Part 11

[626] Sumatra, a name probably of Sanskrit origin, is first mentioned with that spelling by Varthema, but it had been visited previously by Marco Polo (who calls it Java the less); and probably by Nicolò de Conti, who calls it Sciumathera, and before him by the Arabian traveler Ibn Batûta (ca., 1330), who calls its capital Shumatrah or Sumatrah. Taprobane was the ancient name of Ceylon, not Sumatra. It is the most western of all the East India Archipelago, and next to Borneo and New Guinea the largest island proper, being about 1,000 miles long and having an area of about 128,560 square miles. The ancestral home of the Malay race was in the interior of Sumatra, in the region of Menangkaba, whence they colonized the coasts of Sumatra and spread to outlying islands. A number of tongues akin to the Malay and many dialects are spoken in the island. Neither the English nor the Dutch obtained any real foothold in the island until after 1816, since when the latter have entered upon a system of conquest. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, Varthema’s Travels (Hakluyt Society edition); Cust’s Modern Languages; and Lucas’s Historical Geography British Colonies, i, pp. 98, 99, 101.

[627] Eden (p. 261) reads: “Fearyng leaſt if they ſhuld ſayle toward the firm land, they myght bee ſeene of the portugales who are of great power in Malaccha.”

[628] Pegu (with a capital of the same name) formerly wielded great influence in the East, but was eclipsed by the kingdoms surrounding it. Together with Bengal or Bengala and Orissa (Uriza), it forms a portion of British India. Bengal was incorporated with the Ghôrî or Patan empire of Hindustân toward the end of the twelfth century, and was formed into a separate province under the second emperor. It became an independent kingdom at least by 1340, continuing as an independent state until conquered by Akbar in 1573. Chelin is probably Coulam or Quilon in Malabar, once an important center of trade, but an insignificant place by the middle of the seventeenth century. Narsinga or Bijayanagar, now a ruined city, was formerly the capital of the ancient Brahminical kingdom of the Carnatic, which before the conquests of the Mahometans extended over the greater part of the peninsula between the Malabar and Coromandel coasts. Calicut, Cambay, Cananore, Goa, and Ormus (Armus) were all important centers of trade before and during Portuguese occupation in the East. MS. 5,650 reads: “Gon” and “Armux.” See Varthema’s Travels (Hakluyt Society edition), and Mosto (p. 111, notes 3–11).

[629] In MS. 5,650 “Irauai,” “Poleni,” and “Poleai.” Stanley gives the first as “Franas.” The names of the castes as given by Varthema (Travels, pp. 141, 142) are as follows: “Brahmins (or priestly class), Naeri (or military class), Tiva (or artisans), Mechua (or fishermen), Poliar (who collect pepper, wine, and nuts), and Hirava (who sow and reap rice). There are only four main castes, viz.: the Brahman or Sacerdotal, which sprang from the mouth of Brahma; the warrior, styled Kshatriya, Ksettri, or Chuttree, and formerly the Rajputs, who sprang from the arms of Brahma; Vaisya or husbandmen class, who form the industrial class, and who sprang from the belly and thighs of Brahma; and the Sudra or servile class, who sprang from the feet of Brahma, and have no part in the sacred law. Each caste is further subdivided within its own ranks, and specific laws govern each branch. Under British rule and the influence of western civilization the rigidity of caste is gradually being relaxed. Pigafetta does not mention the priestly caste and confuses the various other divisions. For early descriptions of caste, see Barbosa’s East African and Malabar Coasts (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 121–144; Linschoten’s Voyage (Hakluyt Society edition), i, pp. 278–284 (very defective and inadequate); Gray and Bell’s Voyage of François Pyrard de Laval (Hakluyt Society edition), ii, pp. 114, 115, 371–420; and Ball’s Travels in India by Jean Baptiste Tavernier (London and New York), ii, pp. 181–189.

[630] MS. 5,650 reads: “and never enter any city.”

[631] Malayâlam for “go.” Linschoten (i, p. 281), and Pyrard de Laval (i, pp. 383, 384), make the Nairs give this warning cry instead of the lowest caste, in order that the latter may keep out of their path. Varthema and Barbosa agree with Pigafetta. The Brahmans also call out for the same reason (Linschoten, i, p. 281, note 1).

[632] Eden says (p. 261): “ſeuen weekes.”

[633] Albo (Navarrete, iv) says under date of February 13, 1522, that the course was laid west southwest toward the Cape of Good Hope.

[634] MS. 5,650 reads: “one thousand and sixty.”

[635] The Portuguese occupation of Mozambique dates from 1498, when Vasco da Gama landed at the mouth of the Zambesi. A number of settlements were founded there in the first decade of the sixteenth century. Its present boundaries were fixed by agreement with Great Britain in 1891 and with Germany in 1886 and 1890. It has an area of 310,000 square miles, and has great vegetable and mineral wealth. Slavery was abolished in the colony in 1878. It is governed by a governor-general sent out by Portugal. John Pory in his preliminary translations prefixed to his translation of the history of the converted Moor Leo Africanus (Hakluyt Society edition, London, 1896) says (i, p. 58) that the kingdom of Mozambique was “so called of three small islets, situate in the mouth of the river Meghincate in fowerteene and a halfe or fifteene degrees of southerly latitude, which kingdome in ancient time by Ptolemy was called Promontorium Prassum.” Continuing he says that notwithstanding its unhealthful site, the chief of the three islands, where there was a secure port and where the Portuguese built a strong fort, became the most frequented Portuguese station on the way to the East Indies, and ships often wintered there. This must have been the settlement mentioned by Pigafetta. See also Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama (Hakluyt Society reprint, London, 1879), pp. 80–97.

[636] MS. 5,650 adds: “and stank.”

[637] On March 14, the crew of the “Victoria” worked at repairs on the ship until noon, and then set sail again. On the eighteenth they saw a lofty island (Amsterdam Island), which they tried in vain to make, and were compelled to lie to for further repairs. April 16, the course was altered to the north. Land was sighted on May 8, and on the following day they anchored on the rough coast. On the sixteenth the ship was further disabled by the loss of a mast. After many struggles they were finally clear of the cape on May 22, and directed their general course northward. See Albo’s log (Navarrete, iv), and Guillemard’s Magellan. Considering Albo’s date as correct, Pigafetta is in error by almost half a month in his date for the doubling of the cape.

[638] Herrera takes pains to mention this phenomenon (Mosto, p. 111, note 15). The official list shows a record of fifteen deaths of Europeans on the high sea and the desertion of two others. The ship left Tidore with forty-seven Europeans and arrived at the Cape Verde Islands with thirty-one, a number that tallies if Pigafetta does not include himself in the forty-seven who left Tidore. Consequently six of the natives taken had died during the voyage. (Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 291, note).

[639] Eden adds: (p. 261): “that is, ſaynte Iames Ilande, parteyning to the kyng of Portugale.” This is the island of Santiago, the largest and most southernmost of the Cape Verde Islands. Albo says (Navarrete, iv, p. 241): “On the ninth of the said month [i.e., July], I did not take the sun. We anchored in the port of Grande River, where we were given a hospitable reception, and as many provisions as we wished. That day was Wednesday, but they [i.e., the Portuguese] maintained that it was Thursday. Consequently, I believe that we were mistaken by one day. We stayed there until Sunday night, and then set sail for fear of the bad weather and the crossing of the port. In the morning we sent the ship’s boat ashore for more rice, of which we had need, while we sailed about on various tacks until its return.”

[640] This clause is lacking in MS. 5,650.

[641] These four words are omitted in MS. 5,650.

[642] MS. 5,650 reads: “and that we did not dare to go to Spain.”

[643] Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 241) further recounts events at the island of Santiago as follows: “On Monday, the fourteenth, we sent the ship’s boat ashore for more rice. It returned next day, and went back for another load. We waited until night, but it did not return. Then we waited until next day, but it never returned. Then we went nearer the port to discover the reason of the delay, whereupon a vessel came out and demanded our surrender, saying that they would send us with the ship that was coming from the Indias, and that they would place their men in our ship, for thus had their officials ordered. We requested them to send us our men and ship’s boat. They replied that they would bear our request to their officials. We answered that we would take another tack and wait. Accordingly we tacked about and set all our sails full, and left with twenty-two men, both sick and well. That happened on Tuesday, the fifteenth of the month of July.” See also Transylvanus’s account, VOL. I, pp. 336, 337. The names of the men detained at this island are given as follows by Navarrete (Col. de viages, iv, p. 94):

Martin Mendez ship’s accountant Pedro Tolosa steward Ricarte de Normandia carpenter Raldan de Argote gunner Master Pedro Juan Martin sobresaliente Simon de Burgos sobresaliente Felipe de Rodas sailor Gomez Hernandez sailor Socacio Alonso sailor Pedro Chindurza common seaman Vasquito Gallego boy

Cf. the corrected list given by Guillemard (Magellan, p. 338, and note 5) who mentions thirteen men (the number given by Pigafetta). These men were shortly released and sent to Seville (Guillemard, ut supra, p. 337).

[644] Eden says (p. 262) that it was the seventh. Albo (Navarrete, iv, pp. 246, 247), says that Cape St. Vincent was sighted on September 4, 1522.

[645] The official death list records two desertions, which must have been the ones mentioned by Pigafetta. Gomara mentions a mutiny at Timur: “There was a mutiny and conflict, in which a considerable number of the crew were killed.” Oviedo says also: “Some were beheaded in the island of Timor for their crimes.” Guillemard conjectures that both accounts are borrowed from this passage in Pigafetta (Guillemard, p. 291, note). The survivors of the “Victoria” who reached Spain, as given by Navarrete (Col. de viages, iv, p. 96) from a document conserved at Archivo general de Indias, were as follows:

Juan Sebastian de Elcano captain Francisco Albo pilot Miguel Rodas master Juan de Acurio boatswain Martin de Yudicibus merino Hernando de Bustamente barber Aires gunner Diego Gallego sailor Nicolao de Nápoles sailor Miguel Sanchez de Rodas sailor Francisco Rodriguez sailor Juan Rodriguez de Huelva sailor Anton Hernandez Colmenero sailor Juan de Arratia common seaman Juan de Santander common seaman Vasco Gomez Gallego common seaman Juan de Zubileta boy Antonio Lombardo sobresaliente

Cf. the list as given by Guillemard (Magellan, pp. 337, 338), who attempts to correct the various lists, and which shows several differences from Navarrete’s list. Navarrete (ut supra, iv, pp. 96, 97) basing his assertion on Herrera, says: “Among the Indians who reached land safely and desired to see the emperor and these kingdoms, was one so sharp that his first action was to ask how many reals made one ducado, how many maravedis one real, and how much pepper was given for one maravedi, informing himself from shop to shop of the value of spices. That furnished a reason for his not returning to his country, although the others did.” See also Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 296.

[646] The value of the spices brought to Spain by the “Victoria” exceeded the cost of the other four vessels and their entire equipment by about £200. The cargo consisted of cloves, cinnamon, nutmeg, mace, and sandalwood. The “Victoria” afterward made one voyage safely to Cuba, but was lost on a second. See Guillemard’s Magellan, pp. 297, 310.

[647] Eden (p. 262) says that on disembarking they went to give thanks “to almyghtie god who had brought them ſafe to theyr owne countrey, and reſtored them to theyr wyues and chyldren.”

[648] The account of the voyage given by Pigafetta to the emperor was probably only his brief records as set down from day to day, and not in any sense the relation as here published. The relation is known to have been compiled after Pigafetta’s return to Italy. Stanley (p. xiv, appendix) gives the original petition made by Pigafetta to the doge and council of Venice, asking permission to print his relation. Its translation is as follows:

“M.D. xxiv. of the month of August.

“Most Serene Prince, and your Excellencies:

“Petition of me, Antonio Pigafetta, Venetian knight of Jerusalem, who desiring to see the world, have sailed, in past years, with the caravels of his Cesaræan Majesty, which went to discover the islands in the new Indies where the spices grow. On that voyage I circumnavigated the whole world, and since it is a feat which no man had [before] accomplished, I have composed a short narration of all the said voyage, which I desire to have printed. For that purpose, I petition, that no one may print it for xx years, except myself, under penalty to him who should print it, or who should bring it here if printed elsewhere, of a fine of three lire per copy besides the loss of the books. [I petition] also that the execution [of the penalty] may be imposed by any magistrate of this city who shall be informed of it; and that the fine be divided as follows: one-third to the arsenal of your Highness, one-third to the accuser, and one-third to those who shall impose it. I humbly commend myself to your kindness. August v.” The docket follows.

[649] Ramusio says that Pigafetta presented one of his books to the regent Louise, and that she had it translated into French by Jacques Fabre (see volume on Bibliography, at end of this series). Stanley is wrong in his conjecture that MS. 22,224 of the Bibliothéque Nationale is the copy above mentioned, as it is in fact even later than MS. 5,650.

[650] The signature in MS. 5,650 is “Anthoyne Pigaphete.”

DESCRIPTION OF THE PHILIPPINES

By Chao Ju-kua, a Chinese official and geographer, ca. 1280.

Source: This document is obtained from the Filipino paper Periódico Hebdomadario Escolar, issue of November 9, 1901.

Translation: This is by James Alexander Robertson.

CHAO JU-KUA’S DESCRIPTION OF THE PHILIPPINES

[The following description is translated from a copy of the Periódico Hebdomadario Escolar (i.e., “Students’ Weekly Paper”) for November 9, 1901, being no. 6 in order of issue of that paper. It was there published by Clemente J. Zulueta (now deceased), then professor of history, and later engaged in archival researches in Spain for the Philippine branch of the United States government, who was a man of real ability. He himself communicated the existence of this publication to us; the copy of the paper, which is rare, was lent us by James A. LeRoy. An editorial note at the beginning of the chapter reads as follows: “As we consider it of some importance to the historical, or rather pre-historical, cartography of Filipinas, we transcribe the following lines, which are a Spanish translation of chapter xl of the geography of the Chinese writer Chao Ju-kua. [1] Professor Blumentritt translated it from the English, and Dr. Hirth translated directly into English the MS. of Chao Ju-kua [ca., 1891] who according to Blumentritt, flourished in the thirteenth century—that is, three centuries before Magallanes’s expedition.” Our search for the translation by Dr. Hirth has been unavailing, and we are therefore compelled to retranslate Blumentritt’s translation. Concerning this translation we are furnished the following information in a letter from James A. LeRoy, dated January 27, 1904: “Zulueta owns the original letter and the translation of this chapter as written out by Ferdinand Blumentritt and sent to Rizal while the latter was in exile in 1894. Blumentritt made the annotations to the chapter, as is proved by his letter. In his letter to Rizal enclosing the translation of the chapter, Blumentritt tells Rizal that the previous year (1893) a friend of his in Madrid had published (how or where is not told) his hastily-made version of this chapter, with hasty notes, which he had sent this friend for his own use in a study of the prehistoric Philippines, but had no idea that it would be used independently.” A Spanish version with parallel English translation appeared in Revista historica de Filipinas (i.e., “Filipino Historical Review”) for June, 1905 (vol. 1, no. 2), which is signed by P. L. Stangl. His version differs from that of Blumentritt given by Zulueta, being divided into two chapters—xl, called “Ma-yi,” and xli, called “San-Hsii.” We have, however, preferred to use Zulueta’s version, as we do not know whence Stangl’s version has proceeded. We subjoin Blumentritt’s notes accompanying Zulueta’s version, signing such notes “B.”]

CHAPTER XL

Ma-yi

The country Ma-yi [2] is located north of Poni. [3] About one thousand families inhabit the shores of a river which has many windings. [4] The natives dress in linen, wearing clothes that look like sheets; or they cover their bodies with sarongs. [5] In the thick woods are scattered copper statues of Buddha, but no one can tell the origin of those statues. [6] Pirates seldom visit those districts. When [Chinese] merchantmen arrive at that port they cast anchor at a place [called] the place of Mandarins. That place serves them as a market, or site where the products of their countries are exchanged. When a vessel has entered into the port, (its captain) offers presents consisting of white parasols and umbrellas which serve them for daily use. The traders are obliged to observe these civilities in order to be able to count on the favor of those gentlemen.

In order to trade, the savage traders are assembled, [7] and have the goods carried in baskets, and although the bearers are often unknown, none of the goods are ever lost or stolen. The savage traders transport these goods to other islands, and thus eight or nine months pass until they have obtained other goods of value equivalent to those that have been received [from the Chinese]. This forces the traders of the vessel to delay their departure, and hence it happens that the vessels that maintain trade with Ma-yi are the ones that take the longest to return to their country.

The most noteworthy places of this country are: San-hsii; Pai-pu-yen; Pu-li-lu, which is located near San-hsii; Li-yin-tung; Lin-hsin; and Li-han. [8] The products of that country are yellow wax, [9] cotton, pearls, shells, [10] betel nuts, and jute [yu-ta] textiles. [11] Foreign traders import porcelain, commercial gold, [12] iron vases for perfumes, leaden objects, glass, pearls of all colors, [13] and iron needles. [14]

San-hsii, or the “Three Islands,” belong to Ma-yi. Their names are Ka-may-en, Pa-lao-yu, and Pa-chi-neng. [15] Each of these islands is inhabited by its own races, who are scattered throughout them. But upon the arrival of the vessels, the natives assemble in order to trade. Their general name is San-hsii. Their customs are about the same as those observed in Ma-yi. Each tribe [16] consists of about one thousand families. The country has many lofty hills and rugged rocks which rise up like gigantic walls. The houses of the inhabitants are built of bamboo. The high region of the country has few springs, but the women go to the banks of the rivulets and creeks and thence back to the mountain bearing on their heads two or three jars filled with water, a load that does not bother them. They ascend the mountain with the same ease as if they were on the level. The interior of the valleys is inhabited by a race called Hay-tan. They are of short stature, have round yellow eyes, curly hair, and their teeth can be plainly seen [showing] from between their lips. [17] They build their nests in the forking of the branches of trees, and a family, usually consisting of from three to five individuals, lives in each nest. [18] They wander through the fastnesses of the thickets and invisible to the sight, shoot their arrows at the passers-by. On this account they are greatly feared. When the trader takes them a porcelain jar, they bow and take it, and then uttering cries of joy, run away with it.

When foreign traders come to one of their villages, [19] they must not touch the ground, but must remain aboard their vessel, which is anchored in the middle of the current [20] and announce their presence by beat of drum. Thereupon the savage traders approach in their light craft, in which they carry cotton, [21] yellow wax, strange cloth, [22] cocoanuts, onions, [23] and fine mats, and all those things they offer for sale in exchange [for the articles of the Chinese]. In case of misunderstanding in the price of the goods, it is necessary to summon the chief of the traders of that place, so that he may present himself in person, and arrange the tariff to the satisfaction of all. The imported objects are silk umbrellas, porcelain, and a kind of basket woven from rattan. Foreign traders receive twice or thrice the value of the goods sold aboard, in order to serve them as a bond of security. Afterward the foreign traders disembark and perform their contracts there, and then return to their vessel. The goods pledged by the natives remain only three or four days aboard the vessel, and then after the expiration of that term they are restored [to shore]. Then the vessel visits another village of the savages, for the coast villages of the Three Islands do not have one common jurisdiction. [24] The hills keep the winds from the vessels during the continuance of the northeast monsoon. But when the southwest monsoon begins, the dashing of the waves against the coast is so violent that great currents are formed that do not allow the vessels to remain at anchor. This is the reason why those who maintain trade with the Three Islands delay their return for four or five months. Porcelain, black damask, and other silk fabrics, pearls of various colors, lead, fishnets, and tin are imported. Pu-li-lu is near Three Islands. Its villages are very densely populated, [25] but its inhabitants are very cruel and inclined to piracy. The sea is full of reefs and shoals, and the beach has rocks which are indented like dry wood, and their points are very sharp like those of swords and spears. [26] In order that the vessels may reach that country, they take a long and circuitous route, in order to avoid those shoals. [27] There are corals there, but it is very difficult to get them. The popular and trading customs are the same as those which exist at Three Islands.

DOCUMENTS OF 1565–1576