.] +Þe feste of his coruni[{n}]g[133] 2948 Laste[de] with gret ioying Fourti dawes, and sumdel mo; Þo bigu{n}nen þe denshe to go Vn-to þe king, to aske leue, 2952 And he ne wolde hem nouth g{re}ue, [Sidenote: The Danes return home.] For he saw þat he woren yare In-to denemark for to fare, But gaf hem leue sone anon, 2956 And bitauhte hem seint Johan; [Sidenote: Ubbe is to rule Denmark.] And bad ubbe, his iustise, Þat he sholde on ilke wise Denemark yeme and gete so, 2960 Þat no pleynte come him to.

[Footnote 133: MS. corunig.]

[Sidenote: Havelok remained in England for sixty years.] +Hwan he wore parted alle samen, Hauelok bi-lefte wit ioie and game{n} In engelond, and was þer-i{n}ne 2964 Sixti winter king with winne, And Goldeboru quen, þat I wene: So mikel loue was hem bitwene, Þat al þe werd spak of hem two: 2968 He louede hire, and she him so, [Sidenote: He and Goldborough were never apart.] Þat neyþer oþe[r] mithe be For[134] oþer, ne no ioie se, But yf he were to-gidere[135] boþe; 2972 Neuere yete ne were{n} he wroþe, For here loue was ay newe, [Sidenote: [Fol. 219b, col. 1.]] Neuere yete wordes ne grewe Bitwene hem, hwar-of ne lathe 2976 Mithe rise, ne no wrathe.

[Footnote 134: _Qu._ Fro.]

[Footnote 135: MS. togidede.]

[Headnote: SUCH IS THE “GESTE” OF HAVELOK.]

[Sidenote: They had 15 children, all kings and queens.] +He geten childre{n} hem bi-twene Sones and douthres rith fiuetene, Hwar-of þe sones were kinges alle, 2980 So wolde god it sholde bifalle; And þe douhtres alle q{ue}nes: Him sto{n}des wel þat god child strenes. [Sidenote: Such is the _geste_ of Havelok and Goldborough.] Nu haue ye herd þe gest al þoru 2984 Of hauelok and of goldeborw. Hw he were{n} born, and hw fedde, And hwou he wore{n} with wro{n}ge ledde In here youþe, with trecherie, 2988 With tresoun, and with felounye, And hwou þe swikes hauede{n} thit Reuen hem þat was here rith, And hwou he were{n} wreken wel, 2992 Haue ich sey you eu{er}ildel;

[Headnote: SAY A PATERNOSTER FOR THE AUTHOR.]

And forþi ich wolde biseken you, Þat haue{n} herd þe rim[e] nu, [Sidenote: Each of you say a _pater-noster_ for the author.] Þat ilke of you, with gode wille, 2996 Seye a pat{er}-nost{er} stille, For him þat haueth þe rym[e] maked, And þer-fore fele nihtes waked; Þat ih{es}u c{ri}st his soule bringe 3000 Bi-forn his fader at his endinge.

+Amen.+

NOTES.

[The following notes are abridged from the notes in Sir F. Madden’s excellent edition, the abridgement being effected almost entirely by occasional omissions, and with but very slight unimportant changes of a few words, chiefly in the case of references to later editions of various works than were existing in 1828. I have added one or two short notes upon difficult constructions, but these are distinguished by being enclosed within square brackets. --W. W. S.]

9.

_He was the wicteste man at nede That thurte riden on ani stede._

This appears to have been a favourite expression of the poet, and to have comprehended, in his idea, the perfection of those qualifications required in a knight and hero. He repeats it, with some slight variation, no less than five times, viz. in ll. 25, 87, 345, 1757, and 1970. The lines, however, are by no means original, but the common property of all our early poetical writers. We find them in Laȝamon:

þis wes þe feiruste mon þe æuere æhte ær þusne kinedom, þa he mihte beren wepnen, & his hors wel awilden.

_Laȝamon_, vol. i. p. 174.

So also in the Romance of _Guy of Warwick_:

He was the best knight at neede That euer bestrode any stede.

Coll. Garrick, K. 9. sign. Ll. ii.

Again, in the _Continuation of Sir Gy_, in the Auchinleck MS., (ed. for the Abbotsford Club, 1840, 4to; p. 266),

The best bodi he was at nede That ever might bistriden stede, And freest founde in fight.

And again, in the _Chronicle of England_, published by Ritson from a copy in the British Museum, MS. Reg. 12. C. XII.

After him his sone Arthur Hevede this lond thourh and thourh. He was the beste kyng at nede That ever mihte ride on stede, Other wepne welde, other folk out-lede, Of mon he hede he never drede. --l. 261.

The very close resemblance of these lines to those in Havelok, ll. 87-90, would induce a belief that the writer of the _Chronicle_ had certainly read, and perhaps copied from, the Romance. The MS. followed by Ritson was undoubtedly written soon after the death of Piers Gaveston, in 1313, with the mention of which event it concludes; but in the Auchinleck copy it is continued, by a later hand, to the minority of Edward III. It only remains to be observed, that the poem in MS. Reg. 12. C. XII. is written by the same identical hand as the MS. Harl. 2253 (containing _Kyng Horn_, &c.), whence some additional light is thrown on the real age of the latter, respecting which our antiquaries so long differed.

[15. “And I will drink ere I tell my tale.” _Her_ = ere.

19. _And wite, &c._, i.e. And ordain that it may be so; cf. ll. 517, 1316. Both metre and grammar require the final _e_.]

31. _Erl and barun, _dreng_ and kayn._ The appellation of _Dreng_, and, in the plural, _Drenges_, which repeatedly occurs in the course of this poem, is uniformly bestowed on a class of men who hold a situation between the rank of _Baron_ and _Thayn_. We meet with the term more than once in Doomsday Book, as, for instance, in Tit. Cestresc: “Hujus manerii [Neuton] aliam terram xv. hom. quos _Drenches_ vocabant, pro xv. maneriis tenebant.” And in a Charter of that period we read: “Alger Prior, et totus Conventus Ecclesiæ S. Cuthberti, Edwino, et omnibus Teignis et _Drengis_, &c.” Hence Spelman infers, that the Drengs were military vassals, and held land by knight’s service, which was called _Drengagium_. This is confirmed by a document from the Chartulary of Welbeck, printed in Dugdale, _Mon. Angl._ V. II. p. 598, and in Blount, _Jocular Tenures_, p. 177, where it is stated, “In eadem villa [Cukeney, co. Nottingh.] manebat quidam homo qui vocabatur Gamelbere, et fuit vetus _Dreyinghe_ ante Conquestum.” It appears from the same document, that this person held two carucates of land of the King _in capite_, and was bound to perform military service for the same, whenever the army went into Wales. In the Epistle also from the Monks of Canterbury to Henry II. printed by Somner, in his Treatise on Gavelkind, p. 123, we find: “Quia vero non erant adhuc tempore Regis Willelmi Milites in Anglia, sed _Threnges_, præcepit Rex, ut de eis Milites fierent, ad terram defendendam.” In Laȝamon’s translation of Wace the term is frequently used in the acceptation of thayn, and spelt either _dringches_, _drenches_, _dranches_, or _dringes_. [Cf. Sw. _dräng_, a man, servant; Dan. _dreng_, a boy.] In the Isl. and Su. Goth. _Dreng_ originally signified _vir fortis_, _miles strenuus_, and hence Olaf, King of Norway, received the epithet of _Goddreng_. See Wormii Lex. Run. p. 26. Ihre, Vet. Cat. Reg. p. 109. Langebek, Script. Rer. Danic. V. I. p. 156. The term subsequently was applied to persons in a servile condition, and is so instanced by Spelman, as used in Denmark. In this latter sense it may be found in Hickes, Diction. Isl., and in Sir David Lyndsay’s Poems,

Quhilk is not ordanit for _dringis_ But for Duikis, Empriouris, and Kingis.

V. Pinkerton’s Scotish Poems Reprinted, ii. 97.

V. Jamieson, Dict. _in voce_.

45.

_In that time a man that bore (Wel fyfty pund, y woth, or more.)_

This insertion receives additional authority from a similar passage in the Romance of _Guy of Warwick_, where it is mentioned as a proof of the rigorous system of justice pursued by Earl Sigard,

Though a man bore an hundred pound, Upon him of gold so round, There n’as man in all this land That durst him do shame no schonde.

Ellis, _Metr. Rom._ V. II. p. 9. Ed. 1811.

Many of the traits here attributed to Athelwold appear to be borrowed from the praises so universally bestowed by our ancient historians on the character of King Alfred, in whose time, as Otterbourne writes, p. 52, “armillas aureas in bivio stratas vel suspensas, nemo abripere est ausus.” Cf. _Annal. Eccl. Roffens._ MS. Cott. Nero, D. II. The same anecdote is related of Rollo, Duke of Normandy, by Guillaume de Jumieges, and Dudon de Saint Quentin.

91. _Sprong forth so sparke of glede._ Cf. l. 870. It is a very common metaphor in early English poetry.

He sprong forð an stede, swa sparc ded of fure,

_Laȝamon_ v. ii. p. 565.

He sprange als any sparke one glede.

_Sir Isumbras_, st. 39 (Camd. Soc. 1844)

He spronge as sparkle doth of glede,

_K. of Tars_, l. 194.

And lepte out of the arsoun, As sperk thogh out of glede.

_Ly Beaus Desconus_, l. 623.

Cf. Chaucer, Cant. Tales, l. 13833, and Tyrwhitt’s note.

110. _Of his bodi_, &c. Compare the French text, l. 208.

Mes entre eus n’eurent enfant Mes qe vne fille bele; Argentille out non la pucele. Rois Ekenbright fut enfermez, Et de grant mal forment greuez; Bien siet n’en poet garrir.

[Here _Argentille_ is _Goldborough_, and _Ekenbright_ answers to _Athelwold_. This quotation, and others below, shewing the passages of the French text which most nearly resemble the English poem, are from a MS. in the Herald’s College, marked E. D. N. No. 14. See the Preface.]

[118. _Wat shal me to rede_, lit. what shall be for a counsel to me. See _Rede_ in the Glossary to _William of Palerne_.

130. _And don hem of þar hire were queme_, lit. and do them off where it should be agreeable to her; i.e. and keep men at a distance as she pleased. Such seems to me the meaning of this hitherto unexplained line.

132. For _me_ we ought probably to read _hit_.]

136. _He sende_ writes _sone onon._ We must here, and in l. 2275, simply understand _letters_, without any reference to the official summonses of parliament, which subsequently were so termed, κατ’ εξοχην. The word _briefs_ is used in the same sense by the old French writers, and in Laȝamon we meet with some lines nearly corresponding with the present; see ll. 6669-6678.

[175. _þa_. Frequently written for _þat_. See _William of Palerne_.]

189-203. _Ther-on he garte_, &c. Compare the French Romance, ll. 215-228.

Sa fille li ad comandée, Et sa terre tote liuerée. Primerement li fet iurer, Veiant sa gent & affier, Qe leaument la nurrireit, Et sa terre lui gardereit, Tant q’ele fust de tiel age Qe suffrir porroit mariage. Quant la pucele seit granz, Par le consail de ses tenanz, Au plus fort home la dorroit Qe el reaume troueroit; Qu’il li baillast ses citez, Ses chasteus & ses fermetez.

263.

_Justises dede he maken newe, Al Engelond to faren thorw._

The earliest instance produced by Dugdale of the Justices Itinerant, is in 23 Hen. II. 1176, when by the advice of the Council held at Northampton, the realm was divided into six parts, and into each were sent three Justices. _Orig. Judic._ p. 51. This is stated on the authority of Hoveden. Dugdale admits however the custom to have been older, and in Gervasius Dorobernensis, we find, in 1170, certain persons, called _inquisitores_, appointed to perambulate England. Gervase of Tilbury, or whoever was the author of the _Dialogus de Scaccario_, calls them _deambulantes, vel perlustrantes judices_. See Spelman, _in voc_. The office continued to the time of Edward III., when it was superseded by that of the Justices of Assize.

280. _The kinges douther_, &c. Comp. the Fr. l. 283.

Argentille, La meschine qu’ert sa fille, Que ia estoit creue & grant, Et bien poeit auoir enfant.

[338. _Sawe_, put for “Say we.” Cf. _biddi_ for “bidde i,” l. 484; _hauedet_ for “hauede it,” 714; &c.

365. _His quiste_, &c. “His bequest made, and (things) distributed for him.”]

433.

_Crist warie him with his mouth! Waried wrthe he of north and suth!_

So, in the Romance of Merlin, Bishop Brice curses the enemies of Arthur,

Ac, for he is king, and king’s son, Y curse alle, and y dom His enemies with Christes mouth, By East, by West, by North, and South!

Ellis, _Metr. Rom._ V. I. p. 260.

[506. For _nouth_ we must read _mouth_ or _wolde_. The sense is-- “He thought that he would he were dead, except that he might not (_or_ would not) slay him with his (own) hand.”

550. The sense is-- “When he had done that deed (i.e. gagged the child), _then_ the deceiver had commanded him,” &c.

560. _with_ may mean _knowest_, but this hardly gives sense. Perhaps we should read _wilt_, i.e. “As thou wilt have (preserve) my life.”

567. Mr Morris suggests that the riming words are _adoun_ and _croune_. We might then read--

“And caste þe knaue so harde adoun, þat he crakede þer hise croune.”]

591. _Of hise mouth_, &c. Comp. the Fr. l. 71. sq.

Totes les houres q’il dormoit, Vne flambe de lui issoit. Par la bouche li venoit fors, Si grant chalur auoit el cors. La flambe rendoit tiel odour, Onc ne sentit nul home meillour.

676. _And with thi chartre make (me) fre._ Instances of the manumission of villains or slaves by charter may be found in Hickes, _Diss. Epistol._ p. 12, Lye’s Dict. _ad calc._, and Madox’s _Formulare Anglicanum_, p. 750. The practice was common in the Saxon times, and existed so late as the reign of Henry VIII.

[694. _Wite he him onliue_, if he knows him (to be) alive.

701. It is evident that the words _and gate_ = and goats, must be supplied. For the spelling _gate_, cf. _Pricke of Conscience_, ed. Morris, l. 6134, where _gayte_ is used collectively as a plural.]

706. _Hise ship_, &c. Comp. the Fr. l. 89.

Grim fet niefs apparailler, Et de viande bien charger.

715-720. _Hauelok the yunge_, &c. Comp. the Fr. ll. 97-105.

Quant sa nief fut apparaillée, Dedenz fist entrer sa meisnée, Ses cheualers & ses serganz, Sa femme demeine & ses enfanz: La reyne mist el batel, Haueloc tint souz son mantel. Il meismes apres entra, A Dieu del ciel se comanda, Del hauene sont desancré, Car il eurent bon orré.

Instead of the storm, in the French text Grim’s ship is attacked by pirates, who kill the whole of the crew, with the exception of himself and family, whom they spare on the score of his being an old acquaintance.

733-749. _In Humber_, &c. So in the Fr. _Ceo fut el north_, &c. Cf. ll. 122-135.

Tant out nagé & tant siglé, Q’en vne hauene out parvenu, Et de la nief a terre issu. Ceo fut el North, a Grimesbi; A icel tens qe ieo vus di, Ni out onques home habité, Ne cele hauene n’ert pas haunté. Il i adresca primes maison, De lui ad Grimesbi a non. Quant Grim primes i ariua, En .ii. moitez sa nief trencha, Les chiefs en ad amont drescé, Iloec dedenz s’est herbergé. Pescher aloit sicome il soloit, Siel vendoit & achatoit.

753.

_He took the sturgiun and the qual, And the turbut, and lax withal, He tok the sele, and the hwel_, &c.

The list of fish here enumerated may be increased from l. 896, and presents us with a sufficiently accurate notion of the different species eaten in the 13th century. Each of the names will be considered separately in the Glossary, and it is only intended here to make a few remarks on those, which in the present day appear rather strangely to have found a place on the tables of our ancestors. The sturgeon is well known to have been esteemed a dainty, both in England and France, and specially appropriated to the King’s service, but that the whale, the seal, and the porpoise should have been rendered palatable, excites our astonishment. Yet that the whale was caught for that purpose, appears not only from the present passage, but also from the Fabliau intitled _Bataille de Charnage et de Caresme_, written probably about the same period, and printed by Barbazan. It is confirmed, as we learn from Le Grand, by the French writers; and even Rabelais, near three centuries later, enumerates the whale among the dishes eaten by the Gastrolatres. In the list of fish also published by Le Grand from a MS. of the 13th century, and which corresponds remarkably with the names in the Romance, we meet with the _Baleigne_. See _Vie Privée des François_, T. II. sect. 8.