Part 9
[512] St. Barbara, the patroness of powder magazines, was a virgin who was martyred at Heliopolis, December 4, 306.
[513] MS. 5,650 reads: “our fireports, fire-bombs, and rockets.”
[514] MS. 5,650 reads: “three sous.” The marcello was a silver Venetian coin weighing sixty-three grams. Two marcelli equaled one Venetian lira which was worth one and one quarter Italian lire. It was later also the name given to a silver coin of Francesco III, duke of Mantua, 1540–50. See Mosto, p. 98, note 7; and Hazlitt’s Coinage of European Continent.
[515] MS. 5,650 says that a couple of drinking-cups were given to each of the brothers.
[516] MS. 5,650 reads: “many pieces of artillery.”
[517] MS. 5,650 reads: “hagbuts and culverins.”
[518] MS. 5,650 reads: “relatives and friends.”
[519] MS. 5,650 reads: “as mistresses of the function, and arranged everything.”
[520] MS. 5,650 adds: “for a jest;” but omits the remainder of the sentence.
[521] St. James of Compostella, located in the Spanish province of Galicia. Alboquerque, the great Portuguese viceroy of India, bequeathed a large silver lampstand to St. James of Galicia, and a hundred thousand reis (about £20 16s 8d), in cash for oil at his death. The Portuguese convent of Palmela, located in Palmela, and under the charge of the Augustinians was the head-quarters of Santiago or St. James in Portugal. See Birch’s Alboquerque, iii, pp. 18, 19.
[522] MS. 5,650 reads: “hagbuts.”
[523] MS. 5,650 reads: “quill.”
[524] In Eden (p. 259) manuccodiata; and in Transylvanus, Mamuco Diata (VOL. I, pp. 331, 332). This mention by the latter is perhaps the first mention in European literature of the bird of paradise, the skins of which seem to have been a regular article of commerce. These skins were supposed to render the wearer safe and invincible in battle. (Guillemard’s Magellan, pp. 285, 286). The method of hunting, as described by Wallace (Malay Archipelago, New York, 1869) is by bow and arrow, the latter with “a conical wooden cap fitted to the end as large as a teacup, so as to kill the bird by the violence of the blow without making any wound or shedding any blood.”
[525] MS. 5,650 reads: “sixty.”
[526] In place of the remainder of this sentence MS. 5,650 reads: “and cast spells.”
[527] MS. 5,650 reads here in addition to what follows: “bewitch and.”
[528] MS. 5,650 adds: “and shorter.”
[529] MS. 5,650 reads: “in lime and in large jars.” Cf. with Pigafetta’s description of the ginger plant and root, that of Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 58). See also the prices quoted by Barbosa (East African and Malabar Coasts, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 220, 221), and Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 143.
[530] In Eden (p. 260) the “Trinidad” springs its leak in the island of Mare, after stowing provisions and fuel for the return trip.
[531] Bomba: a Spanish word.
[532] MS. 5,650 reads: “‘Who will go,’” etc.
[533] MS. 5,650 adds: “and regard.”
[534] MS. 5,650 does not specify any number, but makes it general of all who remained.
[535] MS. 5,650 adds: “and sadly.”
[536] MS. 5,650 reads: “afternoon.”
[537] MS. 5,650 reads: “fifty.” Juan Carvalho was later superseded by Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa the alguacil who had rendered so signal service to Magalhães at the time of the mutiny at Port St. Julian.
Brito (Navarrete, iv, pp. 305, 306, 311) gives his connection with the men of the “Trinidad” as follows:
“I have already written from Banda the news which I found there regarding the Castilians, and sent the letters of one Pedro de Lorossa who went with them. I left Banda May 2, 522, to ascertain whether I could seize the ship which left last, as the other one had already left about three months before. I reached Tidore May 13, 522, where the Castilians had been, and where they laded two of the five ships that sailed from Castilla. I learned that the first one had gone four months before and the other one a month and a half. The second had not left with the first because of a leak which had opened when they were on the point of departing. [Accordingly] it was lightened of its cargo and after it had been repaired it left. I found five Castilians, one a factor, with merchandise, and another who was a gunner. I sent the factor Rui Gaguo with a message to the king [of Tidore] demanding the surrender of the Castilians, artillery, and property to me, and to ask him why he had admitted Castilians since that region had been discovered so long before by the Portuguese. He answered that he had admitted them as merchants, and for fear rather than willingly. Next day he sent me three Castilians and a small amount of their goods. I had already taken another with me when I left Banda, whither he had gone to get information of the country and of trade. The fifth Castilian was absent in the island of Moro, 60 leguas from Maluco. The following day the king came to see me. He announced himself as a good vassal of your Highness, and had excuses for everything, all of which was proved by the Castilians themselves. I had him give his testimony in writing, in order to have a check on him at all times, for I assure you that those Castilians had surrendered to his power as if they were Christians and his natives. I found the whole country full of tin crosses ([although] some were of silver), with a crucifix on one side and our Lady on the other. They were selling bombards, muskets, crossbows, swords, darts, and powder. I brought all those crosses above mentioned to your Highness, which those people were selling with full knowledge of what they were.
“After I had been there two days a bastard son of the king of Ternate came to take me to his island. That man is the one who is governing in the name of the heir, a child of eight or nine, whose father died seven or eight months before my arrival. This island [of Ternate] is the largest and chiefest of Maluco, and is the one where Francisco Serrano always lived, as well as Don Tristan when he came here. Then the mother of the king, who has more authority, came, and they proclaimed themselves as your Highness’s vassals. I said nothing of a fortress as I wished first to see all the islands. After I had seen them, I thought it best to build the fort here as it is the largest and there is no port in Tidor.
“While I was ashore my men fell sick, and within two months, I only had 50 well men out of the 200 I had brought with me. About 50 of them died, and with so few men the fortress was started.
“On October 22, I received news that a ship was off the back of these islands. I thought it must be the Castilians, since they took that course. I sent three ships with orders to bring it in, and they did so, and with it 24 Castilians. They said that not caring to return by the way they had come as it was so long a voyage, they had resolved to sail to Darien. They found but light winds, for they could not take the monsoon, and [accordingly] went to 40 degrees north. According to their account they had made 900 leguas when they put back. When they left they had 54 men, 30 of whom died at 40 degrees. The goods of the king of Castilla were set down in writing, and the maps and astrolabes were seized. The ship, which was old and leaking badly, was begun to be lightened. In a week it opened and 40 bahars of cloves were lost. The wood was used for the fortress and the equipment for the other ships there....
“I sent seventeen Castilians with Don Garcia so that they might pay what they owe to Jorge de Alburquerque, so that he might send them thence to the chief captain of India according to the instructions given me in your Highness’s orders. Those men are Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, captain; Juan de Campos, factor, who remained with the goods in Tidore; Alfonso de Costa, who was going to examine the trade in Banda; Luis del Molino; Diego Diaz; Diego Martin; Leon Pancaldo, pilot of the ship; Juan Roiz; Ginés de Mafra; Juan Novoro; San Remo; Amalo; Francisco de Ayamonte; Luis de Veas; Segredo; Master Otans [the German gunner, Hans Vargue]; and Anton Moreno.
“I left four here: 1st, the master of the ship, named Juan Bautista, who is the most skilful of them all, and has sailed in ships belonging to your Highness, and who is the one who took command, and who after the death of Magallanes must have taken his fleet to Maluco; 2nd, the clerk, who is a good sailor and pilot; 3d, the boatswain; and 4th, a carpenter who is needed to repair this ship by which I am now sending by way of Burneo....
“In regard to the master, clerk, and pilot, I am writing to the chief captain that it will be more to the service of your Highness to order them beheaded than to send them there. I detained them in Maluco because it is an unhealthy country, with the intention of having them die there, as I did not dare order them beheaded for I was ignorant whether such action would meet your Highness’s approval. I am writing to Jorge de Alburquerque to detain them in Malaca, which is also a country that is very unhealthy.”
Navarrete describes the adventures of the “Trinidad” and the fate of her crew in his Col. de viages, iv, pp. 98–107; for a translation of which see Stanley’s First Voyage, pp. 237–241. Cf. also the account in Guillemard’s Magellan, pp. 298–307, where many details not in Navarrete are to be found. The mortality of the crew of the “Trinidad” was terrible, and of the 53 men left with Juan Carvalho at Tidore, only the following returned to Spain, and that only after a number of years: Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, alguazil; Ginés de Mafra, sailor; Leon Pancado [mentioned above by Brito], sailor; and Juan Rodriguez of Seville, sailor. The German gunner, Hans Vargue, also reached Lisbon with Espinosa and Ginés de Mafra, but died almost immediately upon his arrival there, in prison. See Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 338, 339.
The goods left and accumulated in Tidore by the Spaniards is thus given by Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 310): “The goods which remained in Tidor belonging to the Castilians amounted to 1,125 quintals 32 libras of copper, 2,000 libras of quicksilver, two quintals of iron, three bombards with iron blocks (one is a pasamuro and two are roqueiras), 14 iron culverins without any chamber, three iron anchors (consisting of a fugareo, one large one, and one broken one), 9 crossbows, 12 muskets, 32 breast-plates, 12 serveilheras, 3 helmets, 4 anchors, 53 iron bars, 6 iron culverins, 2 iron falconets, 2 large iron bombards with four chambers, and 1,275 quintals of cloves.”
[538] So Pigafetta calls the minister in charge of the religious matters of Tidore, which had embraced the Mahometan worship.
[539] MS. 5,650 adds: “was forty-five years old.”
[540] MS. 5,650 omits mention of the camotes. The comulicai becomes comulicar in MS. 5,650. Eden reads: “and a marueilous coulde frute which they name Camulicai.” The comulicai is perhaps a species of Anona. The fruit like the peach called guava is evidently the mango or manga (Mangifera Indica). See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 263 (who fails to note that Pigafetta mentions this fruit as existing in the Moluccas). It is mentioned by the Italian traveler Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 159, 160).
[541] The generic name for “parrot” is loony. Its correct Malay form is noyras (Crawfurd, Dictionary, p. 221, nuri and Javanese nori). The corruption nori began to be common in the seventeenth century. (See Linschoten’s Voyage, Hakluyt Society edition, i, p. 307). Nicolò de’Conti says that there are three species of parrots in Banda. The first two species are both known by the name of nori, “bright,” and are about the size of doves, one species having red feathers and a saffron-colored beak and the other being of various colors. The third species are white and as large as the common domestic fowl, and are called cachi, “better.” They imitate human speech better than the others. Bellemo says that the lori [i.e., nori] are parrots with red feathers, giachi those which speak more easily, while the white ones cockatoos which do not speak (Mosto, p. 100, note 3).
[542] The modern names of the Moluccas are Ternate, Tidor, Mortier, Makian, and Batjian; or in a more correct orthography, Târnati, Tidori, Mortir, Makiyan, and Bachian (see Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 283). Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 225) includes Gilolo among the Moluccas.
[543] In describing the five Moluccas Islands, Eden (p. 260) says that Tidore lies in 171 degrees of longitude. “Terenate, is vnder the Equinoctial line foure minutes vnder the pole Antartike.... Theſe Ilandes are lyke foure ſharpe mountaynes, except Macchian which is not ſharpe. The byggeſt of all theſe, is Bacchian.”
Main events while at the Moluccas, are related substantially the same by the “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 23–25) as by Pigafetta, although much shorter. The “Roteiro” says however that the king of Tidore sent twenty-five divers to locate the leak of the “Trinidad.” The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, pp. 31, 32) names the five Moluccas and mentions the island of Banda. See A. Bastian’s Indonesian oder die Inseln des Malayischen Archipel, which contains sections entitled: Die Mölukken (Berlin, 1884); Timor and umliegende Inseln (Berlin, 1885): and Borneo und Celebes (Berlin, 1889).
[544] MS. 5,650 omits this vocabulary; as does Stanley. Mosto has mistranscribed a few of the Malay words. This vocabulary is the most ancient specimen of Malay extant, for in that language there exist neither old inscriptions nor old manuscripts; and it is wonderfully accurate. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 352; also R. N. Cust’s Modern Languages of the East Indies (London, 1878); and Wallace’s East India Archipelago, pp. 608–625.
[545] Naceran is evidently a corruption of an Arabian word meaning “Nazarene;” in some of the following words used to denote worship, one may see traces also of words brought in with the conquering religion of Mahomet.
[546] See VOL. XXXIII, p. 315, note 160.
[547] See VOL. XXXIII, p. 349, note 391.
[548] At this point in the original Italian MS. are shown two charts: 1. On folio 68b, the islands of Laigoma, Caioian, Giogi, Sico, Labuac, Caphi (with the inscription “The Pigmies live in this island”), Tolyman, Tabobi, Bachiam, Latalata, Batutiga, Maga, and a number of unnamed islands (q.v., p. 104); shown on folio 84a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: “Chart of the islands of Bacchian, Toliman, Sico, Caioan, Laigoma, Gioggi, Caphi, Labuan, etc.” 2. On folio 69a, the islands of Sulach, Lumatola, Tenetum, Buru, Ambalao, Ambon, and a number of unnamed islands (q.v., p. 110); in MS. 5,650 shown on folio 84b, preceded by the words “Below is shown the chart of the islands of Ambalao, Ambon, Buru, and others.”
[549] A number of these and succeeding islands are spelled slightly differently in Eden (p. 260). Mosto (p. 104, note 1) conjectures that Caioan is the Cayoan of Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 224), which he seeks to identify with the island of Kayoa or Kiou; Laigoma is Laigama, one of the islands among the Molucca group; Sico is Siku; Giogi is perhaps Gumorgi; and Caphi is Gafi. See Mosto, p. 104, notes 1–5.
[550] Throughout the remainder of his narrative, it is seen that Pigafetta has often lent a credulous ear to the Malayan pilots of the ships and to current report. Marco Polo (book iii, xiii), explodes the belief in pigmies, which he declares to have been cleverly made for trade purposes. Pigafetta’s account may possibly refer to an aboriginal people, although more probably it is a reference to the orang-outang.
[551] MS. 5,650 spells some of these islands differently (Labuan, Toliman, and several others), but in general the changes in spelling are very slight, consisting in a change of vowel or a doubling of a consonant. Labuan corresponds to Laboeha, the southern part of the island of Batchian; Toliman is Twali Bezar; Titameti is perhaps Tawalie Ketijl; Latalata is Latta-latta; Tabobi is perhaps Tappi; Maga is perhaps Loemang; Batutiga is perhaps Oby Major, a headland of which is called Aijer Batoe Geggok. See Mosto, p. 104, notes 6–12.
[552] Called “Sulan” by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 225). It is one of the Xulla Islands (see Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 289, and Mosto, p. 104, note 13).
[553] It is impossible to identify these names with complete assurance. The first four probably correspond to the group of islands near Amboina, which contains those of Honimoa, Moelana, Oma, and Noesfa Laut; Leitimor (Ley-timur) is a peninsula of Amboina; Tenetun (called “Tenado” by Albo-Navarrete, iv. p. 225) is perhaps one of the Xulla islands; the last four correspond perhaps to the group east of Ceram known as Bonoa, Babi, Kelang, Manipa, Toeban, and Smangi. Benaia is again named lower down, and two other islands in its group. See Mosto, pp. 104, 105, notes.
[554] Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 225) calls it Lumutola. It is perhaps the island of Lisamatula. See Mosto, p. 105, note 2.
554* MS. 5,650 reads: “a food made of figs [i.e., bananas], almonds, and honey, wrapped in leaves and smoke dried, which is cut into rather long pieces and called canali.” That MS. omits the remainder of this, and the following six sentences.
[555] MS. 5,650 reads: “sixty-five.” On modern maps this name is given as Boeroe. It is called Buró by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 225), and he says that it was “necessary to coast along its eastern side.” This was on December 27.
[556] The native name of Amboina is Ambun, which is said to be derived from its chief town, the island itself being called by its inhabitants Hitoe or Hitu. The inhabitants have been converted to Christianity and belong to the Dutch Lutheran church. They attend public schools and are taught to read and write the Malay language in Roman characters. Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 11.
[557] MS. 5,650 gives this name as “Undia.” It is probably the Bidia of Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 225).
[558] Now Amblau. It has an area of about seventy square geographical miles, and a small population. It lies in latitude 3° 15´ south, and longitude 125° 15´ east.
Following this paragraph in the original Italian MS. (folio 72a) is shown the chart of the islands of Bandam, namely, Lailaca, Pulurun, Manuca, Baracha, Unuvero, Palach, Saniananpi, Chelicel, Man, Meut, Rossoghin, and Zoroboa (q.v., p. 114). This chart is shown on folio 85b of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words, “Chart of the islands of Bandan, Rossonghin, Man, Zzorobua, and others.”
[559] The names of the ten islands comprising the Banda group are Banda (“United”), Pulo Nera (“the island of Palm Wine”), Lontar (“Palm”), Pulo Ai (properly Pulo Wai; “Water Island”), Pulo Pisang (“Banana Island”), Pulo Run (Rung; “Chamber Island”), Pulo Suwanggi (“Sorcery Island”), Gunung-api (“Fire Mountain” or “Volcano”), Pulo Kapal (“Ship Island” or “Horse Island”), and Rosingen (the Rosoghin of Pigafetta, and the Rosolangium of Barros, which Crawfurd conjectures to be derived from the Malay words roso, “strength” and langgâng, “firm,” “assured”). See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 33; and ante, note 493.
[560] At this point (folio 73a) of the original Italian MS. follows the chart of the islands, of Mallua, Batuombor, Galiau, Zolot, and Nocemamor (q.v., p. 118). This chart is shown on folio 87a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: “Chart of the islands of Zzolot, Galliau, Nocemamor, Batuanbor, and Mallua.”
[561] These are the islands of Solor, Nobokamor Rusa, and Lomblen (Mosto, p. 105, notes 6–8). Guillemard (Magellan, p. 289, note) says that the passage taken by the “Victoria” was either Flores or Boleng Strait.
[562] MS. 5,050 reads: “little horns.” The Italian is corniolli.
[563] MS. 5,650 reads: “They have a kind of sack made from the leaves of trees, in which they carry their food and drink. When their women saw us they came to meet us with bows,” etc. Stanley following Amoretti says the same. The Italian MS. will allow this translation, although the most natural translation both in the structure and the sense is the one of our text. This might be recorded as another piece of carelessness on the part of the adapter of the Italian to the French.
[564] MS. 5,650 reads: “in order to inspect and overhaul.”
[565] MS. 5,650 mentions only the long pepper here, though the round variety is also described as in the Italian MS.
[566] MS. 5,650 omits this sentence, and in the succeeding sentence, compares the leaves of the pepper plant to those of the mulberry. Gatelle (Gattelli), the diminutive of Gatto “cat,” is the vulgar name for amento, the botanical name for the first flowers of the walnut-tree, hazelnut-tree, and other trees.
[567] MS. 5,650 reads: “lubi.” Crawfurd (Dictionary, p. 335) says that the long pepper (Piper longum) is called chave by the Javanese and lada panjang of the Malays. It is probably a native of Java, although grown in other parts of the archipelago. It is not named by Barbosa. Linschoten (Voyage, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 73) says that the long pepper is grown only in Bengala and Java, and calls it Pepelini (from the Sanskrit pippali).
[568] The black pepper (Piper nigrum), called lada in Malayan, lada in the Philippines, and maricha (pure Sanskrit) in Javanese, was probably introduced into the archipelago from Malabar. It is not found wild in any of the Malayan islands, but abundantly so in the mountains and valleys of most of the countries of the western side of India. It is produced in some parts of the Philippines, but little is exported, as sufficient attention has not been paid to it to enable the Philippine product to compete with that raised in other parts of the East Indies. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 333–335; and Official Handbook of Philippines, p. 114. See also Yule’s Jordanus (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 27 (who confuses the long with the black pepper); Varthema’s Travels (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 156, 157; Barbosa’s East African and Malabar Coasts (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 219; Linschoten’s Voyage (Hakluyt Society edition), ii, pp. 72–75; and VOL. III, p. 77.
[569] They reached this island on January 8, 1522, the day of the storm. See Albo’s log (Navarrete, iv, p. 226).
At this point in the original Italian MS. (folio 74a) is the chart of the islands of Botolo, Chendam, Nossocamba, Samaute, and Timor (q.v., p. 124). This chart appears on folio 89a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: “Chart of the island of Timor and of its four settlements, and four other islands.”
[570] Mosto (p. 106, note 4) conjectures that Arucheto is one of the Aru Islands or the island of Haruku, east of Amboina. Eden (p. 260) says of the island of Arucheto (Arucetto): “But owr men wolde not ſayle thyther, bothe bycauſe the wynde and courſe of the ſea was ageynſte theym, and alſo for that they gaue no credite to his reporte.” This last reason may have been obtained from Maximilianus Transylvanus.
[571] Amoretti reads erroneously: “Saturday, January 25, at 22 o’clock;” and Stanley (p. 151), reproducing his error, explains this as the Italian method of reckoning time.
[572] MS. 5,650 omits the date.
[573] MS. 5,650 reads: “beef,” here and throughout this paragraph, and elsewhere.