CHAPTER XIV

THE BATTLE OF JUTLAND--(_Continued_)

III.--THE NIGHT ACTION

The situation, which had never been at all clear to me owing to the fact that I had not seen more than a few ships at a time, appeared to be as follows:

We were between the enemy and his bases, whether he shaped a course to return via the Horn Reef, via Heligoland direct, or via the swept channel which he was known to use along the coast of the West Frisian Islands.

I concluded that the enemy was well to the westward of us. He had been turning on _interior_ lines throughout. We had altered course gradually during the action from south-east by east to west, a turn of 13 points, or 146 degrees, in all, and the result must have been to place his ships well to the westward and ahead of us; although it was possible that ships, which had fallen out owing to damage, might be to the northward.

The possibility of a night action was, of course, present to my mind, but for several reasons it was not my intention to seek such an action between the heavy ships.

It is sufficient to mention the principal arguments against it.

In the first place, such a course must have inevitably led to our Battle Fleet being the object of attack by a very large destroyer force throughout the night. No senior officer would willingly court such an attack, even if our battleships were equipped with the best searchlights and the best arrangements for the control of the searchlights and the gunfire at night.

It was, however, known to me that neither our searchlights nor their control arrangements were at this time of the best type. The fitting of director-firing gear for the guns of the secondary armament of our battleships (a very important factor for firing at night) had also only just been begun, although repeatedly applied for. The delay was due to manufacturing and labour difficulties. Without these adjuncts I knew well that the maximum effect of our fire at night could not be obtained, and that we could place no dependence on beating off destroyer attacks by gunfire. Therefore, if destroyers got into touch with the heavy ships, we were bound to suffer serious losses with no corresponding advantage. Our own destroyers were no effective antidote at night, since, if they were disposed with this sole object in view, they would certainly be taken for enemy destroyers and be fired on by our own ships.

But putting aside the question of attack by destroyers, the result of night actions between heavy ships must always be very largely a matter of _chance_, as there is little opportunity for skill on either side. Such an action must be fought at very close range, the decision depending on the course of events in the first few minutes. It is, therefore, an undesirable procedure on these general grounds. The greater efficiency of German searchlights at the time of the Jutland action, and the greater number of torpedo tubes fitted in enemy ships, combined with his superiority in destroyers, would, I knew, give the Germans the opportunity of scoring heavily at the commencement of such an action.

The question then remained as to the course to be steered. The first desideratum was to keep the British Fleet between the enemy and his bases, so as to be in a position to renew the action at dawn. Daylight was rapidly disappearing; it was necessary to form the Fleet for the night as quickly as possible to avoid visual signalling after dark; and it was also necessary to place our destroyers in a position where the chances of their coming in contact with our own ships was reduced to a minimum, and yet giving them an opportunity of attacking the enemy’s capital ships during the night. The Grand Fleet was formed at the time in practically a single line, steering approximately west-south-west. I considered that a southerly course would meet the situation and would enable me to form the Fleet very quickly, and, if I put the destroyers astern, they would fulfil three conditions: first, they would be in an excellent position for attacking the enemy’s fleet should it also turn to the southward with a view to regaining its bases during the night (which seemed a very probable movement on the part of the enemy); secondly, they would also be in position to attack enemy destroyers should the latter search for our fleet with a view to a night attack on the heavy ships; finally, they would be clear of our own ships, and the danger of their attacking our battleships in error or of our battleships firing on them would be reduced to a minimum.

Accordingly, at 9 P.M., I signalled to the Battle Fleet to alter course by divisions to _south_, informing the Flag officers of the Battle Cruiser Fleet, the cruiser and light cruiser squadrons, and the officers commanding destroyer flotillas, of my movements in order that they should conform. Shortly afterwards I directed the Battle Fleet to assume the second organisation and to form divisions in line ahead disposed abeam to port, with the columns one mile apart. This had the effect of placing the Battle Fleet as shown in the diagram:

1 mile 1 mile 1 mile |<-------->|<-------->|<---------> | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | 2nd 4th 1st 5th

Battle Squadrons.

My object in closing the columns to one mile apart was to ensure that adjacent columns should not lose sight of each other during the night, and that therefore they would not mistake our own ships for those of the enemy.

As soon as the Battle Fleet had turned to the southerly course the destroyer flotillas were directed to take station five miles astern of the Battle Fleet. At 9.32 P.M. a signal was made to the mine-laying flotilla leader _Abdiel_ (Captain Berwick Curtis) to proceed to lay a mine-field in a defined area some 15 miles from the Vyl Lightship, over which it was expected the High Sea Fleet would pass if the ships attempted to regain their ports during the night viâ the Horn Reef. The _Abdiel_ carried out this operation unobserved in the same successful manner as numerous other similar operations had been undertaken by this most useful little vessel; from the evidence of one of our submarines, stationed near the Horn Reef, which reported on return to her base having heard several underwater explosions between 2.15 and 5.30 A.M. on June 1st, it was judged that some enemy ships had struck mines.

At 10 P.M. the position of the _Iron Duke_ was Lat. 56.22 N., Long. 5.47 E., course south, speed 17 knots, and the order of the Fleet from west to east was:

Battle Cruiser Fleet (except 2nd Light Cruiser Squadron); Cruiser Squadrons;

Battle Fleet;

2nd Light Cruiser Squadron astern of the 5th Battle Squadron;

4th Light Cruiser Squadron ahead of the Battle Fleet;

11th, 4th, 12th, 9th, 10th and 13th Flotillas disposed from west to east, in that order, astern of the Battle Fleet.

Shortly before the turn of the Fleet to the southward for the night a destroyer attack took place on the 2nd Light Cruiser Squadron at the rear of our Battle line. This was reported to me shortly after 9 P.M., but immediately afterwards a further report stated that the enemy had been driven off to the north-west.

At 10.4 P.M. Commodore Hawkesley, in the _Castor_, commanding the destroyer flotillas, after dropping astern, sighted three or more vessels at a range of 2,000 yards which he took to be enemy battle cruisers. If the German report is to be believed, the ships were light cruisers and included the _Hamburg_ and _Elbing_. The enemy at once opened a rapid and accurate fire, and the _Castor_ was hit, and her bridge and wireless telegraphy gear damaged, making it impossible to signal to the 11th Flotilla, which the _Castor_ was leading. The damage to the _Castor_ was slight. The _Castor_, _Magic_, and _Marne_ fired torpedoes at the enemy, but the remaining destroyers of the flotilla refrained from doing so, not being certain of the identity of the vessels in sight. The enemy disappeared after a violent detonation, following on the discharge of the torpedoes, had been felt in the engine-rooms of the destroyers near the _Castor_.

At 0.15 A.M. the _Castor_ sighted a German destroyer on her starboard bow and opened fire with all guns at point-blank range. She was not seen again.

At 10.20 P.M. the 2nd Light Cruiser Squadron sighted and engaged five enemy vessels, apparently a cruiser with four light cruisers, probably of the 4th Scouting Group. The enemy again opened fire with great rapidity and accuracy, and concentrated his fire on our two leading ships, the _Southampton_ and _Dublin_, at very short range. Both vessels suffered considerable damage during the 15 minutes’ engagement and there were fairly heavy casualties; three fires which broke out on board the _Southampton_ were promptly extinguished by fine work on the part of the officers and men, in spite of the fact that the hoses had been much cut up by shell fire.

The enemy squadron disappeared after this short but fierce engagement, and it is probable that the German light cruiser _Frauenlob_, whose loss was admitted by the enemy, was sunk during this action, which took place in that case between our own 2nd Light Cruiser Squadron and the German 4th Scouting Group.

At 11.30 P.M. the 4th Flotilla sighted and attacked enemy cruisers steering a south-easterly course. Again the vessels sighted opened fire immediately, and the flotilla leader _Tipperary_, commanded by Captain Wintour, the leader of the flotilla, was severely damaged by gunfire and set on fire forward; the _Broke_, leader of the 2nd half Flotilla, received injury to her steering-gear, rendering her temporarily unmanageable and causing her to ram the destroyer _Sparrowhawk_, with the result that it became necessary to abandon the latter destroyer on the following morning after taking off her crew. The destroyer _Spitfire_ (Lieutenant-Commander C. W. Trelawny), next astern of the _Tipperary_, fired torpedoes at a four-funnelled cruiser which appeared to be hit and in a sinking condition, and the _Spitfire_ then collided with a German light cruiser and, in scraping along her side, carried off some 29 feet of her skin plating.

The remainder of the 4th Flotilla, after this engagement, while steering to the south-eastward, came into contact at midnight with the enemy’s 2nd Battle Squadron, and one ship (probably the _Pommern_) was torpedoed and sunk either by the _Ardent_ (Lieutenant-Commander Marsden) or _Ambuscade_ (Lieutenant-Commander G. A. Coles) or _Garland_ (Lieutenant-Commander R. S. Goff). A heavy and accurate fire was opened by the enemy and the destroyer _Fortune_ (Lieutenant-Commander F. G. Terry) was sunk.

The flotilla was again in action a little later with some enemy battleships, and the _Ardent_ attacked, and fired a torpedo, but the result could not be observed as a very heavy fire was concentrated on the _Ardent_, which sank with colours flying after a very gallant night’s work. It is sad to record that Lieutenant-Commander Marsden and one man were the only survivors, being picked up by a destroyer on June 1st after having been five hours in the water.

The 12th Flotilla had formed after dark astern of the 1st Battle Squadron. The 1st Battle Squadron was somewhat astern of the remainder of the Fleet during the night, owing to the _Marlborough_ not being able to keep up 17 knots, although steaming at the revolutions for this speed. Consequently the 1st Flotilla was also more than five miles astern of the main portion of the Battle Fleet. At 11.30 P.M. also this flotilla was obliged for some little time to steer a south-easterly course, owing to the movements of another flotilla on the starboard hand, the identity of which cannot be determined with certainty. The result was that the 12th Flotilla was probably some ten miles to the north-eastward of the 1st Battle Squadron by midnight. The incident was a fortunate one since it brought the flotilla into contact with one of the enemy’s battle squadrons.

At 1.45 A.M. Captain Stirling, leading the flotilla in the _Faulknor_, sighted on the starboard bow this battle squadron, consisting of six ships steering south-east. The leading ships were thought to belong to the “Kaiser” class. Captain Stirling altered his course to one parallel to that of the enemy and increased speed to 25 knots to draw ahead, with the intention of turning to attack on a north-westerly course (the reverse of the enemy’s course), in order to give an opportunity of getting into close range. This attack was carried out at 2 A.M. at a range of about 3,000 yards, and all destroyers fired their torpedoes at the second and third ships in the line. Some took effect on the third battleship in the line, the explosion being so violent and the flame reaching to such a height that it appeared to those in our destroyers that the explosion of the torpedoes must have detonated the magazine and destroyed the ship.

Our destroyers were then forced to withdraw by the enemy light cruisers, which were in company with the battle squadron. The destroyer _Mænad_ (Commander J. P. Champion) had, however, not turned to the north-westward with the remainder of the flotilla, as it had been anticipated that the attack would have been made with torpedo tubes bearing to starboard, and her tubes were not ready to fire to port. Commander Champion held on the south-easterly course and, turning later than the rest of the flotilla, fired one port tube, then turned again to south-east, trained his tubes to starboard, and at 2.25 A.M. fired two torpedoes to starboard at the fourth ship in the line at a range between 4,000 and 5,000 yards, one of which took effect. In this case, too, the flame of the explosion reached the mast head, and the ship was not seen again, although those ahead and astern of her were visible.

It is of interest to note that at the time of the first attack on this squadron six battleships were visible. After the first attack only five were seen by Captain Stirling, and twenty-five minutes later five were sighted by the _Mænad_, and after the _Mænad’s_ attack only four were visible. The evidence that at least one of the battleships was sunk was considered at the time to be very strong, particularly as the reports from the _Mænad_ and from Captain Stirling were sent to me quite independently, and Commander Champion was unaware of the fact that Captain Stirling had reported six ships as the original number in the battle squadron, and five as the number remaining after his attack.

When Captain Stirling had located the enemy’s battle squadron he reported the fact by wireless, but the signal was, unfortunately, not received by any ship, owing, presumably, to the strong interference caused by German wireless signalling at the time.

The destroyers of the 9th, 10th, and 13th Flotillas took station astern the Battle Fleet in company with the _Champion_ (Captain Farie), leader of the 13th Flotilla; the _Fearless_, leader of the 9th Flotilla, had not been able to maintain touch with her flotilla. Many of the destroyers of these flotillas lost touch with the _Champion_ during the night, and the flotillas became somewhat scattered.

At 12.30 A.M. a large vessel, taken at first for one of our own ships, crossed the rear of the flotilla at high speed, passing close to the _Petard_ and _Turbulent_. She rammed the _Turbulent_ and opened a heavy fire on both the _Turbulent_ and _Petard_; the _Turbulent_ sank and the _Petard_ was damaged.

At 2.35 A.M. the destroyer _Moresby_, of the 13th Flotilla, sighted four battleships of the “Deutschland” class, and attacked, firing one torpedo; an explosion was subsequently heard.

It was impossible to state with certainty which of our destroyers were actually successful in their attacks. The enemy, of course, denied that any marked success was obtained by our attacks, but information obtained after the action made it certain that at least four battleships of the “Dreadnought” type were hit by torpedoes, in addition to the pre-Dreadnought battleship _Pommern_, which was admitted to have been sunk by a torpedo, as was the light cruiser _Rostock_.

Although the credit for the successful attacks cannot be attributed to particular destroyers, the work of the flotillas as a whole, and particularly of the 4th and 12th Flotillas, was characterised by the splendid dash, skill and gallantry for which our destroyers had been conspicuous throughout the War. They were most ably led and achieved magnificent work under very difficult conditions.

There is no doubt at all that the German organisation for night action was of a remarkably high standard. In the first place, the use of star shell, at that time unfamiliar to us, was of the greatest use to them in locating our destroyers without revealing their own positions; and, secondly, their searchlights were not only very powerful (much more so than ours), but their method of controlling them and bringing guns and searchlights rapidly on to any vessel sighted was excellent. It also appeared that some system of director-firing was fitted to the guns of their secondary armament.

The increased offensive power given by these devices did not, however, prevent our destroyers from inflicting great damage on the enemy during their night attacks, although they led to the loss of some valuable destroyers and still more valuable lives. Captain Wintour, leader of the 4th Flotilla, an officer of wide experience of destroyer work and a fine leader, was a very heavy loss, and other splendid officers perished with their gallant crews. Our destroyer service has, indeed, every reason to be exceedingly proud of the achievements of the flotillas, both during the day action of May 31st and during the night following that action.

Gunfire and under-water explosions were heard at intervals during the night, and, curiously enough, the under-water explosions, four or five in number, were quite clearly recorded on a barograph in the _Malaya_, a ship well placed for the purpose, as she was in the rear. There is little doubt that these records showed the explosion of our torpedoes against enemy ships.

From the Battle Fleet it was evident shortly after dark that our destroyers were in action. Star shells were fired with great frequency by the enemy, and they produced a very brilliant illumination, leaving the enemy ships in complete darkness and not revealing their positions.

At 11 P.M. the light cruiser _Active_, astern of the 2nd Battle Squadron, observed a ship coming up from astern, and shortly afterwards saw searchlights switched on and a heavy fire opened against this vessel by a ship, or ships, on her starboard quarter. She appeared to be heavily hit and to sink. It is possible that this ship may have been the _Black Prince_, which had apparently lost touch with our fleet during the day action.

Shortly after this incident the _Active_ passed over some submerged object which she bumped heavily. Subsequent examination showed that some 15 feet of her bilge keel had been torn away. It was not conceivable that the object struck could have been submerged wreckage from any ship which had taken part in the action, no fighting having taken place in the vicinity, and it seemed possible that the _Active_ had struck an enemy submarine. At 11.30 P.M. the _Colossus_ also passed over some submerged object which was felt to scrape along the bottom of the ship. Subsequent examination showed damage to both starboard propeller blades. Again there is doubt as to what the obstruction could have been; it was certainly not wreckage from any ship that had been in action.

At 2 A.M. on June 1st Vice-Admiral Sir Cecil Burney informed me that the _Marlborough_ could not maintain the Fleet speed of 17 knots any longer, on account of the stress on the bulkheads, and that she had been obliged to ease to 12 knots. I directed him to order the ship to proceed to the Tyne or Rosyth, passing south of the German mined area. Sir Cecil Burney called the light cruiser _Fearless_ alongside the _Marlborough_, and was transferred in her, with his Staff, to the _Revenge_, the _Fearless_ being then detached to escort the _Marlborough_.

Some idea of the area covered by the different engagements which constituted the Battle of Jutland will be gathered from a consideration of the distances steamed by our ships during the operations.

The Battle Cruisers steamed some 64 miles between 3.48 P.M., the time of opening fire, and 6.17 P.M. the time that the Battle Fleet commenced action, and a further distance of some 57 miles to 9 P.M., when the Fleet turned to the southward for the night. The Battle Fleet steamed some 47 miles between the commencement of their engagement with the High Sea Fleet and the turn to the southward at 9 P.M.

The whole Fleet steamed some 85 miles during the period covered by the night action--9 P.M. to 2 A.M.

At 2.47 A.M., as dawn was breaking, the Fleet altered course to north and formed single line ahead in the order--2nd Battle Squadron, 4th Battle Squadron, 1st Battle Squadron (less the 6th Division). The 5th Battle Squadron rejoined at 3.30 A.M. and took station ahead of the 2nd Battle Squadron.

The weather was misty and the visibility even less than on May 31st, being only some three or four miles, and I considered it desirable under these conditions, and in view of the fact that I was not in touch with either my cruisers or destroyers, to accept the danger of submarine attack on a long line in order to be ready to meet the enemy’s Battle Fleet, if suddenly sighted. The 6th Division of the Battle Fleet was not in sight at daylight, having dropped astern during the night owing to the reduction in speed of the _Marlborough_ and the change of flag from the _Marlborough_ to the _Revenge_. Partly on account of the low visibility, and partly because of the inevitable difference in dead reckoning between ships, due to their many movements during the action and during the night, considerable difficulty was experienced in collecting the Fleet. This applied particularly to the destroyer flotillas, which had been heavily engaged, and whose facilities for computing their positions under these conditions were only slight; but the same difficulty was experienced with all classes of ships, and, although awkward, the fact did not cause me any surprise. The cruisers were not sighted until 6 A.M., the destroyers did not join the Battle Fleet until 9 A.M., and the 6th Division of the Battle Fleet with the Vice-Admiral of the 1st Battle Squadron, was not in company until the evening.

The difficulties experienced in collecting the Fleet (particularly the destroyers), due to the above causes, rendered it undesirable for the Battle Fleet to close the Horn Reef at daylight, as had been my intention when deciding to steer to the southward during the night. It was obviously necessary to concentrate the Battle Fleet and the destroyers before renewing action. By the time this concentration was effected it had become apparent that the High Sea Fleet, steering for the Horn Reef, had passed behind the shelter of the German minefields in the early morning on the way to their ports. The presence of a Zeppelin, sighted at 3.30 A.M., made it certain that our position at that time would be known to the enemy, should he be at sea, but the information obtained from our wireless directional stations during the early morning showed that ships of the High Sea Fleet must have passed the Horn Reef on a southerly course shortly after daylight.

At 3 A.M. the destroyer _Sparrowhawk_, which was lying disabled in Lat. 55.54 N., Long. 5.59 E., sighted a German light cruiser two miles to the eastward, steaming slowly to the northward. After being in sight for about five minutes this vessel slowly heeled over and sank, bows first. The _Sparrowhawk_ was subsequently sighted by the _Marksman_ and others of our destroyers, and, being too seriously damaged for towing back to a base, was sunk by the _Marksman_.

Shortly after 3.30 A.M. the report of gunfire to the westward was audible in the Battle Fleet, and at 3.38 Rear-Admiral Trevelyan Napier, commanding the 3rd Light Cruiser Squadron, reported that he was engaging a Zeppelin in a position to the westward of the Battle Fleet. Course was altered “by divisions” to west at 3.44 A.M., as it seemed that the presence of the airship might possibly indicate the presence also of the High Sea Fleet. At 3.50 A.M. a Zeppelin was in sight from the Battle Fleet, but nothing else; course was altered back again to north and fire opened on the airship, which, however, was too high for the fire to be effective. She disappeared to the eastward. She was sighted subsequently at intervals.

At 4.10 A.M. the Battle Fleet was formed into divisions in line ahead, disposed abeam to starboard, in order to widen the front and to reduce the risk of submarine attack. At 4.25 A.M. the cruiser _Dublin_ reported by wireless that she had sighted an enemy cruiser and two destroyers, and she gave her position.

At 5.15 A.M. the Battle Cruiser Fleet joined the Battle Fleet in accordance with orders signalled, and was directed to locate the cruiser reported by the _Dublin_, whilst the Battle Fleet searched to the south-eastward for one of the enemy’s battle cruisers which was thought to be in a damaged condition and probably, therefore, still making for a German port. At 4.45 A.M. the Battle Fleet was in Lat. 55.29 N., Long. 6.02 E.; at 5 A.M. the Commodore of the flotillas (Commodore Hawkesley), with destroyers, reported himself as being in Lat. 55.48 N., Long. 6.22 E.; at 5.48 A.M. the Battle Cruiser Fleet was in Lat. 55.45 N., Long. 6.16 E., steering south-east at 18 knots, and at 6.15 A.M. altered course to south. At 6 A.M., not having met the destroyers, the Battle Fleet altered course to south-east, with the cruisers in company, steaming at 17 knots, and maintained that course until 7.15 A.M., at which time course was altered to north, the Battle Cruiser Fleet altering to north-east at 7.30 A.M. and to north at 8 A.M.

The _Dublin_ was sighted at 7.55 A.M. and reported having lost sight in a fog, in Lat. 55.28 N., Long. 6.32 E., of the cruiser and torpedo boat destroyers she had reported, and, in reply to further inquiries, stated that the cruiser was apparently not disabled and was steaming fast.

At 8.15 A.M. the Battle Fleet was in Lat. 55.54 N., Long. 6.10 E., steering north at 17 knots, turning at 8.52 A.M. to a south-west course.

Between 8 A.M. and 9 A.M. a considerable amount of wreckage was passed, and the bodies of dead German bluejackets were seen in the water. The wreckage of the destroyer _Ardent_ was also passed. Drifting mines in considerable numbers were seen during the whole forenoon of the 1st June, and there were one or two reports of submarines being sighted. At 10 A.M. the Battle Cruiser Fleet was again in sight, ahead of the Battle Fleet, and course was altered to north by west, the destroyers, which had now joined, being stationed to form a submarine screen.

At noon the Battle Fleet was in position Lat. 56.20 N., Long. 5.25 E., and at 12.30 P.M. the Battle Cruiser Fleet was in Lat. 56.32 N., Long. 6.11 E.

It was now clear that all disabled enemy vessels had either sunk or had passed inside the mine-fields _en route_ to their bases. It had been evident since the early morning, from the definite information obtained by our directional stations, that the enemy’s fleet was returning to port. All our own injured vessels were also _en route_ for their bases, and I decided to return with the whole Fleet, and gave the necessary instructions to the Rosyth force to return independently. Diagram 4 shows the movement of the Fleet during the night of May 31st and the forenoon of June 1st.

The Harwich force, under Commodore Tyrwhitt, had been kept in port by Admiralty orders on May 31st, and was despatched to sea on the morning of June 1st, when I was informed that it was being sent out to join me and to replace vessels requiring fuel. At 7 A.M. I instructed Commodore Tyrwhitt to send four of his destroyers to screen the _Marlborough_ to her base; he informed me at 2.30 P.M. that he had sighted the _Marlborough_. At 10.40 A.M. I had reported to the Admiralty that I did not require the Harwich force. I desired Commodore Tyrwhitt to strengthen the _Marlborough’s_ escort and told him that I did not need his ships. They would have been of great use at daylight in June 1st had they been on the scene at that time, and it is needless to add how much I should have welcomed the participation of the Harwich force in the action had circumstances admitted of this. I knew well the extreme efficiency and the fine fighting spirit of this force which, under its gallant and distinguished commodore, had rendered such splendid service throughout the War.

The _Marlborough_ reported at 11 A.M. that a torpedo had been fired at her and had missed. Some anxiety was felt about the ship on the morning of June 2nd, as bad weather set in and her pumps became choked; tugs were ordered out to meet her, but she arrived in the Humber at 8 A.M.

The _Warrior_, which had been taken in tow by the sea-plane carrier _Engadine_, was in Lat. 57.18 N., Long. 3.54 E. at 8 A.M. on the 1st June, but the crew was taken off by the _Engadine_ and the ship abandoned later in the day, as the weather had become bad and it was evident the ship could not remain afloat. The work of rescue was very smartly carried out, the _Engadine_ being skilfully placed alongside the _Warrior_ in a considerable sea way by her Captain, Lieutenant-Commander C. G. Robinson, and the large number of wounded transferred to her. The reports as to the condition of the _Warrior_ were not clear, and it was feared that she might remain afloat, and later fall into the hands of the enemy. Therefore I detached the 2nd Cruiser Squadron, and subsequently the 3rd Light Cruiser Squadron, to search for her. The search continued until the evening of June 23rd, no trace of the ship being found. It became clear from a report received subsequently from the Captain of the _Warrior_ that her condition was such that she must have sunk shortly after having been abandoned. During the search for the _Warrior_, one of the cruisers of the 2nd Cruiser Squadron sighted a submarine on the surface at dusk, opened fire, and tried to ram. It was reported quite definitely that the submarine had been sunk. Later evidence showed, however, that the submarine was one of our own vessels of this class, that she had a very narrow escape, but had dived in time to escape injury. This was one instance, amongst others, of our own submarines being mistaken for an enemy, attacked by our own ships, and considered to be sunk. The difficulty of ascertaining definitely the result of an engagement with a submarine was thereby exemplified, and was one of the weighty reasons which led the Admiralty during the War to refrain from publishing any figures giving the results of engagements with submarines.

Some anxiety had been felt as to the safety of the destroyer _Broke_, and the 2nd Cruiser Squadron was directed to search for that vessel also, assisted by two light cruisers. She, however, arrived safely in the Tyne, having been delayed by bad weather. Other disabled or partially disabled destroyers requiring assistance to reach port were the _Acasta_, towed by the _Nonsuch_, and the _Onslow_, towed by the _Defender_.

The Fleet arrived at its bases on June 2nd, fuelled, and was reported ready for sea at four hours’ notice at 9.45 P.M. on that date.

_Note._--In the diagrams embodied in this chapter there are some slight departures from those which accompanied my original despatch to the Admiralty.

That despatch was sent in under constant pressure for its early receipt and at a time when I, in common with my Staff, was very fully occupied with the arrangements connected with the repair of damaged ships, the constructive alterations which the action had shown to be necessary in our ships, and the various committees which I had formed to report on different subjects in the light of our experience. I was not, therefore, able to give the personal attention to the reports which later opportunities have afforded me, and such slight modifications as I have made are due to a closer study of these reports, and of the signals received during May 31st.

* * * * *

One of my first acts on returning to Scapa was to send to the King on the morning of June 3rd a message of humble duty, respectful and heartfelt wishes on His Majesty’s birthday.

The following reply was received from His Majesty, and communicated to the Fleet:

“I am deeply touched by the message which you have sent me on behalf of the Grand Fleet. It reaches me on the morrow of a battle which has once more displayed the splendid gallantry of the officers and men under your command. I mourn the loss of brave men, many of them personal friends of my own, who have fallen in their country’s cause. Yet even more do I regret that the German High Sea Fleet in spite of its heavy losses was enabled by the misty weather to evade the full consequences of an encounter they have always professed to desire, but for which when the opportunity arrived they showed no inclination. Though the retirement of the enemy immediately after the opening of the general engagement robbed us of the opportunity of gaining a decisive victory, the events of last Wednesday amply justify my confidence in the valour and efficiency of the fleets under your command.

“GEORGE R. I.”

The simple duty remained of acknowledging this gracious message, and I added in my telegram to His Majesty that it was “a matter of the greatest gratification to all ranks to receive such an expression of Your Majesty’s approval and sympathy for the loss of our gallant comrades.”