CHAPTER XVI

THE LESSONS OF EXPERIENCE; LORD KITCHENER’S FAREWELL

The ships which had received damage in the Jutland Battle had to be repaired without delay. The great majority of the repairs were completed during June or by the first week in July, and, whilst under repair, the opportunity was taken of effecting certain alterations which experience gained in the action had shown to be desirable. The _Marlborough_ was the only large ship whose repairs occupied any considerable length of time, and even she rejoined the Fleet in August, although the work upon her was handicapped to some extent by being carried out in a floating dock moored in a somewhat inconvenient position. The light cruiser _Chester_ was also detained at Hull until July 29th, as her injuries from gunfire were fairly extensive, and a great many alterations were carried out. The principal points affecting _matériel_ to which attention was directed were:

(_a_) The urgent need for arrangements to prevent the flash of cordite charges, ignited by the explosion of a shell in a turret or in positions between the turret and the magazine, being communicated to the magazine itself. It was probable that the loss of one, if not two, of our battle cruisers was due to this cause, after the armour had been pierced.

(_b_) Better measures were required to prevent the charges of small guns from being ignited by bursting shell, and to localise any fires due to this cause, in the case of guns of the secondary battery in large ships, and the main armament in small ships.

(_c_) Increased deck armour protection in large ships had been shown to be desirable in order that shell or fragments of shell might not reach the magazines. This need was particularly felt in all our earlier ships of the Dreadnought type, since their side armour was not carried to the upper deck level. The long range at which most modern sea actions are fought, and the consequent large angle of descent of the projectiles made our ships very vulnerable in this respect.

(_d_) The pressing need for a better armour-piercing projectile with an improved fuze was also revealed.

(_e_) Improved arrangements for flooding magazines and drenching exposed cartridges had to be made.

Committees were immediately appointed in the Fleet to deal with all questions of this nature, as well as the important matter of possible developments in the fire-control system with a view to improving the methods of correction of fire to enable enemy ships to be “straddled” with greater rapidity. In all these matters, the great gunnery knowledge and experience of Captain F. C. Dreyer, my Flag Captain, were of immense assistance, and he was most ably seconded by the numerous highly skilled gunnery officers on the staffs of the Flag officers and in the ships of the fleet.

The action taken in connection with these matters was prompt, with the gratifying result that before I relinquished the command of the Fleet, the great majority of the heavy ships had been provided with additional deck protection on an extensive scale, and with fittings for rendering their magazines safe. Most of the work was carried out while the ships were at their usual notice for steam, much of it being actually done at Scapa Flow by the dockyard artificers berthed there on board the _Victorious_: the work carried out by these artificers and by the dockyard staff at Invergordon was executed with most commendable rapidity.

Later, during my period of service at the Admiralty, as First Sea Lord, and under the immediate direction of Captain Dreyer, then Director of Naval Ordnance, a new design of armour-piercing projectile, with a new type of burster and an altered fuse, was introduced for guns of 12-inch calibre and above, which certainly doubled their offensive power.

The investigation into the possibility of further development in fire-correction methods, a subject to which constant attention had been given throughout the War, was at first carried out by two independent committees. Their conclusions were considered by a third Committee, composed of the most experienced and most successful gunnery officers in the Fleet, and modified rules were, as the result, drawn up and passed for adoption in the Fleet; these had already produced a most convincing and most satisfactory advance in accuracy and rapidity of fire before I gave up Command of the Grand Fleet. It is no exaggeration to say that the average time taken to find the gun range of the enemy with these new methods was about one half of that previously required.

Some delay occurred in improving our range-finders. The majority had been installed in the Fleet before the great increases in the range of opening effective fire had come about, as the result of experience during the War. Our most modern ships at Jutland were provided with range-finders 15 feet in length, but the majority of the ships present were fitted with instruments only nine feet long. During 1917 successful steps were taken to supply range-finders up to 25 and 30 feet in length; a series of experiments with stereoscopic range-finders was also instituted in the same year. It had become known that the Germans used this type of range-finder. It should be stated, in passing, to prevent any misunderstanding, that the developments introduced in the fire-control arrangements of the Grand Fleet after the Battle of Jutland did not affect the _instruments_ already in use, which fully met our requirements, but the _methods_ of using those instruments and particularly the system of correction of fire.

On June 5th the Battle Cruiser Squadrons and Cruiser Squadrons were re-organised as follows:--

BATTLE CRUISER SQUADRON

_Lion_ (Fleet-Flagship of Battle Cruiser Fleet).

_1st Battle Cruiser Squadron_: _Princess Royal_ (Flag), _New Zealand_, _Tiger_.

_2nd Battle Cruiser Squadron_: _Australia_ (Flag), _Indomitable_, _Inflexible_.

CRUISER SQUADRONS

_2nd Cruiser Squadron_: _Minotaur_ (Flag), _Duke of Edinburgh_, _Cochrane_, _Shannon_, _Achilles_, _Donegal_.

_3rd Cruiser Squadron_: _Antrim_, _Roxburgh_, _Devonshire_.

On June 5th Field Marshal Lord Kitchener arrived at Scapa _en route_ to Archangel. In the morning he crossed from Thurso in the _Oak_, and came on board the _Iron Duke_ on arrival at Scapa. He lunched with me, and the Flag officers present were invited to meet him. Before lunch we went round the ship. The officers and men naturally greeted him with much respect, and he can have had no doubt of the admiration in which he was held. During lunch he discussed with me his forthcoming trip, and said once or twice that he was looking forward to it as a real holiday. The strain of the last two years, he confessed, had been very great, adding that he had felt that he could not have gone on without this break, which he welcomed very much. He was not, however, very sanguine that he could achieve much in Russia. He mentioned the difficulty which he experienced in dealing with questions discussed in the Cabinet, a difficulty felt by most soldiers and sailors, whose training does not fit them to state or to argue a case, and who frequently find great difficulty in doing so. They are, as a rule, accustomed to carry out their ideas without having first to bring conviction to the minds of men who, although possessing great general knowledge and administrative experience, have naturally but little acquaintance with naval and military affairs which in themselves form a lifelong study.

After lunch conversation turned to the Jutland action, and Lord Kitchener evinced much interest in the tactics and the general story of the action.

Lord Kitchener impressed me strongly with the idea that he was working to a time-table, and that he felt that he had not a day to lose. He mentioned three weeks as the limit of his absence, and I expressed astonishment at the programme which he had planned to carry out in the restricted period. He was most anxious not to lose a moment on the sea trip and asked me more than once what I thought was the shortest time in which the passage could be made.

During the day the weather at Scapa, which had been bad in the morning, gradually became worse, and by the afternoon it was blowing a gale from the north-eastward. It had been originally intended that the _Hampshire_ should take the route which passed up the eastern side of the Orkneys, following the channel ordinarily searched by mine-sweeping vessels as a routine measure; but as the north-easterly gale was causing a heavy sea on that side, mine-sweeping was out of the question, and it was also obvious that the escorting destroyers could not face the sea at high speed. I discussed with my Staff which route on the west, or lee, side would be the safest, and finally decided that the _Hampshire_ should pass close in shore, and not take the alternative route passing farther to the westward near Sule Skerry Lighthouse. The reasons which influenced this decision were:--

(_a_) With a north-easterly wind there would be less sea and, therefore, more chance of the destroyers being able to keep up with the _Hampshire_.

(_b_) It was practically impossible that this route could have been mined by any surface mine-layer owing to the dark period in Northern latitudes being confined to a couple of hours, during which no ship could expect to approach the shore for mine-laying without having first been sighted.

(_c_) The route was one used by Fleet auxiliaries, and was, therefore, under frequent observation.

At this date, mine-laying by enemy submarines had been confined to water well to the southward of the Firth of Forth, presumably because of their small radius of action. Danger from this source was, therefore, considered to be very remote.

Finally the weather itself was a protection against submarine attack which was at that time more to be feared than the danger from submarine laid mines. Mine-sweeping on either side of the Orkneys had not been practicable for three or four days owing to the weather conditions.

At about 4 P.M. Lord Kitchener proceeded on board the _Hampshire_, accompanied by his Staff comprising Brigadier-General Ellershaw, Sir F. Donaldson, Colonel FitzGerald, Mr. O’Beirne of the Foreign Office, Mr. Robertson of the Munitions Department, and Second-Lieutenant McPherson, Cameron Highlanders. The _Hampshire_ sailed at 5.30 P.M. escorted by two destroyers. Her orders were to proceed at a speed of at least 16 knots, if the weather permitted, and to send the destroyers back if they could not maintain the _Hampshire’s_ speed. Experience had proved that high speed was a valuable protection against submarines.

At about 7 P.M. Captain Savill, commanding the _Hampshire_, ordered the two destroyers back to Scapa, as they were unable to face the heavy seas at the speed of the _Hampshire_. Between 7.30 and 7.45 P.M. the _Hampshire_ struck a mine about 1½ miles off shore, between the Brough of Birsay and Marwick Head; she sank in 15 minutes, bows first. The incident was witnessed by observers on shore, and a telephone message was sent to the Vice-Admiral Commanding Orkneys and Shetlands that the cruiser was in difficulties. He at once ordered out patrol vessels and informed me, with the result that destroyers were sent to the scene immediately.

The evidence of the few survivors of the _Hampshire_ showed that Lord Kitchener was below when the ship was mined, and that an officer escorted him on deck. Captain Savill was heard to give directions from the bridge for a boat to be prepared for Lord Kitchener and his Staff, and Lord Kitchener was seen subsequently on deck, but was not seen after the ship sank. The weather conditions prevented any boats being hoisted out or lowered, although four boats floated clear as the ship sank.

The scene of the disaster was searched during the night by destroyers and patrol craft, but the only survivors were twelve men who drifted ashore on a Carley raft, although many bodies were picked up by the searching vessels, and many drifted ashore.

The body of Lord Kitchener was not recovered.

At the time of the disaster the _Hampshire_ was steaming at 13½ knots, the wind being north-north-west, with a force of 50 miles an hour. The cold water and the very heavy sea were against even the strongest swimmers surviving for any time. The wind, which was north-east at 4 P.M. at Scapa, had become north-north-west by the time the _Hampshire_ was outside, and there was, therefore, no lee on the west side of the Orkneys, as had been anticipated.

The hours that passed after the receipt of the report of the _Hampshire_ being in difficulties were most anxious ones. In spite of the fact that the destroyers had been sent back, it seemed almost incredible that the wind and sea could have risen to such an extent as was actually the case, as the conditions in Scapa Flow were not so bad as to indicate so extremely heavy a sea off the Brough of Birsay; and even when it was reported that the _Hampshire_ had sunk (a report which took some time to come through), there was hope that, at any rate, Lord Kitchener and his mission would be saved by boat. As the hours passed and no news was received of the rescue of any survivors, the anxiety became intense. With the arrival of daylight, and the certainty that this great man, who had served his country so faithfully and well in its greatest emergency, had met his death when under the care of the Navy, the anxiety turned to consternation and grief. Lord Kitchener had inspired the Service with confidence and trust. The Navy had frequently worked under him in Egypt and in South Africa, and he had been one of the outstanding figures in the European War on the side of the Entente. Everyone in the Grand Fleet felt the magnitude of the disaster that had fallen upon the nation, and it can well be imagined that the feelings of the Fleet generally were intensified in me, on whom lay the main responsibility for his safe passage to Archangel, so far as such safety could be ensured.

I have often wondered since that fatal day whether anything could have been done that was not done, but short of postponing the departure of the _Hampshire_ altogether, until weather conditions admitted of a channel being swept ahead of her, nothing could have been done. Such a decision would have resulted in two or three days’ delay in starting, and would never have been agreed to by Lord Kitchener. Moreover, with the knowledge then at my disposal as to enemy mine-laying possibilities, I did not consider the delay necessary as I should not have hesitated, if need had arisen, to take the Grand Fleet to sea on the same night and by the same route as that traversed by the _Hampshire_.

My own sorrow for the incident was overwhelming. There was, at first, doubt in the minds of some people as to whether the loss of the _Hampshire_ was due to a mine or to a submarine, but these doubts were set at rest by the sweeping operations which were undertaken as soon as the weather admitted. They resulted in the discovery of moored mines of the type laid in southern waters by enemy submarines, these mines being easily distinguishable from those laid by surface vessels.

During the month of June cruisers were kept constantly patrolling the route to Archangel to protect shipping against possible enemy raiders, as the traffic was very heavy at this period. The _Donegal_, _Antrim_, _Devonshire_ and _Roxburgh_ were the vessels employed. They visited the Norwegian coast in the vicinity of Stadlandet, _en route_ to and from patrol, with a view to intercepting vessels carrying ore from Narvick.

The submarines of the 11th Submarine Flotilla were employed in watching the waters in the Kattegat and cruised in the Skagerrak and off the Norwegian coast, looking for enemy submarines and surface craft. A regular submarine patrol was also begun off the Horn Reef, and was continued up to the time of my relinquishing command of the Fleet. At first two, and later, three, submarines were used for this patrol, which was of great utility in giving information of the movements of the few enemy surface vessels that ever ventured so far from their base, and also proved of use for attacking enemy submarines. At the commencement, the efficiency of our submarines for patrol and look-out purposes was very inferior as compared with that of the German submarines, by reason of their bad wireless equipment, which admitted of a range of some 50 miles only. As soon as submarines were attached to the Grand Fleet, I represented strongly the absolute necessity of effecting an improvement in this particular, stating that I was quite prepared to sacrifice some of the torpedo armament should this be necessary, but that it was a vital matter to install efficient wireless apparatus in the only class of vessel that could carry out a watching patrol in the vicinity of German bases. Eventually arrangements were made to provide them with a wireless installation which gave a range of 300 to 400 miles.

When our submarines had been equipped in this way we were at once able to establish an efficient chain of outposts off the Horn Reef by the Grand Fleet submarines; and from Terschelling to the northward the Harwich submarines were on duty, with the result that in daylight, at any rate, it was very difficult for the enemy to put to sea unobserved and unreported. The comparative inefficiency of the wireless installation in our submarines, and to a lesser extent in our destroyers, was one of the disadvantages which we had to face during the first two years of War. It should be added that while patrolling in the Kattegat, submarine G 4 sank by gunfire on June 19th, outside territorial waters, the German steamship _Ems_, on passage from Christiania to Lübeck with oil, zinc and copper. The crew were rescued.

The cruiser and light cruiser movements during the month, other than the usual patrols, were as follows:--

The 1st Light Cruiser Squadron, with destroyers, left Rosyth on the 14th for the Naze, thence steered up the Norwegian Coast to Udsire, and returned to Rosyth.

The _Comus_ and _Constance_ left Scapa on the 25th, swept down the Norwegian coast and returned on the 27th.

The 3rd Light Cruiser Squadron and destroyers carried out a similar sweep from Rosyth between the 29th June and July 1st.

On June 22nd the first mines from a British submarine mine-layer were laid by E 41 in the German Bight.

His Majesty the King honoured the Grand Fleet with a visit on the 14th, arriving at Scapa from Thurso in the _Oak_, at 5 P.M., being escorted by the destroyers of the 11th Flotilla. After steaming round the Fleet in the _Oak_, His Majesty proceeded on board the _Iron Duke_, where he spent the night. On the following day the King visited all the flagships, on board of which a large percentage of officers and men from the various squadrons were assembled, and left for Thurso in the _Oak_ at 5 P.M., proceeded to Invergordon, and thence to Rosyth, honouring the squadrons at each of these bases with a visit.

His Majesty addressed a representative gathering of officers and men from the ships at Scapa, who had been assembled on board the _Iron Duke_ on the morning of the 15th in the following terms:--

“Sir John Jellicoe, officers, and men of the Grand Fleet, you have waited for nearly two years with most exemplary patience for the opportunity of meeting and engaging the enemy’s fleet.

“I can well understand how trying has been this period, and how great must have been the relief when you knew on May 31st that the enemy had been sighted.

“Unfavourable weather conditions and approaching darkness prevented that complete result which you all expected, but you did all that was possible in the circumstances. You drove the enemy into his harbours, and inflicted on him very severe losses, and you added yet another page to the glorious traditions of the British Navy.

“You could not do more, and for your splendid work I thank you.”

The average weekly report of the 10th Cruiser Squadron during June, gave as the figures:--

No. of ships intercepted, 55 and 22 trawlers; No. sent in, 20; No. on patrol, 13; No. absent at ports or _en route_ to a given patrol, 8; No. on special service, 1.

A great deal of fog and mist was experienced during the month--especially in the latter half--and this interfered somewhat with the work of the 10th Cruiser Squadron. A very dense fog prevailed in the Pentland Firth on June 22nd and 23rd. Strong winds, principally from the northward, were prevalent during the first portion of the month, and a northerly gale occurred on the 5th.

No large Fleet movements took place during June, as it was known that the greater part of the High Sea Fleet was under repair as the result of the Jutland action.

During July the Battle Fleet as a whole only engaged in one cruise, namely, from the 17th to the 20th. The 1st, 2nd, 4th and 5th Battle Squadrons, 2nd and 3rd Cruiser Squadrons, 4th Light Cruiser Squadron, the _Campania_, with sea-planes, and destroyer flotillas left Scapa between noon and 1.30 P.M. on the 17th, and proceeded to the northward and eastward of the Shetlands. The opportunity was taken of carrying out a series of battle exercises on the 18th and 19th; they were based on the experience gained of enemy tactics during the Jutland action. Some of the flotillas were re-fuelled at Lerwick during the cruise, and the Fleet returned to Scapa and Cromarty during the forenoon of the 20th. Fog was met with as the ships approached the Pentland Firth, making entry somewhat difficult.

Cruiser movements during the month comprised:--

(_a_) A regular patrol of the Archangel route by Grand Fleet Cruisers to protect trade against raiders.

(_b_) The establishment on the 7th of a regular patrol of two cruisers and two destroyers in an area well to the northward of the Shetlands, this patrol taking the place of that of a cruiser and armed boarding-steamer which had been previously placed there.

(_c_) Extensive dispositions were made on the 9th to intercept a German raider reported from neutral quarters, as about to leave for the Atlantic. These dispositions included a close patrol by two light cruiser squadrons and eight destroyers from Rosyth of an area 80 to 100 miles off the Norwegian coast through which it was expected the enemy would pass; a further patrol by the 4th Light Cruiser Squadron and six destroyers was established farther north to ensure a daylight intercept of hostile vessels; two cruisers were ordered to patrol north of the Shetlands, local patrol vessels being between these cruisers and the Shetlands; a half flotilla of destroyers patrolled the Fair Island Channel.[S]

(_d_) Two light cruisers and six destroyers left Rosyth on the 12th and swept up the Norwegian coast and back, returning on the 15th.

(_e_) On the 17th two more light cruisers and six destroyers repeated the sweep, returning on the 20th.

(_f_) On the 21st two light cruisers and four destroyers left Rosyth and swept to the southward in the direction of the Horn Reef from a position near the Naze, returning on the 23rd, not having sighted anything.

(_g_) Two light cruisers and four destroyers repeated the sweep of the Norwegian coast on the 24th.

(_h_) The 2nd Light Cruiser Squadron, with four destroyers, left Rosyth on the 26th, and proceeded to a position to the westward of the Little Fisher Bank, thence swept during daylight to the Naze on the look out for enemy raiders or Zeppelins, reports having been received of the frequent presence of Zeppelins on this line; the force turned to the northward from the Naze and swept along the 100-fathom line to Lat. 59 N., proceeding thence to Scapa. The sweep was again uneventful.

[S] The dispositions remained in force until the 14th, no enemy vessels being sighted; the report was probably incorrect.

The submarines of the 11th (Grand Fleet) Flotilla were active during the month in the Kattegat and patrolling off the Horn Reef. They reported on the 20th that nothing but enemy submarines and aircraft were visible.

The attacks by enemy submarines on warships reported during the month were:

The mine-sweeping sloop _Rosemary_ of the Southern Force was torpedoed on the 4th, but was towed into the Humber.

The light cruiser _Galatea_ was missed by a torpedo on the 12th, in Lat. 57.43 N., Long. 1.14 E.

The armed boarding-steamer _Duke of Cornwall_ was missed by two torpedoes on the 13th, whilst engaged in boarding a ship south-east of the Pentland Skerries.

The light cruiser _Yarmouth_ was missed by a torpedo on the 26th.

Three armed trawlers of the Peterhead patrol were sunk by the gunfire of four enemy submarines, on the 11th, in Lat. 57.14 N., Long. 1.11 E., their guns being entirely outranged by the 4-inch guns with which the submarines are armed. This combined attack on the trawlers of the Peterhead patrol, although resulting in the regrettable loss of the three trawlers, was a great and well deserved tribute paid by the enemy to the work of that patrol which had been uniformly successful, and had proved a great annoyance to the German submarines.

Attempts were made to locate and destroy enemy submarines on the 7th, to the eastward of the Pentland Firth; on the 12th, two divisions of destroyers were sent from Scapa to attack the submarine that had fired at the _Duke of Cornwall_, the _Musketeer_ dropping a depth charge close to the periscope of the submarine, and it was thought considerably damaging her; on the 15th, destroyers and sea-planes from Scapa were sent after a submarine reported by the armed boarding steamer _Dundee_ as sighted 10 miles east-south-east of the Pentland Skerries, but she was not seen again; on the 29th, a division of destroyers again attempted to locate a submarine in that vicinity, but failed to do so.

Mines laid by an enemy submarine were discovered by the sweeping trawlers in the southern channel in the Moray Firth on the 26th, and were swept up by trawlers and fleet sweepers before any damage was done.

The weekly average of the 10th Cruiser Squadron showed:

No. of vessels intercepted, 62 and 34 trawlers; No. sent in, 23; No. on patrol, 13; No. absent at ports or _en route_ to or from patrol, 10; No. on special service, 0.

The armed merchant-steamer _Arlanza_, after temporary repairs at Alexandrovsk, arrived at Belfast in July for refit.

The weather during July was very foggy, fog or mist being experienced at Scapa or in the neighbourhood on the 2nd, 3rd, 15th, 18th, 23rd, 24th and 25th.

During the month of August the principal cruiser movements, apart from those in connection with the Battle Fleet, were as follows:

(_a_) The patrol of two cruisers and two destroyers in an area well to the northward of the Shetlands was continued.

(_b_) The “dark night” light cruiser extended-patrol seaward of the Fleet bases was maintained.

(_c_) The patrol of a cruiser on the Archangel route was continued.

(_d_) Light cruiser sweeps were carried out as follows:

On the 1st, two light cruisers and four destroyers left Rosyth for a sweep down the Norwegian coast, returning on the 3rd, having sighted nothing of interest; on the 8th, two light cruisers and four destroyers from Rosyth swept from Lat. 60 N., Long. 2 E., to Lat. 57.30 N., Long. 5.0 E., and returned to their base on the 10th, without result. On the 12th the 4th Light Cruiser Squadron, with four destroyers, left Scapa and proceeded towards Udsire Lighthouse, where they met a convoy of 10 British merchant-ships which had been brought out of the Baltic. These vessels were escorted across the North Sea to Rattray Head. The convoy arrived safely on the 14th.

On the night of the 15th the armed boarding-steamers _Dundee_ and _King Orry_, which had been disguised as merchant-ships, left Scapa for operations off the Norwegian coast. It was hoped that they would be able to close enemy and neutral vessels carrying contraband without exciting suspicion, and that they would stand a better chance of capturing them than any vessel having the appearance of a warship. The _Dundee_ operated between Udsire and Lister, and the _King Orry_ off Stadlandet, both being localities in which ships were in the habit of leaving territorial waters. The light cruiser _Constance_ and two destroyers were sent to support the _Dundee_, keeping well to seaward of her, as that ship was operating in waters in which enemy warships might be found. The operation resulted in a Norwegian steamer, carrying a cargo of magnetic iron ore for Rotterdam, being sent in.

On the 30th the _Abdiel_ left Scapa to lay mines in the vicinity of the Horn Reef. She carried out the operation successfully, and without being observed, on the night of the 31st–1st.

The work of the 11th Submarine Flotilla in the Kattegat and in the vicinity of the Horn Reef continued. The submarines, returning on the 17th, reported having been attacked by a German decoy trawler in the Kattegat. On the 30th submarine E 43 sailed to operate against this vessel, but met with no success.

Casualties to war-vessels during the month included: The light cruiser _Cleopatra_, of the Harwich force, which was mined on the 4th near the Thornton Ridge off the Dutch coast, and reached the Nore to be repaired; the destroyer _Lassoo_, also of the Harwich force, was sunk by mine or submarine near the Maas Lightship off the Dutch coast on the 13th; the armed boarding-steamer _Duke of Albany_ was sunk by a submarine on the 24th, 20 miles to the eastward of the Pentland Skerries, with considerable loss of life, including Commander G. N. Ramage, R.N.R. Sixteen destroyers, sea-planes, and an airship were sent out from Scapa at once to hunt this submarine, but saw nothing of her, although the armed boarding-steamer _Duke of Clarence_ which had stood by the _Duke of Albany_ and rescued the survivors reported that she had passed over and struck a submerged object. The light cruiser _Blonde_ went ashore on the Lowther Rock, Pentland Firth, in thick weather on the 10th, but was lightened and towed off on the 11th, having sustained considerable injuries; the battleships _Warspite_ and _Valiant_ collided in the Scapa Flow on the night of the 24th, whilst, respectively, returning from and proceeding to the night firing area, both ships being considerably damaged, with the result that they had to be docked.

On August 3rd mines were laid off the Longstone by an enemy submarine, and the departure of the _Marlborough_ from the Tyne was thereby delayed; the coincidence that mines were frequently laid in this neighbourhood when warships were due to leave the Tyne after repairs, led to suspicion that enemy agents were working in that locality. On the 4th or 5th August a considerable number of mines of the submarine type were also laid in the War channel in the White Sea by enemy vessels.

On August 3rd four “C” class submarines left the Nore in tow of tugs for Archangel, _en route_ by the canal system for service in the Baltic. These submarines performed very useful work in those waters during the year 1917.

The increase in mine-laying by German submarines gave rise to anxiety that the movements of the Grand Fleet might be hampered by mine-fields near the bases at a critical moment, and, in the absence of any new mine-sweepers, the mine-sweeping force at Scapa was strengthened during July by withdrawing a certain number of trawlers from patrol duty in order to form a mine-sweeping flotilla; during the latter half of 1916 the Grand Fleet mine-sweeping force at Scapa or Cromarty comprised two flotillas composed of sloops and gunboats, as well as two flotillas, each consisting of 12 trawlers; in addition one flotilla of paddle mine-sweepers was based on Granton in the Firth of Forth. These flotillas were all additional to the small local sweeping force of trawlers at the various fleet bases.

On August 18th the Grand Fleet proceeded to sea for a sweep in southern waters. The presence of an unusually large number of submarines in the North Sea--a phenomenon which had been observed shortly before the Jutland Battle--had suggested the possibility of movement on the part of the enemy and a sweep appeared desirable. The _Iron Duke_, after leaving Scapa Flow, proceeded ahead of the remainder of the Battle Fleet screened by two destroyers to communicate with the _Royalist_, and at 7.55 P.M., as the ships were about to communicate, a submarine on the starboard bow, about 250 yards off, fired a torpedo, which passed close astern of the screening destroyer _Onslaught_ on that bow. Only one torpedo was seen. Possibly the submarine misjudged the attack, and did not get into the position intended for attacking the _Iron Duke_, which was proceeding at high speed, and zigzagging, and, therefore, fired at the _Onslaught_ instead. Communication between the _Iron Duke_ and _Royalist_ was deferred until after dark in consequence of this attack; the Fleet was warned by signal.

The squadrons from Scapa were opened out to avoid the submarine, and passed her without further incident, and the Battle Fleet and cruisers concentrated at daylight on the 19th, in the vicinity of the “Long Forties,” steering to the southward at a speed of advance of 17 knots. The Battle Cruiser Fleet had been ordered to a position 30 miles ahead of the Battle Fleet. At 5.55 A.M. on the 19th the _Nottingham_, one of the light cruiser screen ahead of the battle cruisers, whilst zigzagging at 20 knots speed, was hit by two torpedoes in Lat. 55.34 N., Long. 0.12 E. The submarine was not seen, and the torpedoes struck the port side almost simultaneously. The first report indicated that she had been hit by mines _or_ torpedoes, and, until it was clear that a mine-field did not exist, it was prudent for the Fleet to avoid this locality, and course was accordingly reversed until it was ascertained that the damage was due to torpedoes; when this became clear the southward course of the Fleet was shaped to pass to the eastward of the submarine. Meanwhile the _Dublin_ cruised at high speed in the vicinity of the _Nottingham_ for the purpose of keeping the submarine down so as to prevent further attacks. But at 6.26 A.M. the _Nottingham_ was hit by a third torpedo, and it became evident that she could not float much longer. Her boats were lowered, and the majority of the ship’s company placed in them. The ship sank at 7.10 A.M., just as the destroyers _Penn_ and _Oracle_, which had been sent to her assistance, arrived on the scene. These two destroyers picked up all the survivors, except Captain Miller, one officer, and several men who remained on board until the ship sank, and who were rescued by a cutter from the _Dublin_. Several torpedoes were fired at the _Dublin_ and the two destroyers during their work of rescue, but all fortunately missed.

From 8.24 A.M. onwards Zeppelins were frequently in sight from both the Battle Fleet, and the Battle Cruiser Fleet, and were fired at, but they kept at too long a range for our fire to be effective. The _Galatea_ sighted the first airship at 8.24 A.M., and the second was seen by the Battle Fleet at 9.55 A.M.; at 10 A.M. Commodore Tyrwhitt, who was at sea with the Harwich force, reported himself in position Lat. 52.50 N., Long. 3.38 E., and also being followed by a Zeppelin. He stated later that his force was shadowed by airships during the whole period of daylight on the 19th. Reports were also received from the patrol trawler _Ramexo_ that she had two Zeppelins in sight in Lat. 57 N., Long. 1 E. It was evident that a very large force of airships was out. A total of at least ten was identified by our directional wireless stations and they appeared to stretch right across the North Sea.

At 10.10 A.M. a report was received from submarine E 23, on patrol in the Heligoland Bight, that she had sighted ships of the High Sea Fleet steering west at 9.19 A.M.; the position as received in the signal appeared incorrect, and I rightly assumed it to be Lat. 54.20 N., Long. 5.0 E. Information received earlier from our directional wireless stations also led me to consider that a ship of the High Sea Fleet was in the position named at 5.30 A.M., instead of at 9.19 A.M. On the return of E 23 to Harwich, her captain reported that he had attacked the battle cruiser _Derfflinger_ unsuccessfully at 3.13 A.M. on the 20th. At 5 A.M., in spite of the strong enemy destroyer screen, he succeeded in torpedoing the rear battleship of the first Battle Squadron, a ship of the “Nassau” type. This ship turned for home on being torpedoed, and proceeded under the escort of five destroyers, but at 7.20 A.M. E 23 succeeded in again torpedoing her, and the captain of E 23 was of opinion that the ship was sunk. Subsequent information, however, showed that she reached port in a damaged condition; the persistent action of the captain of E 23 in the face of great opposition, was a fine example of the determined spirit animating our submarine service.

On receipt of the reports from E 23, and from our directional wireless stations, speed was increased, and course shaped to a position at which it was hoped the High Sea Fleet would be met, if the objective of that fleet was a bombardment of the works on the Tyne or in the neighbourhood as appeared possible. My intention was to make for a position in about Lat. 55 N., Long. 0.40 E., where the Fleet would be favourably placed either to engage the enemy before he closed the coast or to cut him off from his bases afterwards. From previous experience of coast raids, I formed the opinion that if that was his objective the bombardment would be carried out either shortly before dusk, or at daylight, in order to facilitate escape afterwards, or approach before, unobserved. In the possible alternative of the movement being designed to cover a landing, the Fleet would also be favourably placed to prevent such an operation. At noon the Battle Fleet was in position Lat. 55.42 N., Long. 1.04 E. steering south-south-east. Submarines were sighted by the cruiser _Minotaur_ at 1.23 P.M., and by the light cruiser _Boadicea_ at 1.38 P.M.; both these ships were in the vicinity of the Battle Fleet which was manœuvred as necessary to avoid the submarines; this caused some slight delay in the southward movement.

The 11th Submarine Flotilla had been ordered to sea in readiness to meet the Fleet, if required, and during the forenoon of the 19th, was directed to spread on a line running 180° from Lat. 55 N., Long. 0, where the submarines would be clear of our Fleet and would be in a position to attack the enemy’s vessels should they proceed towards our coast north of Flamborough Head; in such an event the enemy would be between the Fleet and the submarines.

The _Active_, with nine destroyers of the newly formed 4th Flotilla in the Humber, which was also at sea, was directed to join the Battle Fleet.

At 1.45 P.M. I received information by wireless that directional wireless stations placed enemy vessels at 12.30 P.M. in a position approximately Lat. 54.30 N., Long. 1.40 E. Our Battle Fleet at 1.45 P.M. was in Lat. 55.15 N., Long. 1.0 E., and the Battle Cruiser Fleet was well ahead. If the High Sea Fleet had continued on the same course after 12.30 P.M. as it had steered between 5.30 A.M. and 12.30 P.M., which would take them to Hartlepool, it was evident that it might be sighted at any moment by the Battle Cruiser Fleet, the distance between the opposing Battle Fleets being only 42 miles; a signal was therefore made to the Battle Fleet that the High Sea Fleet might be encountered at any moment. The meeting appeared to be so certain that I arranged the distribution of gunfire of the Battle Fleet. On the assumption that the enemy would turn to the eastward on meeting us, I directed a concentration of fire of ships that would be ahead of the _Iron Duke_ on deployment, of two ships on one, leaving the _Iron Duke_ to deal with one ship singly, as a compliment to her accurate firing at Jutland. The conditions were eminently favourable to us. The weather was clear. There seemed to be a very good prospect that we might, on gaining touch with the enemy, find that the Grand Fleet was in a position to cut off the High Sea Fleet from its base, as it was probable that we should be to the eastward, although farther north. Our submarines were also well placed should the enemy elect to make for our coast and try to escape to the northward, where he would have found himself between the Grand Fleet and the submarines. As time passed, however, and no reports of enemy vessels being sighted came in from our light cruisers, it became evident that the High Sea Fleet had turned back, probably owing to the fact that the Zeppelins had warned the German Commander-in-Chief of our presence and movements. On this assumption, at 2.35 P.M. I directed Commodore Tyrwhitt to steer for a position to the north-westward of Terschelling, so that he might be ready to deliver a night attack on the enemy’s fleet with the Harwich force.

It seemed fairly certain to me that the enemy would leave a trap behind him in the shape of mines or submarines, or both; and, indeed, the numerous submarines already sighted made it probable that the trap was extensive; it was therefore unwise to pass over the waters which he had occupied unless there was a prospect of bringing the High Sea Fleet to action.

It was clear that if no enemy vessels were in sight by 4 P.M., and if he had turned for home, it would be impossible to bring him to action; I therefore passed a visual signal out at 3.5 P.M. to Sir David Beatty to the effect that his force was to turn 16 points, if nothing was in sight by 4 P.M.

At 3.20 P.M., however, the Rear-Admiral Commanding the 3rd Light Cruiser Squadron reported a submarine in sight, and I signalled to Sir David Beatty to turn at once, as it seemed that my supposition as to the submarines was correct.

At 3.40 P.M. I directed the 5th Battle Squadron and the cruisers ahead to turn. At this time I received information from our directional wireless stations that enemy ships were in Lat. 54.14 N., Long. 2.0 E., at 2.45 P.M. It was evident then that the enemy was returning to his bases, and was far beyond pursuit. I therefore turned the Battle Fleet at 3.56 P.M., when in Lat. 54.40 N., Long. 1.01 E., reversing the course to pass up the searched channel so as to avoid mines.

At 4.52 P.M. the _Falmouth_ of the 3rd Light Cruiser Squadron in Lat. 54.27 N., Long. 1.15 E., was hit by two torpedoes, one right forward, and one right aft. The ship was zigzagging at 23 knots speed at the time, and the submarine was not seen, although the tracks of the torpedoes were visible for about 300 yards on the starboard bow after she had been hit. The _Chester_, stationed astern of the _Falmouth_, proceeded at full speed to zigzag in the vicinity with the object of keeping the submarine submerged and preventing further attack. Another torpedo was fired at the _Falmouth_ at 5.14 P.M., but missed.

At 5.20 P.M. the destroyers _Pasley_, _Pelican_, and _Negro_, detached to assist the _Falmouth_, arrived on the scene and the _Falmouth_, under their escort, proceeded towards the coast under her own steam, the _Chester_ then leaving to rejoin her squadron to the northward.

At 6.55 P.M. the _Pelican_ sighted a periscope, tried to ram the submarine, but missed. She then dropped six depth charges and reported that the submarine came to the surface almost immediately, and then appeared to sink. Requests for tugs had meanwhile been signalled, and four more destroyers were detached to assist to screen the _Falmouth_, which was proceeding at five knots. The ship eventually reached the vicinity of Flamborough Head safely, and was there again hit by two more torpedoes fired from a submarine. She still remained afloat, and was towed by four tugs, and escorted by nine destroyers until 8 P.M. on the 20th, when she sank in Lat. 54 N., Long. 0.2 W.

At 2.30 P.M. on the 20th, the destroyer _Porpoise_ reported having rammed a submarine that had attacked the _Falmouth_.

To return to the Grand Fleet proceedings on the 19th. From 3.10 P.M. onwards frequent reports were received of submarines being sighted. The _Phaeton_, _Dublin_ (twice), and _Southampton_ all reported submarines in sight between 3.10 and 4.52 P.M., the time at which the _Falmouth_ was torpedoed. At 6 P.M. Sir David Beatty reported that there was a German submarine screen of several boats extending north-east for some 25 miles from Lat. 54.19 N., Long. 1.0 E. At 6.7 P.M. Commodore Tyrwhitt reported that he was following an enemy’s force of heavy ships steering east, accompanied by two Zeppelins. A reply was sent giving the position of the Grand Fleet; the conditions for night attack proved to be unfavourable, and at 7.30 P.M. the Commodore reported that he had abandoned the pursuit; he returned with his force to Harwich. At 6.20 P.M. reports received from our directional stations showed that enemy ships were in Lat. 54.16 N., Long. 2.51 E., at 4.52 P.M., giving clear evidence that the enemy was returning to his base.

During the passage up the searched channel a number of submarines were sighted and frequent, and in some cases, large alterations of course were necessary to avoid them; if all the reports were correct, the locality indeed seemed to be a hotbed of submarines. Reports of submarines being seen were received between 4 P.M. and dark, from the _Galatea_, _Phaeton_, _Bellona_, _Dublin_, _Southampton_, _Lion_, _Royal Sovereign_ (two submarines), _Queen Elizabeth_, and _Inflexible_, the last ship reporting that two torpedoes had been fired at her at 7.50 P.M., and that both had passed close astern; at this time the Battle Fleet and Battle Cruiser Fleet were in company.

Zeppelins were also sighted during the afternoon by the _Chatham_, _Galatea_, and _Lion_, and the trawlers _Sea Ranger_ and _Ramexo_; the last-named reported having sighted a Zeppelin at a low altitude, and having scored two hits and caused a fire in the forward car.

During the evening the Battle Cruiser Fleet was detached to Rosyth, and the Battle Fleet continued to the northward. Reports of submarines being sighted to the eastward of the Pentland Skerries were received at 5 A.M. and 3.30 P.M. on the 20th, and the Battle Fleet was therefore taken well to the northward to avoid them, and approached the Pentland Firth from a north-easterly direction, arriving without incident between 6.30 and 8 P.M.

The experience of August 19th showed that light cruisers, proceeding at even the highest speed unscreened by destroyers, ran considerable danger from enemy submarines. The enemy’s submarine commanders were no doubt increasing in efficiency, and risks, which we could afford to run earlier in the War, were now unjustifiable. Representations were made to the Admiralty to the effect that it was considered that in future light cruisers should be screened by at least one destroyer per ship; the number of destroyers available for the Grand Fleet did not at the time admit of this, but as the total complement of 100 (the number intended to be appropriated to the Fleet) was reached, destroyers could be allotted to most of the light cruisers in the advanced line, provided there were not many absent from the Fleet carrying out extraneous services.

The ease with which the enemy could lay a submarine trap for the Fleet had been demonstrated on the 19th of August; what had constantly puzzled me was that this had not been done very frequently at an earlier stage in the War. Since, however, it had been attempted and with some success, there seemed to be every reason to expect a repetition of the operation, and it was clear that it was unwise to take the Fleet far into southern waters unless an adequate destroyer force was present to act as a submarine screen for all ships. If the circumstances were exceptional and the need very pressing, it would be necessary to accept the risk. There was general agreement on this point between the Flag officers of the Fleet and the Admiralty.

During the month of August the weekly average of the 10th Cruiser Squadron showed:

No. of ships intercepted, including trawlers, 112; No. sent in, 35; No. on patrol, 13; No. absent at ports or _en route_ to or from patrols, 10; No. on special service, 0.

The weather at Scapa and in the neighbourhood was foggy and misty during a great part of the month. Much mist or fog was experienced from the 1st to the 6th, the 10th to the 12th, and 13th to 16th.

During the month Grand Fleet submarines were exercised at Scapa Flow in carrying out attacks on ships under way, and the destroyer flotillas were similarly practised in making torpedo attacks, the Battle Fleet divisions being exercised in countering such attacks by turning movements. These exercises were continued for the remainder of the year, and much experience was obtained from them as to the different methods of dealing with attacks by enemy destroyers during a Fleet action.